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Personal experiences of discrimination and bias have been the focus of much social science research. [1 - 3]
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Sociologists have explored the adverse consequences of discrimination [3 – 5];
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psychologists have examined the mental processes that underpin conscious and unconscious biases [6];
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neuroscientists have examined the neurobiological underpinnings of discrimination [7 – 9];
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and evolutionary theorists have explored the various ways that in-group / out-group biases emerged across the history of our species. [10]
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In many respects, researchers already possess a wealth of knowledge concerning the origins and consequences of discrimination and bias. [11]
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At least one prior study by Kessler and colleagues [15], however, using measures of perceived discrimination in a large American sample, reported that approximately 33% of respondents reported some form of discrimination (see also, Gibbons et al. [4]).
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The current study seeks to build on this research by estimating the prevalence of discrimination experiences among a large, nationally representative sample of adults from the United States.
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Additionally, because this question was only asked of respondents who reported prior discrimination experiences, the built-in skip pattern resulted in a large number of cases scored as missing (legitimate skip).
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Because a race variable is not available from the Wave 4 interviews, we use the racial category reported by the respondent during the Wave 1 interview.
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The logic is that (nearly) all Wave 4 respondents appeared in the Wave 1 sample, but not all would have been interviewed at Wave 3 due to differential patterns of temporary attrition.
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Our exploratory study included three basic steps.
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Second, we examined the relative proportions of the two discrimination experience measures across each racial category.
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Finally, we assessed the distribution of reported reasons for discrimination across the racial categories.
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This final step also included an examination of the relative distribution of racial categories across the various reported reasons for discrimination.
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This section briefly presents the Gújjolaay Eegimaa (Eegimaa for short; Ethnologue code: ISO 639-3: bqj), its speakers and its varieties.
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We also discuss aspects of the contact situation of the Eegimaa language.
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The map in Figure 1, taken from Ethnologue, presents the languages of Senegal.
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The arrow on the map points to the Eegimaa speaking area (Bandial is the name used by Ethnologue for Eegimaa).
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In the south, the river known as Kamobeul Bolon separates Mof-Ávvi from the Bayot speaking area, while the west side of Mof-Ávvi coincides with the homeland of the Jóola Kaasa Húluf and Jóola Kaasa Ésuulaaluʔ.
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The map in Figure 2 below, adapted from Palmeri and Gazio (1995), shows a very approximate location of Mof-Ávvi in relation to other neighbouring speech communities.
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Jóola language varieties which are closely related to Eegimaa include Kujireray/Kuluunaay (from the village of Brin with 76% lexical similarity) and Gufiñamay (from the village of Afiniam with 74% lexical similarity (based on Lewis et al., 2014 eds.)).
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There are also small migrant Eegimaa communities in villages like Djifanghor (east of Ziguinchor) and in Bourofaye (south of Ziguinchor), where they cohabit with speakers of Baïnounk languages.
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Nowadays most Eegimaa speakers from Mof-Ávvi live outside their homeland, generally in urban areas like Ziguinchor and Dakar.
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Speakers of Eegimaa use the term Gújjolaay (meaning Jóola) to refer to their language when they speak to each other, but Eegimaa to distinguish their Jóola variety from that of other Jóola peoples.
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Following Smetana's nationalist example, Dvořák frequently employed aspects, specifically rhythms, of the folk music of Moravia and his native Bohemia.
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Dvořák's own style has been described as "the fullest recreation of a national idiom with that of the symphonic tradition, absorbing folk influences and finding effective ways of using them". [1]
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Dvořák displayed his musical gifts at an early age, being an apt violin student from age six.
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Seeking recognition beyond the Prague area, he submitted a score of his First Symphony to a prize competition in Germany, but did not win, and the unreturned manuscript was lost until rediscovered many decades later.
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In 1874 he made a submission to the Austrian State Prize for Composition, including scores of two further symphonies and other works.
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Brahms recommended Dvořák to his publisher, Simrock, who soon afterward commissioned what became the Slavonic Dances, Op. 46.
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In his career, Dvořák made nine invited visits to England, often conducting performances of his own works.
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Visiting Russia in March 1890, he conducted concerts of his own music in Moscow and Saint Petersburg. [3]
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In 1890 – 91, he wrote his Dumky Trio, one of his most successful chamber music pieces.
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In 1892, Dvořák moved to the United States and became the director of the National Conservatory of Music of America in New York City.
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While in the United States, Dvořák wrote his two most successful orchestral works: the Symphony From the New World, which spread his reputation worldwide, [4] and his Cello Concerto, one of the most highly regarded of all cello concerti.
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He also wrote his most appreciated piece of chamber music, the American String Quartet, during this time.
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But shortfalls in payment of his salary, along with increasing recognition in Europe and an onset of homesickness, led him to leave the United States and return to Bohemia in 1895.
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He has been described as "arguably the most versatile... composer of his time". [5]
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He entered the University of Copenhagen in 1877 when he was 17, initially studying law but not forgetting his language studies.
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In 1881 he shifted his focus completely to languages, and in 1887 earned his master's degree in French, with English and Latin as his secondary languages.
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He supported himself during his studies through part-time work as a schoolteacher and as a shorthand reporter in the Danish parliament.
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In 1887 – 1888, he traveled to England, Germany and France, meeting linguists like Henry Sweet and Paul Passy and attending lectures at institutions like Oxford University.
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Following the advice of his mentor Vilhelm Thomsen, he returned to Copenhagen in August 1888 and began work on his doctoral dissertation on the English case system.
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He successfully defended his dissertation in 1891.
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His early work focused primarily on language teaching reform and on phonetics, but he is best known for his later work on syntax and on language development.
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He advanced the theories of Rank and Nexus in Danish in two papers: Sprogets logik (1913) and De to hovedarter af grammatiske forbindelser (1921).
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Jespersen in this theory of ranks removes the parts of speech from the syntax, and differentiates between primaries, secondaries, and tertiaries; e.g. in "well honed phrase," "phrase" is a primary, this being defined by a secondary, "honed", which again is defined by a tertiary "well".
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Junction and nexus proved valuable in bringing the concept of context to the forefront of the attention of the world of linguistics.
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Modern English Grammar on Historical Principles (1909 – 1949), concentrated on morphology and syntax, and Growth and Structure of the English Language (1905) is a comprehensive view of English by someone with another native language, and still in print, over 70 years after his death and more than 100 years after publication.
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Late in his life he published Analytic Syntax (1937), in which he presents his views on syntactic structure using an idiosyncratic shorthand notation.
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In The Philosophy of Grammar (1924) he challenged the accepted views of common concepts in Grammar and proposed corrections to the basic definitions of grammatical case, pronoun, object, voice etc., and developed further his notions of Rank and Nexus.
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Jespersen visited the United States twice:
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he lectured at the Congress of Arts and Sciences in St. Louis in 1904, and in 1909 – 1910 he visited both the University of California and Columbia University.
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While in the U.S., he took occasion to study the country's educational system.
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“Is there really much more logic in the opposite extreme which denies any kind of sound symbolism (apart from the small class of evident echoisms and ‘onomatopoeia’) and sees in our words only a collection of accidental and irrational associations of sound and meaning?...
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There is no denying that there are words which we feel instinctively to be adequate to express the ideas they stand for.”
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After his retirement in 1925, Jespersen remained active in the international linguistic community.
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In addition to continuing to write, he convened and chaired the first International Meeting on Linguistic Research in Geneva in 1930, and acted as president of the Fourth International Congress of Linguists in Copenhagen in 1936.
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He also worked with the International Auxiliary Language Association.
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Jespersen received honorary degrees from Columbia University in New York (1910), St. Andrews University in Scotland (1925), and the Sorbonne in Paris (1927).
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Are you — do they still teach at Bahia on Sunday?
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Well I finally found some people there I can dance with.
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So that helps.
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Do you need a partner?
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I swear it.
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Well I don't necessarily mean, in a bad way, even though I'm sure there are a few there, I'm not dancing with guys.
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But, but I remember, like I went there with this person, it's kind of funny.
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Th- this person did not want to dance.
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So she's just gon na watch.
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I'm thinking, God these guys don't waste any time.
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I mean, you turn your back and there's somebody moving in.
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I mean I don't know if they —
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Well I don't know if I told you, told you that story about that woman, who uh, went after that guy there?
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I told you that story, right?
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Uh, after the class is over w- over with, I'm sitting down at a table, there's a woman from — who was in the class, and two men, sitting to my right, is a table with two women there.
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They had apparently just come from Oba Oba.
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Oh I think you told me.
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Anyway, there was this guy in his fifties, out there dancing, by himself.
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And the woman was just looking at him, making eyes, then she went out there, got on her knees, in front of him, in this skirt that's this short, takes her hands, and goes along his toes, and then up, and is just doing like that.
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I figured, oh, they must know each other.
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And, they did that for the whole dance, and I mean, she was d- all kind of suggestive stuff, and touching him and everything, people would like cheering, and clapping, "go for it".
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The – the song ended, the guy set down, at another table.
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And she set down —
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They never danced again the rest of the evening.
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This is like — so I was thinking, this woman's sitting about as far away from me as Jamie is.
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And I was thinking, hm, this is interesting.
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I wonder how long it was gon na take the guys in this club to move in on her.
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Well I was still trying to figure out, surely they must know each other, I mean, why wasn't he sitting at her table?
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Anyway, this guy, I mean he comes over there, immediately afterwards —
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He was sitting there, there were two guys sitting at a table right where you are.
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And then these two women are sitting here.
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So uh, he comes over there, and is talking with that woman I don't know about what, but then like ten minutes later, she and her friend are over at their table.
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And I was thinking, it looks like these people aren't going home alone tonight.
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But I just thought that —
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Sam has been, has taken such an interest in this retirement bit that it — it really surprises me.
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Well she's begun to listen.
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Uh, she used to go over and read a book or something.
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Well, he came over to you all smiles, I noticed.
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Well, we've known each other for thirty-some years, why wouldn't he?
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