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# Abortion in Sierra Leone
In Sierra Leone, abortion is a criminal offence. Its abortion law does not specify any grounds for legal abortion. It is unclear whether abortion is permitted to save the life of the mother, as a British judicial decision allowing such abortions is untested in Sierra Leone. Abortion is covered in the country's medical code of ethics, but there is no government training for providers. Prosecution of abortion is uncommon.
Abortion has been illegal since 1861, inheriting a British law. In the 2010s and 2020s, activists, politicians, and international organizations supported proposals to legalise abortion. Religious groups have supported the ban. Sierra Leone ratified the Maputo Protocol in 2015. A bill allowing abortion, first raised in 2010, was approved by Parliament after being introduced by Isata Kabia in 2015. The bill failed as President Ernest Bai Koroma refused to sign it. This law was heavily debated despite a stigma against the subject. In 2022, the government of Julius Maada Bio backed a new reproductive health bill that would lift the abortion ban.
Unsafe abortions are a major factor in Sierra Leone's maternal mortality rate, one of the highest in the world. Post-abortion care is available, primarily using the dilation and curettage method. The country has a stigma surrounding abortion, and many girls have little knowledge of it. Some rely on clandestine providers. Others acquire drugs for self-induced abortions without medical advice. Factors that motivate abortions include the inability to afford a baby, disapproval of the relationship by the family, and lack of contraceptives. Factors leading women not to have abortions include lack of knowledge and lack of access to providers.

## Legislation
The law banning abortion in Sierra Leone has not been modified since its introduction during the British colonial era. The Offences Against the Person Act 1861, an act of the British Parliament grouped with the Criminal Law Consolidation Acts 1861, criminalises acts performed to terminate a pregnancy.: 48  Sierra Leone is the only former British colony where the act is still in effect.
The law does not specify any grounds for legal abortion. The British judicial decision Rex v Bourne on the same law's application found that it permits abortions to save the life of the mother. This has not been brought up in Sierra Leone's courts, so it is unclear whether such abortions are permitted.
Public-sector health providers do not have training or guidelines about providing abortions. Sierra Leone's medical code of ethics addresses abortion, and a WHO survey in 2021 found that the country's health benefit package included abortion. The National Protocols and Guidelines for Emergency Obstetric and Newborn Care (2018) sanction post-abortion care using misoprostol. Private organizations have legally imported abortion drugs but distribution is legally limited.
In July 2015, Sierra Leone became a party to the Maputo Protocol, which includes provisions about abortion. Members of parliament heavily debated the ratification. Opponents said the protocol was an example of Western imperialist morality and a policy against abortion defended Sierra Leone's cultural sovereignty.: 49
Due to the stigma, abortion cases are resolved within families, and are only pursued in court if they result in death, according to AdvocAid. Nurses have been charged with manslaughter for aiding in abortions that resulted in death. In January 2011, a pregnant woman with heavy bleeding was detained for allegedly having an abortion and was released after proof that she was still pregnant.

## Proposed legislation

### Safe Abortion Act (2015–2016)
In 2010, the Planned Parenthood Association of Sierra Leone introduced the Medical Termination of Pregnancy Bill, which was renamed to the Termination of Pregnancy Bill before becoming the Safe Abortion Act. Activists and organizations such as Marie Stopes International (MSI) began advocating for reform. The People's Alliance for Reproductive Health Advocacy, an advocacy coalition that campaigns for safe abortion and reproductive education, was established that year.
After the 2012 Sierra Leonean general election, activists called for the new parliament to pass the bill. Supporters cited that few could afford the cost of 200,000 leones (US$46) for certified abortions and that between 4 and 10 percent of abortion recipients required surgical procedures. Most health and legal professionals supported easing abortion laws, according to a survey by the Ministry of Health.
The Safe Abortion Act was introduced to the Parliament of Sierra Leone by Isata Kabia of the ruling All People's Congress. The Ministry of Social Welfare, Gender and Children's Affairs supported the law under Minister Moijueh Kaikai and later under Kabia, who became Acting Minister in March 2016. On 8 December 2015, the Parliament unanimously passed the act.: 48
The passed law allowed abortion during the first twelve weeks of pregnancy on request or twenty-four weeks in cases of pregnancy from rape or incest or risk to the health of the mother or fetus. It said minors could have abortions with parental consent.: 48  It mandated a four-year jail sentence for conducting unlicensed abortions.
President Ernest Bai Koroma and First Lady Sia Koroma initially supported the bill's introduction, and the public expected it to pass. Meetings with religious groups and widespread anti-abortion protests influenced his opposition to the law. Koroma asked for Parliament to review the law since the Maputo Protocol only provided for abortion in cases of rape and medical emergencies. In an address on International Women's Day, he argued that the law violated the right to life and that it did not clearly define its scope. Opposition politicians claimed that Koroma was building up support ahead of the upcoming election and that he planned to negate the term limit to run for another term. Koroma refused to sign the bill and sent it back to parliament on 6 January 2016.
While the votes for the bill were higher than the two-thirds majority needed to overrule a presidential veto, the speaker of the house refused to give the bill his assent, so it did not pass. Parliament returned the unchanged bill to the president on 11 February. Koroma blocked the bill again and referred it to the Constitutional Review Committee, saying that the abortion law should be included in changes to the Constitution that would be put to a referendum.

#### Public opinion on the Safe Abortion Act
Public opinion in Sierra Leone was against the bill. Some groups called for the withdrawal of the bill due to Christian and Islamic beliefs that condemn abortion. Opponents included the Inter-Religious Council of Sierra Leone (IRCSL) and the country's Pentecostal church. The IRCSL was influenced by the Catholic Church, which argued that abortion violated a clause in the Constitution that said, "No person shall be deprived of his life intentionally". The president of the IRCSL, Sheikh Abu Bakarr Conteh, said that the law should consider the rights of the sexual partner and the family of the woman getting an abortion. In January 2016, religious groups led a protest in which hundreds of people marched to the House of Parliament. Catholic leaders voiced opposition to the law more frequently than Muslim leaders. Supporters of the bill believed that opponents were influenced by American religious leaders and a member of the United States Congress.
Proponents of the bill said that unsafe abortions were a large contributor to maternal mortality in Sierra Leone, which was the highest in the world, and that the law would support victims of rape and sexual violence. Groups such as AdvocAid said that the anti-abortion law was largely unenforced yet led to unsafe abortions being common. In January 2016, alongside the anti-abortion protest, dozens of people, mostly middle-class women, attended a demonstration in support of the proposal. The following week, three letters urged Koroma to approve the bill. One by the International Campaign for Women's Right to Safe Abortion received over 200 signatures. Another letter was sent on 4 February by Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, and the Sierra Leonean organizations 50/50, AdvocAid, Centre for Accountability and Rule of Law, Ipas Sierra Leone, and Wi Di Uman Dem Coalition. Human rights leaders who called for Koroma to sign the bill included the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights's special rapporteur on women's rights, Lucy Asuagbor, and the United Nations Special Rapporteur on Violence Against Women, Dubravka Šimonović. The U.S.–based organization Ipas was a long-term proponent of abortion law reform. It faced criticism for its influence on the Ministries of Social Welfare and Justice.: 50
Supporters of the decriminalization of abortion were divided over the act's support of on-demand abortions. Anti-abortion activists raised concerns that Sierra Leone lacked the medical facilities to perform abortions. The group representing Sierra Leone's female lawyers made a statement advocating for legalizing abortion with restrictions and for the training of nurses.

### Safe Motherhood and Reproductive Health Bill (2022–2025)
The Cabinet of President Julius Maada Bio backed the Safe Motherhood and Reproductive Health Bill to decriminalise abortion. Bio announced his plan on 1 July 2022, at the 10th Africa Conference on Sexual Health and Rights in Freetown, to the approval of the audience and the conference's organisers. He said at the conference, "At a time when sexual and reproductive health rights for women are either being overturned or threatened, we are proud that Sierra Leone can once again lead with progressive reforms. My government has unanimously approved a safe motherhood bill that will include a range of critical provisions to ensure the health and dignity of all girls and women of reproductive age in this country." The speech referred to the Supreme Court of the United States's recent decision to overturn the constitutional right to abortion.
The bill's provisions were drafted by government officials and women's rights groups including MSI. The bill included a constitutional right to abortion. It would permit abortions up to 14 weeks on demand and at any stage under certain conditions. It covered other aspects of reproductive health including maternal health, access to contraceptives, post-abortion care, and access to the healthcare system. The drafters hoped to pass the law by the end of 2022. Observers said that the bill would be difficult to pass ahead of the 2023 Sierra Leonean general election as members of Parliament would avoid the risk of losing support. By January 2025, the parliament was in favor of the law, supporting the terms of the Maputo Protocol.
Campaigners for the bill said unsafe abortions were the cause of 10% of the country's maternal deaths and a factor in the country's high rate of teenage pregnancy. The girls' rights group Purposeful called the decision "a monumental step forward" and the international feminist group Fòs Feminista wrote in a tweet, "A major victory for women and girls, won through the tireless organising of feminist movements." The American advocacy group African Population and Health Research Centre lobbied for the bill to be "fast-tracked". The United States government under Joe Biden supported the bill. The Embassy of the United States, Freetown, denied allegations that the United States threatened to withhold funding from the Millennium Challenge Corporation if the bill did not pass. A Republican member of the United States House of Representatives, Chris Smith, affirmed the allegations.
The law faced opposition from religious leaders and the largely conservative general public. Protests against the law began once it was announced. Some opponents said it was similar to the Safe Abortion Bill but used a less controversial name. The Africa Christian Professionals Forum urged the government to deny its passage, saying it violated the right to life. The Inter-Religious Council addressed the parliament on 30 December 2024 to discuss the extent of the bill. The government initiated a meeting with religious leaders; it reported that the meeting had reached a consensus but issued a correction after the Archbishop of Freetown, Edward Tamba Charles, said it had downplayed his opposition.

## Prevalence
The estimated abortion rate in Sierra Leone in 2015–2019 was 45 per 1,000 women, equating to 51% of unintended pregnancies or 45% of all pregnancies. This rose from 27 per 1,000 women (34% of unintended pregnancies or 27% of all pregnancies) in 1990–1994. The incidence of unintended pregnancies stayed about the same.
Unsafe abortions account for about 10% of maternal deaths in Sierra Leone. Among adolescents, nearly one-third of maternal deaths are caused by unsafe abortions. Girls often induce abortions using misoprostol, a drug that is available over-the-counter to treat stomach problems. Without medical advice, some of them take the drug too late, which leads to severe bleeding or fatal sepsis from being unable to remove the fetus. According to MSI, some pregnant girls ingest rat poison or put sharp objects in their uteri, ensuring that doctors will operate on them on the grounds that their life is threatened.
The typical cost of post-abortion care to treat complications ranges from $35 to $272. Dilation and curettage, a method not recommended by the World Health Organization, comprises 85% of post-abortion care. The health system costs of treating an unsafe abortion are twice that of performing a safe abortion.

### Societal factors
Sierra Leone has a stigma surrounding abortion. Many teenage girls in Sierra Leone have little knowledge of pregnancy and feel ashamed to discuss abortion. In Freetown, they have access to midwives, but the stigma causes some to turn to unlicensed healthcare providers, who may perform unsafe abortions.: 7  The Safe Abortion Act became a popular topic of debate despite the stigma in West Africa.
Economic factors often motivate the decision to terminate pregnancies. Partners of women who get pregnant often cannot afford the cost of supporting women during pregnancy, especially for schoolgirls, whose partners are expected to provide for them. Some abortions are motivated by a stigma against unmarried parents. Parents and relatives often pressure couples to get abortions because they disapprove of the relationship, which is common for inter-ethnic couples, or because they want to avoid embarrassment. In other cases, friends and relatives convince couples not to get abortions, due to religious beliefs or commitment to caring for the baby. Many women do not follow through with abortions due to a lack of knowledge or a refusal from healthcare providers, who are mostly men. Sierra Leone's rate of contraceptive use is low, at 24% of women of reproductive age, as of 2019. Women who cannot access contraceptives may have unwanted pregnancies resulting in abortion. Rural areas have lower contraception use and higher rates of teenage pregnancy.
The most likely women to have abortions are those in the 45–49 age range, those who are employed, those who listen to the radio, and those with no children. As in most countries, women with primary and secondary education are more likely to have abortions. Unlike in most countries, unmarried women are less likely to have abortions.

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title: Abortion in Sierra Leone

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In [[Sierra Leone]], [[abortion]] is a criminal offence. Its [[abortion law]] does not specify any grounds for legal abortion. It is unclear whether abortion is permitted to save [[Maternal death|the life of the mother]], as [[Rex v Bourne|a British judicial decision]] allowing such abortions is untested in Sierra Leone.{{NoteTag|name=a}} Abortion is covered in the country's medical code of ethics, but there is no government training for providers. Prosecution of abortion is uncommon.

Abortion has been illegal since 1861, inheriting [[Offences Against the Person Act 1861|a British law]]. In the 2010s and 2020s, activists, politicians, and international organizations supported proposals to legalise abortion. Religious groups have supported the ban. Sierra Leone ratified the [[Maputo Protocol]] in 2015. A bill allowing abortion, first raised in 2010, was approved by [[Parliament of Sierra Leone|Parliament]] after being introduced by [[Isata Kabia]] in 2015. The bill failed as President [[Ernest Bai Koroma]] refused to sign it. This law was heavily debated despite a stigma against the subject. In 2022, the government of [[Julius Maada Bio]] backed a new reproductive health bill that would lift the abortion ban.

Unsafe abortions are a major factor in Sierra Leone's maternal mortality rate, [[List of countries by maternal mortality ratio|one of the highest in the world]]. [[Post-abortion care]] is available, primarily using the [[dilation and curettage]] method. The country has a stigma surrounding abortion, and many girls have little knowledge of it. Some rely on clandestine providers. Others acquire drugs for [[self-induced abortion]]s without medical advice. Factors that motivate abortions include the inability to afford a baby, disapproval of the relationship by the family, and lack of contraceptives. Factors leading women not to have abortions include lack of knowledge and lack of access to providers.

== Legislation ==
The law banning abortion in Sierra Leone has not been modified since its introduction during the [[Sierra Leone Colony and Protectorate|British colonial era]]. The [[Offences Against the Person Act 1861]], an act of the [[British Parliament]] grouped with the [[Criminal Law Consolidation Acts 1861]], criminalises acts performed to terminate a pregnancy.<ref name="Tunkara" /><ref name="Erdman">{{Cite journal |last=Erdman |first=Joanna N. |date=26 July 2018 |title=The Politics of Global Abortion Rights |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/26534690 |journal=[[Brown Journal of World Affairs]] |volume=22 |issue=2 |pages=39–57 |jstor=26534690  |access-date=14 July 2024 |archive-date=14 July 2024 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240714010720/https://www.jstor.org/stable/26534690 |url-status=live }}</ref>{{rp|48}} Sierra Leone is the only former British colony where the act is still in effect.<ref name="Bankole et al">{{Cite journal |last1=Bankole |first1=Akinrinola |last2=Remez |first2=Lisa |last3=Owolabi |first3=Onikepe |last4=Philbin |first4=Jesse |last5=Williams |first5=Patrice |date=December 2020 |title=From Unsafe to Safe Abortion in Sub-Saharan Africa: Slow but Steady Progress |url=https://www.guttmacher.org/report/from-unsafe-to-safe-abortion-in-subsaharan-africa |access-date=16 July 2024 |website=[[Guttmacher Institute]] |doi=10.1363/2020.32446 |archive-date=4 June 2024 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240604062451/https://www.guttmacher.org/report/from-unsafe-to-safe-abortion-in-subsaharan-africa |url-status=live }}</ref>

The law does not specify any grounds for legal abortion. The British judicial decision [[Rex v Bourne]] on the same law's application found that it permits abortions to save the life of the mother. This has not been brought up in Sierra Leone's courts, so it is unclear whether such abortions are permitted.<ref>{{cite letter |last1=Brown |first1=Rebecca |last2=Lavaly |first2=Simitie |recipient=CEDAW Secretariat |subject=re: Supplementary Information on Sierra Leone, scheduled for review by the U.N. Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women during its 57th Session (February 2014) |date=24 January 2014 |url=https://reproductiverights.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/12/CEDAW-Shadow-Letter-on-Sierra-Leone-57th-Session-2014.pdf |format=pdf |access-date=16 July 2024 |pages=4–5}}</ref>{{NoteTag|name=a|Some sources say abortion is illegal under any circumstances.<ref name="Fofana & Ford" /><ref name="BBC" /> Some say it is only legal to save the life of the mother.<ref name="Guilbert 15" /><ref name="Collins" />}}

Public-sector health providers do not have training or guidelines about providing abortions.<ref name="Grossman et al" /> Sierra Leone's medical code of ethics addresses abortion, and a WHO survey in 2021 found that the country's health benefit package included abortion.<ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Footman |first1=Katy |last2=Goel |first2=Kratu |last3=Rehnström Loi |first3=Ulrika |last4=Mirelman |first4=Andrew J. |last5=Govender |first5=Veloshnee |last6=Ganatra |first6=Bela |date=29 August 2023 |title=Inclusion of abortion-related care in national health benefit packages: results from a WHO global survey |journal=[[BMJ Global Health]] |volume=8 |issue=Suppl 4 |pages=e012321 |doi=10.1136/bmjgh-2023-012321 |doi-access=free |pmid=37643800 |pmc=10465905 }}</ref> The National Protocols and Guidelines for Emergency Obstetric and Newborn Care (2018) sanction post-abortion care using misoprostol. Private organizations have legally imported abortion drugs but distribution is legally limited.<ref name="Grossman et al">{{Cite journal |last1=Grossman |first1=Amy |last2=Prata |first2=Ndola |last3=Williams |first3=Natalie |last4=Ganatra |first4=Bela |last5=Lavelanet |first5=Antonella |last6=Läser |first6=Laurence |last7=Asmani |first7=Chilanga |last8=Elamin |first8=Hayfa |last9=Ouedraogo |first9=Leopold |last10=Rahman |first10=Md. Mahmudur |last11=Conneh-Duworko |first11=Musu Julie |last12=Tehoungue |first12=Bentoe Zoogley |last13=Chanza |first13=Harriet |last14=Phiri |first14=Henry |last15=Bhattarai |first15=Bharat |last16=Dhakal |first16=Narayan Prasad |last17=Ojo |first17=Olumuyiwa Adesanya |last18=Afolabi |first18=Kayode |last19=Kabuteni |first19=Theophista John |last20=Hailu |first20=Binyam Getachew |last21=Moses |first21=Francis |last22=Dlamini-Ngeketo |first22=Sithembile |last23=Zulu |first23=Thembi |last24=Rehnström Loi |first24=Ulrika |date=11 April 2023 |title=Availability of medical abortion medicines in eight countries: a descriptive analysis of key findings and opportunities |journal=[[Reproductive Health (journal)|Reproductive Health]] |volume=20 |issue=58 |page=58 |doi=10.1186/s12978-023-01574-3 |doi-access=free |pmid=37041543 |pmc=10091522 }}</ref>

In July 2015, Sierra Leone became a party to the [[Maputo Protocol]], which includes provisions about abortion.<ref name="Guilbert 15">{{Cite news |last=Guilbert |first=Kieran |date=10 December 2015 |title=Sierra Leone legalizes abortion, will save 'countless' lives: activists |url=https://www.reuters.com/article/world/sierra-leone-legalizes-abortion-will-save-countless-lives-activists-idUSKBN0TT27D/ |access-date=9 July 2024 |work=[[Reuters]]}}</ref> Members of parliament heavily debated the ratification. Opponents said the protocol was an example of Western imperialist morality and a policy against abortion defended Sierra Leone's cultural sovereignty.<ref name="Erdman" />{{rp|49}}

Due to the stigma, abortion cases are resolved within families, and are only pursued in court if they result in death, according to AdvocAid.<ref name="Guilbert 16">{{Cite news |last=Guilbert |first=Kieran |date=18 April 2016 |title=Strict laws drive West African women to dangerous, illegal abortions |url=https://news.trust.org/item/20160418091818-qx2zt/ |work=[[Thomson Reuters Foundation News]] |access-date=12 July 2024 |archive-date=12 July 2024 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240712230330/https://news.trust.org/item/20160418091818-qx2zt/ |url-status=live }}</ref> Nurses have been charged with [[manslaughter]] for aiding in abortions that resulted in death. In January 2011, a pregnant woman with heavy bleeding was detained for allegedly having an abortion and was released after proof that she was still pregnant.<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Mahtani |first=Sabrina |date=Autumn 2013 |title=Women and the Criminalization of Poverty: Perspectives from Sierra Leone |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/670919 |journal=[[Signs (journal)|Signs]] |publisher=[[University of Chicago Press]] |volume=39 |issue=1 |pages=243–264 |doi=10.1086/670919 |jstor=10.1086/670919 |url-access=subscription }}</ref>

== Proposed legislation ==

=== Safe Abortion Act (2015–2016) ===
In 2010, the [[International Planned Parenthood Federation|Planned Parenthood Association of Sierra Leone]] introduced the Medical Termination of Pregnancy Bill, which was renamed to the Termination of Pregnancy Bill before becoming the Safe Abortion Act.<ref name="Tunkara">{{Cite news |last=Tunkara |first=Allieu Sahid |date=19 January 2016 |title=The abortion debate: What the people think |url=https://politicosl.com/articles/abortion-debate-what-people-think |access-date=9 July 2024 |work=Politico SL}}</ref> Activists and organizations such as [[Marie Stopes International]] (MSI) began advocating for reform.<ref name="Guilbert 15" /> The People's Alliance for Reproductive Health Advocacy, an advocacy coalition that campaigns for safe abortion and reproductive education, was established that year.<ref>{{Cite news |last=Conteh |first=Lamin Idriss |date=7 December 2020 |title=PARHA discusses safe abortion plan in Sierra Leone |url=https://politicosl.com/articles/parha-discusses-safe-abortion-plan-sierra-leone |access-date=12 July 2024 |work=Politico SL |archive-date=12 July 2024 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240712230329/https://politicosl.com/articles/parha-discusses-safe-abortion-plan-sierra-leone |url-status=live }}</ref>

After the [[2012 Sierra Leonean general election]], activists called for the new parliament to pass the bill. Supporters cited that few could afford the cost of 200,000 [[Sierra Leonean leone|leones]] (US$46) for certified abortions and that between 4 and 10 percent of abortion recipients required surgical procedures. Most health and legal professionals supported easing abortion laws, according to a survey by the [[Ministry of Health (Sierra Leone)|Ministry of Health]].<ref>{{Cite news |last=<!--not stated--> |date=27 November 2012 |title=Sierra Leone: Shifting tide on abortion law |work=[[The New Humanitarian|IRIN Africa Service]] |location=Nairobi  |id={{ProQuest|1217486257}}}}</ref>

The Safe Abortion Act was introduced to the [[Parliament of Sierra Leone]] by [[Isata Kabia]] of the ruling [[All People's Congress]]. The Ministry of Social Welfare, Gender and Children's Affairs supported the law under Minister [[Moijueh Kaikai]] and later under Kabia, who became Acting Minister in March 2016.<ref name="Cham 2016">{{Cite news |last=Cham |first=Kemo |date=16 March 2016 |title=Sierra Leone abortion Act to be put to a referendum |url=https://politicosl.com/articles/sierra-leone-abortion-act-be-put-referendum |access-date=9 July 2024 |work=Politico SL |archive-date=9 July 2024 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240709224007/https://politicosl.com/articles/sierra-leone-abortion-act-be-put-referendum |url-status=live }}</ref> On 8 December 2015, the Parliament unanimously passed the act.<ref name="Erdman" />{{rp|48}}

The passed law allowed abortion during the [[Gestational age|first twelve weeks of pregnancy]] on request or twenty-four weeks in cases of [[pregnancy from rape]] or incest or risk to the health of the mother or fetus. It said minors could have abortions with parental consent.<ref name="Erdman" />{{rp|48}} It mandated a four-year jail sentence for conducting unlicensed abortions.<ref name="Guilbert 15" />

President [[Ernest Bai Koroma]] and First Lady [[Sia Koroma]] initially supported the bill's introduction, and the public expected it to pass.<ref name="Economist" /> Meetings with religious groups and widespread anti-abortion protests influenced his opposition to the law.<ref name="Economist" /><ref name="Cham 2025" /> Koroma asked for Parliament to review the law since the Maputo Protocol only provided for abortion in cases of rape and medical emergencies.<ref name="BBC" /> In an address on [[International Women's Day]], he argued that the law violated the [[right to life]] and that it did not clearly define its scope.<ref name="Cham 2016" /> Opposition politicians claimed that Koroma was building up support ahead of [[2018 Sierra Leonean general election|the upcoming election]] and that he planned to negate the term limit to run for another term.<ref name="Fofana">{{Cite news |last=Fofana |first=Umaru |date=15 April 2016 |title=Religion, rights and politics clash over Sierra Leone abortion bill |url=https://www.reuters.com/article/us-leone-health-abortion-idUSKCN0XC18U/ |access-date=9 July 2024 |work=[[Reuters]] |archive-date=17 May 2021 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210517104744/https://www.reuters.com/article/us-leone-health-abortion-idUSKCN0XC18U |url-status=live }}</ref> Koroma refused to sign the bill and sent it back to parliament on 6 January 2016.<ref name="Economist">{{Cite news |date=15 February 2016 |title=A new push to legalise early abortions in Sierra Leone |url=https://www.economist.com/middle-east-and-africa/2016/02/15/a-new-push-to-legalise-early-abortions-in-sierra-leone |access-date=9 July 2024 |newspaper=[[The Economist]] |archive-date=10 July 2024 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240710005554/https://www.economist.com/middle-east-and-africa/2016/02/15/a-new-push-to-legalise-early-abortions-in-sierra-leone |url-status=live }}</ref>

While the votes for the bill were higher than the [[two-thirds majority]] needed to overrule a presidential veto, the speaker of the house refused to give the bill his assent, so it did not pass.<ref name="Fofana & Ford">{{Cite news |last1=Fofana |first1=Umaru |last2=Ford |first2=Liz |date=3 February 2016 |title=Sierra Leone's president urged to sign safe abortion bill |url=https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2016/feb/03/sierra-leone-president-urged-to-sign-safe-abortion-bill |access-date=9 July 2024 |work=[[The Guardian]] |archive-date=17 July 2024 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240717133611/https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2016/feb/03/sierra-leone-president-urged-to-sign-safe-abortion-bill |url-status=live }}</ref> Parliament returned the unchanged bill to the president on 11 February.<ref name="Economist" /> Koroma blocked the bill again and referred it to the Constitutional Review Committee, saying that the abortion law should be included in changes to the [[Constitution of Sierra Leone|Constitution]] that would be put to a referendum.<ref name="BBC">{{Cite news |date=12 March 2016 |title=Sierra Leone abortion bill blocked by President Bai Koroma again |url=https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-35793186 |access-date=9 July 2024 |work=[[BBC News]] |archive-date=10 August 2021 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210810101538/https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-35793186 |url-status=live }}</ref>

==== Public opinion on the Safe Abortion Act ====
Public opinion in Sierra Leone was against the bill.<ref name="Tunkara" /> Some groups called for the withdrawal of the bill due to [[Christianity and abortion|Christian]] and [[Islam and abortion|Islamic beliefs]] that condemn abortion. Opponents included the [[Inter-Religious Council of Sierra Leone]] (IRCSL) and the country's Pentecostal church.<ref name="Fofana & Ford" /> The IRCSL was influenced by the Catholic Church, which argued that abortion violated a clause in the Constitution that said, "No person shall be deprived of his life intentionally".<ref name="Tunkara" /> The president of the IRCSL, Sheikh Abu Bakarr Conteh, said that the law should consider the rights of the sexual partner and the family of the woman getting an abortion.<ref name="Devries">{{Cite news |last=Devries |first=Nina |date=13 April 2016 |title=The women dying for an abortion in Sierra Leone |url=https://www.aljazeera.com/features/2016/4/13/the-women-dying-for-an-abortion-in-sierra-leone |access-date=12 July 2024 |work=[[Al Jazeera]]}}</ref> In January 2016, religious groups led a protest in which hundreds of people marched to the [[Sierra Leone House of Parliament|House of Parliament]].<ref name="Fofana & Ford" /> Catholic leaders voiced opposition to the law more frequently than Muslim leaders. Supporters of the bill believed that opponents were influenced by American religious leaders and a member of the [[United States Congress]].<ref name="Economist" />

Proponents of the bill said that unsafe abortions were a large contributor to [[maternal mortality in Sierra Leone]], which was [[List of countries by maternal mortality ratio|the highest in the world]], and that the law would support victims of rape and sexual violence.<ref name="Guilbert 15" /><ref name="Fofana & Ford" /> Groups such as AdvocAid said that the anti-abortion law was largely unenforced yet led to unsafe abortions being common.<ref name="Fofana" /> In January 2016, alongside the anti-abortion protest, dozens of people, mostly middle-class women, attended a demonstration in support of the proposal. The following week, three letters urged Koroma to approve the bill. One by the International Campaign for Women's Right to Safe Abortion received over 200 signatures.<ref name="Fofana & Ford" /> Another letter was sent on 4 February by [[Human Rights Watch]], [[Amnesty International]], and the Sierra Leonean organizations 50/50, AdvocAid, Centre for Accountability and Rule of Law, Ipas Sierra Leone, and Wi Di Uman Dem Coalition.<ref name="BBC" /><ref>{{Cite news |last=Thomas |first=Abdul Rashid |date=4 February 2016 |title=Global human rights groups call on president Koroma to sign abortion bill |url=https://www.thesierraleonetelegraph.com/global-human-rights-groups-call-on-president-koroma-to-sign-abortion-bill/ |access-date=9 July 2024 |work=[[Sierra Leone Telegraph]] |archive-date=9 July 2024 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240709224007/https://www.thesierraleonetelegraph.com/global-human-rights-groups-call-on-president-koroma-to-sign-abortion-bill/ |url-status=live }}</ref> Human rights leaders who called for Koroma to sign the bill included the [[African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights]]'s special rapporteur on women's rights, Lucy Asuagbor, and the [[United Nations Special Rapporteur on Violence Against Women]], [[Dubravka Šimonović]].<ref name="Fofana & Ford" /> The U.S.–based organization [[Ipas (organization)|Ipas]] was a long-term proponent of abortion law reform. It faced criticism for its influence on the Ministries of Social Welfare and Justice.<ref name="Erdman" />{{rp|50}}

Supporters of the decriminalization of abortion were divided over the act's support of on-demand abortions. Anti-abortion activists raised concerns that Sierra Leone lacked the medical facilities to perform abortions. The group representing Sierra Leone's female lawyers made a statement advocating for legalizing abortion with restrictions and for the training of nurses.<ref>{{Cite news |last=Cham |first=Kemo |date=9 March 2016 |title=Female lawyers support abortion law |url=https://www.politicosl.com/articles/female-lawyers-support-abortion-law |access-date=9 July 2024 |work=Politico SL |archive-date=9 July 2024 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240709224007/https://www.politicosl.com/articles/female-lawyers-support-abortion-law |url-status=live }}</ref>

=== Safe Motherhood and Reproductive Health Bill (2022–2025) ===
The [[Cabinet of Sierra Leone|Cabinet]] of President [[Julius Maada Bio]] backed the Safe Motherhood and Reproductive Health Bill to decriminalise abortion. Bio announced his plan on 1 July 2022, at the 10th Africa Conference on Sexual Health and Rights in [[Freetown]], to the approval of the audience and the conference's organisers.<ref>{{Cite news |author=<!--Agency report--> |date=2 July 2022 |title=Sierra Leone moves to decriminalise abortion |url=https://punchng.com/sierra-leone-moves-to-decriminalise-abortion/ |access-date=11 July 2024 |work=[[The Punch]] |archive-date=12 July 2024 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240712050728/https://punchng.com/sierra-leone-moves-to-decriminalise-abortion/ |url-status=live }}</ref> He said at the conference, "At a time when sexual and reproductive health rights for women are either being overturned or threatened, we are proud that Sierra Leone can once again lead with progressive reforms. My government has unanimously approved a safe motherhood bill that will include a range of critical provisions to ensure the health and dignity of all girls and women of reproductive age in this country."<ref>{{Cite news |last=Kamara |first=Mabinty M. |date=20 July 2022 |title=Sierra Leone announces plans to decriminalize abortion |url=https://politicosl.com/articles/sierra-leone-announces-plans-decriminalise-abortion |access-date=11 July 2024 |work=Politico SL |archive-date=12 July 2024 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240712050728/https://politicosl.com/articles/sierra-leone-announces-plans-decriminalise-abortion |url-status=live }}</ref> The speech referred to the [[Supreme Court of the United States]]'s recent [[Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization|decision to overturn]] the constitutional right to abortion.<ref name="Akinwotu">{{Cite news |last=Akinwotu |first=Emmanuel |date=6 July 2022 |title=Sierra Leone backs bill to legalise abortion and end colonial-era law |url=https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2022/jul/06/sierra-leone-backs-bill-to-legalise-abortion-and-end-colonial-era-law |access-date=11 July 2024 |work=[[The Guardian]] |archive-date=17 July 2024 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240717133612/https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2022/jul/06/sierra-leone-backs-bill-to-legalise-abortion-and-end-colonial-era-law |url-status=live }}</ref>

The bill's provisions were drafted by government officials and women's rights groups including MSI.<ref name="Akinwotu" /><ref name="Cham 2025" /> The bill included a constitutional right to abortion.<ref name="Cham 2025" /> It would permit abortions up to 14 weeks on demand and at any stage under certain conditions.<ref name="Hudson et al" /> It covered other aspects of [[reproductive health]] including [[maternal health]], [[Contraceptive security|access to contraceptives]], [[post-abortion care]], and access to the healthcare system.<ref name="Akinwotu" /><ref name="Cham 2025" /> The drafters hoped to pass the law by the end of 2022.<ref name="Akinwotu" /> Observers said that the bill would be difficult to pass ahead of the [[2023 Sierra Leonean general election]] as members of Parliament would avoid the risk of losing support.<ref name="Collins" /> By January 2025, the parliament was in favor of the law, supporting the terms of the Maputo Protocol.<ref name="Cham 2025" />

Campaigners for the bill said unsafe abortions were the cause of 10% of the country's maternal deaths and a factor in the country's high rate of [[teenage pregnancy]].<ref name="Akinwotu" /><ref name="Cham 2025" /> The girls' rights group Purposeful called the decision "a monumental step forward" and the international feminist group [[International Women's Health Coalition|Fòs Feminista]] wrote in a [[tweet (social media)|tweet]], "A major victory for women and girls, won through the tireless organising of feminist movements."<ref name="Akinwotu" /><ref>{{Cite news |last=Maichuhie |first=Kamau |date=11 July 2022 |title=Activists welcome Sierra Leone's push to legalise abortion |url=https://nation.africa/kenya/news/gender/activists-welcome-sierra-leone-s-push-to-legalise-abortion-3874896 |access-date=11 July 2024 |work=[[Daily Nation]] |archive-date=12 July 2024 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240712050728/https://nation.africa/kenya/news/gender/activists-welcome-sierra-leone-s-push-to-legalise-abortion-3874896 |url-status=live }}</ref> The American advocacy group African Population and Health Research Centre lobbied for the bill to be "fast-tracked". The United States government under [[Joe Biden]] supported the bill. The [[Embassy of the United States, Freetown]], denied allegations that the United States threatened to withhold funding from the [[Millennium Challenge Corporation]] if the bill did not pass. A [[Republican Party (United States)|Republican]] member of the [[United States House of Representatives]], [[Chris Smith (New Jersey politician)|Chris Smith]], affirmed the allegations.<ref name="Cham 2025" />

The law faced opposition from religious leaders and the largely conservative general public. Protests against the law began once it was announced. Some opponents said it was similar to the Safe Abortion Bill but used a less controversial name.<ref name="Cham 2025" /> The Africa Christian Professionals Forum urged the government to deny its passage, saying it violated the right to life.<ref name="Hudson et al">{{Cite news |last=Hudson |first=Patrick |last2=Teague |first2=Ellen |last3=Twiston Davies |first3=Bess |last4=Killian Chimtom |first4=Ngala |date=10 January 2025 |title=News Briefing: Church in the World |url=https://www.thetablet.co.uk/news/news-briefing-church-in-the-world-11/ |access-date=January 15, 2025 |work=[[The Tablet]]}}</ref> The Inter-Religious Council addressed the parliament on 30 December 2024 to discuss the extent of the bill. The government initiated a meeting with religious leaders; it reported that the meeting had reached a consensus but issued a correction after the [[Roman Catholic Archdiocese of Freetown|Archbishop of Freetown]], [[Edward Tamba Charles]], said it had downplayed his opposition.<ref name="Cham 2025">{{Cite news |last=Cham |first=Kemo |date=8 January 2025 |title=Legalise it? Draft abortion Bill divides Sierra Leoneans |url=https://www.theeastafrican.co.ke/tea/news/west-africa/legalise-it-draft-abortion-bill-divides-sierra-leoneans-4882192 |url-access=subscription |access-date=January 15, 2025 |work=[[The EastAfrican]]}}</ref>

== Prevalence ==
The estimated abortion rate in Sierra Leone in 2015–2019 was 45 per 1,000 women, equating to 51% of unintended pregnancies or 45% of all pregnancies. This rose from 27 per 1,000 women (34% of unintended pregnancies or 27% of all pregnancies) in 1990–1994. The incidence of unintended pregnancies stayed about the same.<ref>{{Cite web |date=2022 |title=Sierra Leone country profile |url=https://www.guttmacher.org/regions/africa/sierra-leone |access-date=12 July 2024 |website=[[Guttmacher Institute]] |archive-date=28 May 2023 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230528172721/https://www.guttmacher.org/regions/africa/sierra-leone |url-status=live }}</ref>

Unsafe abortions account for about 10% of [[maternal death]]s in Sierra Leone.<ref name="Devries" /> Among adolescents, nearly one-third of maternal deaths are caused by unsafe abortions.<ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Fernandez Turienzo |first1=Christina |last2=Kamara |first2=Mangenda |last3=November |first3=Lucy |last4=Kamara |first4=Philemon |last5=Kingsford |first5=Appiah M. |last6=Ridout |first6=Alexandra |last7=Thomas |first7=Suzanne |last8=Seed |first8=Paul T. |last9=Shennan |first9=Andrew H. |last10=Sandall |first10=Jane |last11=Williams |first11=Prince T. |date=25 March 2024 |title=A community-based mentoring scheme for pregnant and parenting adolescents in Sierra Leone: Protocol for a hybrid pilot cluster randomised controlled trial |journal=[[PLOS One]] |volume=19 |issue=3 |pages=e0294538 |doi=10.1371/journal.pone.0294538 |issn=1932-6203 |doi-access=free |pmid=38527029 |pmc=10962822 |bibcode=2024PLoSO..1994538F }}</ref> Girls often induce abortions using [[misoprostol]], a drug that is available over-the-counter to treat stomach problems. Without medical advice, some of them take the drug too late, which leads to severe bleeding or fatal [[sepsis]] from being unable to remove the fetus. According to MSI, some pregnant girls ingest [[rat poison]] or put sharp objects in their uteri, ensuring that doctors will operate on them on the grounds that their life is threatened.<ref name="Collins">{{Cite news |last=Collins |first=Tom |date=13 December 2022 |title=Teenage girls turn to rat poison as unsafe abortion 'epidemic' spirals |url=https://www.telegraph.co.uk/global-health/women-and-girls/teenage-girls-turn-rat-poison-unsafe-abortion-epidemic-spirals/ |access-date=12 July 2024 |work=[[The Daily Telegraph]] |archive-date=12 July 2024 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240712230328/https://www.telegraph.co.uk/global-health/women-and-girls/teenage-girls-turn-rat-poison-unsafe-abortion-epidemic-spirals/ |url-status=live }}</ref>

The typical cost of [[post-abortion care]] to treat complications ranges from $35 to $272.<ref name="Sesay et al" /> [[Dilation and curettage]], a method not recommended by the [[World Health Organization]], comprises 85% of post-abortion care. The health system costs of treating an unsafe abortion are twice that of performing a safe abortion.<ref name="Bankole et al" />

===Societal factors===
Sierra Leone has a [[Social stigma#Abortion|stigma surrounding abortion]]. Many teenage girls in Sierra Leone have little knowledge of pregnancy and feel ashamed to discuss abortion. In Freetown, they have access to midwives, but the stigma causes some to turn to unlicensed healthcare providers, who may perform unsafe abortions.<ref name="November & Sandall">{{Cite journal |last1=November |first1=Lucy |last2=Sandall |first2=Jane |date=21 February 2018 |title='Just because she's young, it doesn't mean she has to die': exploring the contributing factors to high maternal mortality in adolescents in Eastern Freetown; a qualitative study |journal=[[Reproductive Health (journal)|Reproductive Health]] |volume=15 |issue=31 |page=31 |doi=10.1186/s12978-018-0475-x |issn=1742-4755 |doi-access=free |pmid=29466996 |pmc=5822598 }}</ref>{{rp|7}} The Safe Abortion Act became a popular topic of debate despite the stigma in West Africa.<ref name="Guilbert 16" />

Economic factors often motivate the decision to terminate pregnancies. Partners of women who get pregnant often cannot afford the cost of supporting women during pregnancy, especially for schoolgirls, whose partners are expected to provide for them. Some abortions are motivated by a stigma against unmarried parents. Parents and relatives often pressure couples to get abortions because they disapprove of the relationship, which is common for inter-ethnic couples, or because they want to avoid embarrassment. In other cases, friends and relatives convince couples not to get abortions, due to religious beliefs or commitment to caring for the baby. Many women do not follow through with abortions due to a lack of knowledge or a refusal from healthcare providers, who are mostly men.<ref>{{Cite journal |last=McLean |first=Kristen E. |date=1 April 2023 |title=Contemplating abortion: a qualitative study of men and women's reactions to unplanned pregnancy in Sierra Leone |journal=Culture, Health & Sexuality |volume=25 |issue=4 |pages=444–458 |doi=10.1080/13691058.2022.2052186|pmid=35297735 }}</ref> Sierra Leone's rate of contraceptive use is low, at 24% of women of reproductive age, {{As of|2019|lc=y}}. Women who cannot access contraceptives may have unwanted pregnancies resulting in abortion.<ref name="Sesay et al" /> Rural areas have lower contraception use and higher rates of teenage pregnancy.<ref name="November & Sandall" />

The most likely women to have abortions are those in the 45–49 age range, those who are employed, those who listen to the radio, and those with no children.<ref name="Sesay et al">{{Cite journal |last1=Sesay |first1=Foday Robert |last2=Anaba |first2=Emmanuel Anongeba |last3=Manu |first3=Adom |last4=Maya |first4=Ernest |last5=Torpey |first5=Kwasi |last6=Adanu |first6=Richard M. K. |date=1 February 2023 |title=Determinants of induced abortion among women of reproductive age: evidence from the 2013 and 2019 Sierra Leone Demographic and Health Survey |journal=[[BMC Women's Health]] |volume=23 |issue=44 |page=44 |doi=10.1186/s12905-023-02175-9 |issn=1472-6874 |doi-access=free |pmid=36726133 |pmc=9890786 }}</ref> As in most countries, women with primary and secondary education are more likely to have abortions. Unlike in most countries, unmarried women are less likely to have abortions.<ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Haile |first1=Teklehaimanot Gerezgiher |last2=Abraha |first2=Teklehaymanot Huluf |last3=Gebremeskel |first3=Gebreamlak Gebremedhn |last4=Zereabruk |first4=Kidane |last5=Welu |first5=Tesfay Hailu |last6=Grum |first6=Teklit |last7=Asres |first7=Negasi |date=7 May 2024 |title=Induced abortion in Africa: A systematic review and meta-analysis |journal=[[PLOS One]] |volume=19 |issue=5 |pages=e0302824 |doi=10.1371/journal.pone.0302824 |pmc=11075855 |pmid=38713662 |doi-access=free |bibcode=2024PLoSO..1902824H }}</ref><ref name="Sesay et al" />

== See also ==
* [[Abortion in Africa]]
* [[Health in Sierra Leone]]
* [[Women in Sierra Leone]]

== Notes ==
{{NoteFoot}}

== References ==
{{reflist}}

{{Abortion}}
{{Abortion in Africa}}
{{Sierra Leone topics}}

{{DEFAULTSORT:Abortion In Sierra Leone}}
[[Category:Abortion by country|Sierra Leone]]
[[Category:Abortion in Africa|Sierra Leone]]
[[Category:Health in Sierra Leone]]
[[Category:Maternity in Sierra Leone]]
[[Category:Women's rights in Sierra Leone]]


text:
# نظرية المعالجة المزدوجة
في علم النفس، تمنحنا نظرية المعالجة المزدوجة سردًا عن كيفية ظهور الفكر من خلال أسلوبين أو اتجاهين مختلفين، أو نتيجة عمليتي معالجة مختلفتين. تتألف عمليتا المعالجة في أغلب الأحيان من عملية معالجة ضمنية (تلقائية)، ومعالجة لا واعية، ومعالجة صريحة (مضبوطة) وواعية. ربما تتغير العمليات الصريحة والأفعال والمواقف أو الاتجاهات من خلال الإقناع أو التعليم، لكن تغيير عملية المعالجة الضمنية أو المواقف في سبيل خلق عادات جديدة يستغرق وقتًا طويلًا في أغلب الأوقات. تبرز نظريات المعالجة المزدوجة في عدد من مجالات علم النفس، مثل علم النفس الاجتماعي والمعرفي والسريري وعلم نفس الشخصية. ترتبط نظرية المعالجة المزدوجة أيضًا بعلم الاقتصاد عبر نظرية الاحتمال والاقتصاديات السلوكية، وبشكل متزايد في علم الاجتماع، وتحديدًا في التحليل الثقافي.

## تاريخ
تعود أساسات هذه النظرية على الأرجح إلى الفيلسوف وليام جيمس. اعتقد جيمس بوجود نوعين مختلفين من التفكير: التفكير الترابطي، والاستدلال السليم. توصل جيمس إلى نظرية مفادها أن التفكير التجريبي يُستخدم لأمور مثل الرسم والتصميم. بالنسبة لجيمس، يستحضر العقل الصور والأفكار من تجاربه السابقة، ويوفر أمثلة للمقارنة أو أفكارًا مجردة. ادعى أيضًا أن المعرفة الترابطية تأتي فقط من تجارب سابقة، واصفًا إياها بالـ«توالدية». اعتقد أن الاستدلال السليم مفيد جدًا في «المواقف الجديدة» التي لم يسبق أن خاضها المرء، وبالتالي يستخدم المرء الاستدلال للتغلب على تلك العقبات، فعلى سبيل المثال، يمكن التغلب على مشكلة السفر بحرًا -باعتبارها مشكلة جديدة- بالاستدلال، أي القدرة على استخدام خريطة مثلًا.
ظهرت عدة نظريات تتعلق بالمعالجة المزدوجة بعد أعمال وليام جيمس. تُعتبر نماذج المعالجة المزدوجة شائعة الاستخدام في دراسة متغيرات علم النفس الاجتماعي، مثل تغير المواقف أو الاتجاهات. من الأمثلة على ذلك نموذج بلورة الأرجحية لبيتي وكاسيوبو والنموذج الإرشادي المنظم لتشيكين. وفقًا لهذين النموذجين، يحدث الاقتناع بعد تفحص أو تأمل شديدين، أو جراء تفكير شديد السطحية. في علم النفس المعرفي، يُصوّر كل من الانتباه والذاكرة بصفتهما قائمين على عمليتي معالجة مختلفتين أيضًا. وسواءً كنا نتكلم عن علم النفس الاجتماعي أو علم النفس المعرفي، هناك الكثير من الأمثلة عن نظريات المعالجة المزدوجة عبر التاريخ. يُظهر التالي لمحة عن مدى تنوع تلك النظريات.
أشار بيتر واسون وجوناثان إيفانز إلى نظرية المعالجة المزدوجة عام 1974. في نظرية إيفانز الأخيرة، هناك نوعان مختلفان من المعالجة: المعالجة الإرشادية، والمعالجة التحليلية. فخلال عملية المعالجة الإرشادية، وفقًا لإيفانز، يختار الفرد المعلومات الملائمة للوضع الحالي. تُعالج بعدها المعلومات الملائمة، بينما تُهمل تلك غير الملائمة. تأتي عملية المعالجة التحليلية عقب المعالجة الإرشادية، وخلال تلك العملية، تُستخدم المعلومات الملائمة التي اختيرت أثناء المعالجة الإرشادية لصنع القرار واتخاذ الإجراء المناسب للموقف الذي يواجهه الفرد.
اقترح ريتشارد ي. بيتي، وجون كاسيوبو نظرية المعالجة المزدوجة في مجال علم النفس الاجتماعي عام 1986. دُعيت نظريتهما بـنموذج بلورة الأرجحية في الإقناع. وفي تلك النظرية، هناك مسلكان مختلفان في الإقناع من أجل اتخاذ القرارات. يُعرف المسار الأول بالمسلك (أو المسار) المركزي، ويحصل ذلك عندما يفكر المرء بموقف أو وضع ما بشكل حذر وجدّي، ويتوسع باكتشاف المعلومات المتوفرة، وبالتالي يخلق حجة أو برهانًا على ما توصل إليه. يسلك المرء هذا الطريق عندما يملك دوافع وإمكانيات طموحة. أما المسار الآخر، فيُعرف بالمسلك المحيطي، ويحدث عندما لا يتخذ المرء الحذر أثناء تفكيره في موضوع ما، ويستخدم الطرق المختصرة للتوصل إلى الأحكام والقرارات. يحصل ذلك عندما تكون دوافع المرء وقدراته منخفضة.
توصل ستيفن سولمان إلى تفسير آخر للمعالجة المزدوجة عام 1996. فارتأى أن الاستدلال الارتباطي يستقبل المحفز ويقسمه إلى مجموعات منطقية من المعلومات ترتكز على تناسق إحصائي. يدعي سولمان أن كيفية ربط المعلومات متناسبة بشكل مباشر مع محاكاة التجارب السابقة أو التعرض لتجارب مماثلة لها، بالاعتماد على العلاقات التماثلية والزمانية لتحديد الاستدلال (التفكير) بدلًا من وجود بنية ميكانيكية ضمنية. أما عملية التفكير الأخرى، بنظر سولمان، فهي عبارة عن نظام قائم على القرار. يعمل هذا النظام على البنية المنطقية والمتغيرات القائمة على أنظمة القرار ليتوصل المرء إلى نتائج مختلفة عن تلك الناجمة عن النظام الترابطي. اعتقد سولمان أيضًا أن النظام القائم على القرار يسيطر على النظام الترابطي، لكن بوسعه فقط أن يكبت النظام الترابطي. يتماشى ذلك التفسير مع الأعمال السابقة المتعلقة بالنماذج الحوسبية لعمليات التفكير أو الاستدلال المزدوجة.
قدّم دانيل كانمان مزيدًا من التفسير بالتفريق بين أسلوبي المعالجة، ودعا هذان الأسلوبان بالحدس والتفكير في عام 2003. الحدس (أو النظام 1) مشابهٌ للاستدلال الترابطي، ويتصف بكونه سريعًا وتلقائيًا، وغالبًا ما يرافقه روابط عاطفية مثيلة لتلك الموجودة في عملية الاستدلال. قال كانمان إن هذا النوع من الاستدلال أو التفكير قائم على عادات متشكلة سابقًا، ومن الصعب جدًا تغييرها أو التلاعب بها. يتصف التفكير (أو النظام 2) بكونه أبطأ وأكثر تقلبًا، وذلك لأنه خاضع للأحكام والمواقف الواعية.
اقترح فريتز ستراك ورولاند دويتش نظرية معالجة مزدوجة أخرى تركز على مجال علم النفس الاجتماعي في عام 2004. وفقًا لنموذجهما، فهناك نظامان منفصلان: نظام انعكاسي ونظام تلقائي أو عفوي. في النظام الانعكاسي، تُتخذ القرارات بناءً على المعرفة والمعلومات المتعلقة بالموقف الذي يخضع للمعالجة. أما في النظام العفوي، فتتخذ القرارات بناءً على مخططات مُعدّة، ولا حاجة لاستخدام التفكير (أو قد يكون للتفكير أثر صغير في هذه الحالة).

## علم النفس الاجتماعي
لنظرية المعالجة المزدوجة أثر على علم النفس الاجتماعي في مجالات مثل التنميط، والتصنيف، وإطلاق الأحكام. وبشكل خاص، لدراسة التلقائية والضمنية في نظريات المعالجة المزدوجة تأثير كبير على إدراك المرء. يدرك الناس عادة معلومات الأشخاص الآخرين، ويصنفوها حسب العمر، والجنس، والعرق، أو الدور. وفقًا لنويبرغ وفيسكي (1987)، فالمرء الذي يستقبل كمية كبيرة من المعلومات عن شخص آخر، سيستخدم التصنيف العقلي الرسمي (اللاوعي) بصفته أساسًا للحكم على ذاك الشخص. وعندما يُشتت انتباه الشخص المتلقي، فعليه الانتباه أكثر لمعلومات الشخص الآخر (الوعي). التصنيف هو العملية الأساسية للتنميط، والذي يُصنّف الناس وفقه إلى مجموعات اجتماعية تملك صورًا نمطية محددة مرتبطة بها. بالإمكان استخراج الأحكام لدى الناس تلقائيًا بدون نية شخصية أو جهد.

wikiname: arwiki

title: نظرية المعالجة المزدوجة

in_language: ar

wikitext:
في [[علم النفس]]، تمنحنا '''نظرية المعالجة المزدوجة''' سردًا عن كيفية ظهور الفكر من خلال أسلوبين أو اتجاهين مختلفين، أو نتيجة عمليتي معالجة مختلفتين. تتألف عمليتا المعالجة في أغلب الأحيان من عملية معالجة ضمنية (تلقائية)، ومعالجة [[لا شعور|لا واعية]]، ومعالجة صريحة (مضبوطة) وواعية. ربما تتغير العمليات الصريحة والأفعال والمواقف أو الاتجاهات من خلال الإقناع أو التعليم، لكن تغيير عملية المعالجة الضمنية أو المواقف في سبيل خلق عادات جديدة يستغرق وقتًا طويلًا في أغلب الأوقات. تبرز نظريات المعالجة المزدوجة في عدد من مجالات علم النفس، مثل [[علم النفس الاجتماعي]] [[علم النفس المعرفي|والمعرفي]] [[علم النفس|والسريري]] [[علم نفس الشخصية|وعلم نفس الشخصية]]. ترتبط نظرية المعالجة المزدوجة أيضًا بعلم الاقتصاد عبر نظرية الاحتمال [[اقتصاد سلوكي|والاقتصاديات السلوكية]]، وبشكل متزايد في علم الاجتماع، وتحديدًا في التحليل الثقافي.<ref>{{استشهاد بدورية محكمة|الأخير=Vaisey|الأول=Stephen|تاريخ=2009-05-01|عنوان=Motivation and Justification: A Dual‐Process Model of Culture in Action|مسار=https://archive.org/details/sim_american-journal-of-sociology_2009-05_114_6/page/1675|صحيفة=American Journal of Sociology|المجلد=114|العدد=6|صفحات=1675–1715|doi=10.1086/597179|issn=0002-9602|citeseerx=10.1.1.523.5365}}</ref><ref>{{استشهاد بدورية محكمة|الأخير=Lizardo|الأخير7=Wood|صفحات=287–310|العدد=4|المجلد=34|doi=10.1177/0735275116675900|لغة=en|صحيفة=Sociological Theory|عنوان=What Are Dual Process Models? Implications for Cultural Analysis in Sociology|تاريخ=2016-12-30|الأول7=Michael|الأول6=Justin Van|الأول=Omar|الأخير6=Ness|الأول5=Marshall A.|الأخير5=Taylor|الأول4=Dustin S.|الأخير4=Stoltz|الأول3=Brandon|الأخير3=Sepulvado|الأول2=Robert|الأخير2=Mowry|مسار=https://osf.io/sx8b6/| مسار أرشيف = https://web.archive.org/web/20200111143310/https://osf.io/sx8b6/ | تاريخ أرشيف = 11 يناير 2020 }}</ref>

== تاريخ ==
تعود أساسات هذه النظرية على الأرجح إلى الفيلسوف [[ويليام جيمس|وليام جيمس]]. اعتقد جيمس بوجود نوعين مختلفين من التفكير: التفكير الترابطي، والاستدلال السليم. توصل جيمس إلى نظرية مفادها أن التفكير التجريبي يُستخدم لأمور مثل الرسم والتصميم. بالنسبة لجيمس، يستحضر العقل الصور والأفكار من تجاربه السابقة، ويوفر أمثلة للمقارنة أو أفكارًا مجردة. ادعى أيضًا أن المعرفة الترابطية تأتي فقط من تجارب سابقة، واصفًا إياها بالـ«توالدية». اعتقد أن الاستدلال السليم مفيد جدًا في «المواقف الجديدة» التي لم يسبق أن خاضها المرء، وبالتالي يستخدم المرء الاستدلال للتغلب على تلك العقبات، فعلى سبيل المثال، يمكن التغلب على مشكلة السفر بحرًا -باعتبارها مشكلة جديدة- بالاستدلال، أي القدرة على استخدام خريطة مثلًا.

ظهرت عدة نظريات تتعلق بالمعالجة المزدوجة بعد أعمال وليام جيمس. تُعتبر نماذج المعالجة المزدوجة شائعة الاستخدام في دراسة متغيرات علم النفس الاجتماعي، مثل تغير المواقف أو الاتجاهات. من الأمثلة على ذلك نموذج بلورة الأرجحية لبيتي وكاسيوبو والنموذج الإرشادي المنظم لتشيكين. وفقًا لهذين النموذجين، يحدث الاقتناع بعد تفحص أو تأمل شديدين، أو جراء تفكير شديد السطحية. في علم النفس المعرفي، يُصوّر كل من الانتباه والذاكرة بصفتهما قائمين على عمليتي معالجة مختلفتين أيضًا. وسواءً كنا نتكلم عن علم النفس الاجتماعي أو علم النفس المعرفي، هناك الكثير من الأمثلة عن نظريات المعالجة المزدوجة عبر التاريخ. يُظهر التالي لمحة عن مدى تنوع تلك النظريات.<ref>{{استشهاد بدورية محكمة|الأخير1=Barrett|الأول1=L. F.|الأخير2=Tugade|الأول2=M. M.|الأخير3=Engle|الأول3=R. W.|سنة=2004|عنوان=Individual differences in working memory capacity and dual-process theories of the mind|صحيفة=Psychological Bulletin|المجلد=130|العدد=4|صفحات=553–573|doi=10.1037/0033-2909.130.4.553|pmid=15250813|pmc=1351135}}</ref>

أشار بيتر واسون وجوناثان إيفانز إلى نظرية المعالجة المزدوجة عام 1974.<ref>{{استشهاد بدورية محكمة|الأخير1=Wason|الأول1=P.C.|الأخير2=Evans|الأول2=J.St.B.T.|عنوان=Dual processes in reasoning?|صحيفة=Cognition|تاريخ=1974|المجلد=3|العدد=2|صفحات=141–154|doi=10.1016/0010-0277(74)90017-1|اقتباس=… or that there was at least some form of dual processing between behavior and conscious thought.|مسار=https://cogsci.ucsd.edu/~coulson/203/wason-evans.pdf| مسار أرشيف = https://web.archive.org/web/20190530113632/http://www.cogsci.ucsd.edu/~coulson/203/wason-evans.pdf | تاريخ أرشيف = 30 مايو 2019 }}</ref> في نظرية إيفانز الأخيرة، هناك نوعان مختلفان من المعالجة: المعالجة الإرشادية، والمعالجة التحليلية. فخلال عملية المعالجة الإرشادية، وفقًا لإيفانز، يختار الفرد المعلومات الملائمة للوضع الحالي. تُعالج بعدها المعلومات الملائمة، بينما تُهمل تلك غير الملائمة. تأتي عملية المعالجة التحليلية عقب المعالجة الإرشادية، وخلال تلك العملية، تُستخدم المعلومات الملائمة التي اختيرت أثناء المعالجة الإرشادية لصنع القرار واتخاذ الإجراء المناسب للموقف الذي يواجهه الفرد.<ref>{{استشهاد بدورية محكمة|الأخير=Evans|الأول=Jonathan|عنوان=Heuristic and analytic processes in reasoning|صحيفة=British Journal of Psychology|سنة=1984|المجلد=75|العدد=4|صفحات=451–468|doi=10.1111/j.2044-8295.1984.tb01915.x}}</ref>

اقترح ريتشارد ي. بيتي، وجون كاسيوبو نظرية المعالجة المزدوجة في مجال [[علم النفس الاجتماعي]] عام 1986. دُعيت نظريتهما بـنموذج بلورة الأرجحية في الإقناع. وفي تلك النظرية، هناك مسلكان مختلفان في الإقناع من أجل اتخاذ القرارات. يُعرف المسار الأول بالمسلك (أو المسار) المركزي، ويحصل ذلك عندما يفكر المرء بموقف أو وضع ما بشكل حذر وجدّي، ويتوسع باكتشاف المعلومات المتوفرة، وبالتالي يخلق حجة أو برهانًا على ما توصل إليه. يسلك المرء هذا الطريق عندما يملك دوافع وإمكانيات طموحة. أما المسار الآخر، فيُعرف بالمسلك المحيطي، ويحدث عندما لا يتخذ المرء الحذر أثناء تفكيره في موضوع ما، ويستخدم الطرق المختصرة للتوصل إلى الأحكام والقرارات. يحصل ذلك عندما تكون دوافع المرء وقدراته منخفضة.<ref>{{استشهاد بكتاب|الأخير=Petty|الأول=Richard|مؤلف2=Cacioppo, John|عنوان=The Elaboration Likelihood Model of Persuasion|صحيفة=Advances in Experimental Social Psychology|سنة=1986|المجلد=19|صفحات=123–181|doi=10.1016/s0065-2601(08)60214-2|isbn=9780120152193}}</ref>

توصل ستيفن سولمان إلى تفسير آخر للمعالجة المزدوجة عام 1996. فارتأى أن الاستدلال الارتباطي يستقبل المحفز ويقسمه إلى مجموعات منطقية من المعلومات ترتكز على تناسق إحصائي. يدعي سولمان أن كيفية ربط المعلومات متناسبة بشكل مباشر مع محاكاة التجارب السابقة أو التعرض لتجارب مماثلة لها، بالاعتماد على العلاقات التماثلية والزمانية لتحديد الاستدلال (التفكير) بدلًا من وجود بنية ميكانيكية ضمنية. أما عملية التفكير الأخرى، بنظر سولمان، فهي عبارة عن نظام قائم على القرار. يعمل هذا النظام على البنية المنطقية والمتغيرات القائمة على أنظمة القرار ليتوصل المرء إلى نتائج مختلفة عن تلك الناجمة عن النظام الترابطي. اعتقد سولمان أيضًا أن النظام القائم على القرار يسيطر على النظام الترابطي، لكن بوسعه فقط أن يكبت النظام الترابطي. يتماشى ذلك التفسير مع الأعمال السابقة المتعلقة بالنماذج الحوسبية لعمليات التفكير أو الاستدلال المزدوجة.<ref>{{استشهاد بدورية محكمة|الأخير1=Sloman|الأول1=S.A.|سنة=1996|عنوان=The empirical case for two systems of reasoning|مسار=https://archive.org/details/sim_psychological-bulletin_1996-01_119_1/page/3|صحيفة=Psychological Bulletin|المجلد=119|العدد=|صفحات=3–22|doi=10.1037/0033-2909.119.1.3|citeseerx=10.1.1.121.5355}}</ref><ref>Sun, R. (1994). "Integrating Rules and Connectionism for Robust Commonsense Reasoning." John Wiley and Sons, New York.</ref>

قدّم [[دانيال كانمان|دانيل كانمان]] مزيدًا من التفسير بالتفريق بين أسلوبي المعالجة، ودعا هذان الأسلوبان بالحدس والتفكير في عام 2003. الحدس (أو النظام 1) مشابهٌ للاستدلال الترابطي، ويتصف بكونه سريعًا وتلقائيًا، وغالبًا ما يرافقه روابط [[عاطفة|عاطفية]] مثيلة لتلك الموجودة في عملية الاستدلال. قال كانمان إن هذا النوع من الاستدلال أو التفكير قائم على عادات متشكلة سابقًا، ومن الصعب جدًا تغييرها أو التلاعب بها. يتصف التفكير (أو النظام 2) بكونه أبطأ وأكثر تقلبًا، وذلك لأنه خاضع للأحكام والمواقف الواعية.<ref>{{استشهاد بدورية محكمة|الأخير1=Kahneman|الأول1=D|سنة=2003|عنوان=A perspective on judgement and choice|مسار=https://archive.org/details/sim_american-psychologist_2003-09_58_9/page/697|صحيفة=American Psychologist|المجلد=58|العدد=9|صفحات=697–720|doi=10.1037/0003-066x.58.9.697|pmid=14584987|citeseerx=10.1.1.186.3636}}</ref>

اقترح فريتز ستراك ورولاند دويتش نظرية معالجة مزدوجة أخرى تركز على مجال علم النفس الاجتماعي في عام 2004. وفقًا لنموذجهما، فهناك نظامان منفصلان: نظام انعكاسي ونظام تلقائي أو عفوي. في النظام الانعكاسي، تُتخذ القرارات بناءً على المعرفة والمعلومات المتعلقة بالموقف الذي يخضع للمعالجة. أما في النظام العفوي، فتتخذ القرارات بناءً على مخططات مُعدّة، ولا حاجة لاستخدام التفكير (أو قد يكون للتفكير أثر صغير في هذه الحالة).<ref>{{استشهاد بدورية محكمة|الأخير=Strack|الأول=Fritz|مؤلف2=Deutsch, Roland|عنوان=Reflective and Impulsive Determinants of Social Behavior|صحيفة=Personality and Social Psychology Review|سنة=2004|المجلد=8|العدد=3|صفحات=220–247|doi=10.1207/s15327957pspr0803_1|pmid=15454347|citeseerx=10.1.1.323.2327}}</ref>

== علم النفس الاجتماعي ==
لنظرية المعالجة المزدوجة أثر على علم النفس الاجتماعي في مجالات مثل التنميط، والتصنيف، وإطلاق الأحكام. وبشكل خاص، لدراسة التلقائية والضمنية في نظريات المعالجة المزدوجة تأثير كبير على إدراك المرء. يدرك الناس عادة معلومات الأشخاص الآخرين، ويصنفوها حسب العمر، والجنس، والعرق، أو الدور. وفقًا لنويبرغ وفيسكي (1987)، فالمرء الذي يستقبل كمية كبيرة من المعلومات عن شخص آخر، سيستخدم التصنيف العقلي الرسمي (اللاوعي)<ref>{{استشهاد بدورية محكمة|الأخير1=Jonathan|الأول1=St. Evans|سنة=2007|عنوان=Dual-processing accounts of reasoning, judgment, and social cognition|مسار=|صحيفة=Annual Review of Psychology|المجلد=59|العدد=|صفحات=268–269|doi=10.1146/annurev.psych.59.103006.093629|pmid=18154502}}</ref> بصفته أساسًا للحكم على ذاك الشخص. وعندما يُشتت انتباه الشخص المتلقي، فعليه الانتباه أكثر لمعلومات الشخص الآخر (الوعي). التصنيف هو العملية الأساسية للتنميط، والذي يُصنّف الناس وفقه إلى مجموعات اجتماعية تملك صورًا نمطية محددة مرتبطة بها.<ref>{{استشهاد بدورية محكمة|الأخير1=Macrae|الأول1=C.N.|الأخير2=Bodenhausen|الأول2=G.V.|سنة=2000|عنوان=Social cognition: Thinking categorically about others|مسار=https://archive.org/details/sim_annual-review-of-psychology_2000_51/page/93|صحيفة=Annual Review of Psychology|المجلد=51|العدد=|صفحات=93–120|doi=10.1146/annurev.psych.51.1.93|pmid=10751966}}</ref> بالإمكان استخراج الأحكام لدى الناس تلقائيًا بدون نية [[شخصية]] أو جهد.

== مراجع ==
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# Jan Schmidt-Garre
Jan Schmidt-Garre (* 18. Juni 1962 in München) ist ein deutscher Regisseur und Produzent.

## Biographie
Jan Schmidt-Garre wurde als Sohn des Komponisten und Musikwissenschaftlers Helmut Schmidt-Garre und der 2023 verstorbenen Opern- und Theaterkritikerin Beate Kayser geboren. Er studierte von 1982 bis 1986 Philosophie an der Hochschule für Philosophie der Jesuiten in München (M. A. mit einer semiotischen Arbeit zu Wagners Der Ring des Nibelungen) und von 1984 bis 1988 Regie an der Hochschule für Fernsehen und Film in München, Spielfilmabteilung.
Während der Schulzeit und des Studiums arbeitete er als Regieassistent und Volontär bei den Regisseuren Rudolf Noelte, David Esrig, Joachim Herz, Jean-Pierre Ponnelle und Harry Kupfer (u. a. bei den Salzburger Festspielen, den Bayreuther Festspielen, an der Metropolitan Opera, New York, und an der Dresdner Staatsoper).
Bei dem Dirigenten Sergiu Celibidache studierte er Dirigieren und Musiktheorie in öffentlichen Kursen und Privatstunden in Mainz, München und Paris.
Im Jahr 1988 gründete Schmidt-Garre die Produktionsfirma Pars Media, die mit Dokumentar- und Spielfilmen zu Themen der Musik und Kunst internationales Renommée erlangte und mit vielen Preisen ausgezeichnet wurde, unter anderen mit einer Nominierung zum Deutschen Filmpreis, sowie Hauptpreisen auf den Filmfestivals von Chicago, Paris, Monte Carlo, Ohio, München und Prag. Die Filme wurden in über dreißig Ländern ausgestrahlt, sie wurden im Kino gezeigt und auf Laser Disc, VHS und DVD veröffentlicht.
Schmidt-Garre inszeniert regelmäßig Opern in Deutschland und der Schweiz.
Schmidt-Garre ist Mitglied der Deutschen Filmakademie und übernimmt regelmäßig Lehraufträge für Regie und Ästhetik (u. a. an der HFF in München und an der Athanor Akademie für Theater, Film, TV in Passau). Er ist mit der Kunsthändlerin Philomene Magers verheiratet. Sie haben zwei Kinder und leben in Berlin.

## Filmographie (Auswahl)
- 360° Figaro, VR-Oper mit Jacquelyn Wagner, 2018, 25 Minuten
- Aida’s Brothers & Sisters, Musikfilm, 1999, 90 Minuten
- Die Alchemie der Musik, Musikfilm mit Alfred Brendel, Ermonela Jaho, Jean-Rodolphe Kars, Stephen Kovacevich, Sir Antonio Pappano, Francesco Piemontesi und Maria João Pires, 2024, 90 Minuten
- Der atmende Gott – Reise zum Ursprung des modernen Yoga, Dokumentarfilm, 2012, 105 Minuten
- Belcanto – Die Tenöre der Schellackzeit, Serie von Sängerportraits, 1996, 390 Minuten. Preise beim Columbus International Film Festival und bei "Classique en images", ICMA Award
- Bruckners Entscheidung, Spielfilm, 1995, 80 Minuten
- Celibidache – Man will nichts, man lässt es entstehen, Dokumentarfilm, 1992, 100 Minuten. Nominiert für den Deutschen Filmpreis, Midem Classical Award, Silbermedaille beim Chicago International Film Festival
- Chopin at the Opera, Filmessay, 2010, 60 Minuten
- Fidelio, Filmversion einer Inszenierung mit Jacquelyn Wagner, Norbert Ernst und Roman Trekel, 2018, 115 Minuten, Bühnen- und Filmregie Jan Schmidt-Garre
- Fuoco sacro – Suche nach dem heiligen Feuer des Gesangs, Musikfilm mit Ermonela Jaho, Barbara Hannigan und Asmik Grigorian, 2021, 92 Minuten
- Furtwänglers Liebe, Filmessay, 2004, 70 Minuten. Preis beim "Golden Prague"
- Der Gefesselte, Tanz-Spielfilm mit Saburo Teshigawara, nach einer Erzählung von Ilse Aichinger, 2002, 45 Minuten
- Home Music Berlin, Musikfilm und Konzertserie mit Francesco Piemontesi, Christian Tetzlaff, Jacquelyn Wagner, Roman Trekel, Iddo Bar-Shai, Severin von Eckardstein, Elsa Dreisig, Olena Tokar, Sharon Kam, Matan Porat, Tabea Zimmermann u. v. a., 2020/21, 60 + 14 × 60 Minuten
- The Inner Film, Serie von musikalischen Film-Essays mit Zlata Chochieva, Francesco Piemontesi, Ermonela Jaho, Barbara Hannigan, Asmik Grigorian u. v. a., 2017–...
- Legato – The World of the Piano, Serie von Pianistenportraits und Konzerten, 2006-08, 720 Minuten
- Long Shot Close Up – Andreas Gursky, Künstlerportrait, 2010, 60 Minuten
- Maß – Farbe – Licht, Künstlerportrait, 1992, 45 Minuten
- No More Wunderkind – Sergei Nakariakov, Musikfilm, 2004, 60 Minuten
- Opera Fanatic, Opern-Roadmovie, 1998, 90 Minuten. Preise beim Internationalen Dokumentarfilmfestival München und beim "Golden Prague" (Czech Crystal)
- Olafur Eliasson - Notion Motion, Künstlerportrait, 2005, 30 + 60 Minuten
- Sophia – Biographie eines Violinkonzerts, Dokumentarfilm mit Sofia Gubaidulina und Anne-Sophie Mutter, 2008, 60 Minuten. Nominiert zum Prix Italia
- Super Leben, Dokumentarfilm, 2014, 60 Minuten
- This not that - The Artist John Baldessari, Künstlerportrait, 2005, 90 Minuten
- Das Versprechen – Architekt BV Doshi, Dokumentarfilm, 2023, 90 Minuten

wikiname: dewiki

title: Jan Schmidt-Garre

in_language: de

wikitext:
'''Jan Schmidt-Garre''' (* [[18. Juni]] [[1962]] in [[München]]) ist ein deutscher [[Regisseur]] und [[Musikproduzent|Produzent]].

== Biographie ==

Jan Schmidt-Garre wurde als Sohn des Komponisten und Musikwissenschaftlers [[Helmut Schmidt-Garre]] und der 2023 verstorbenen Opern- und Theaterkritikerin [[Beate Kayser]] geboren. Er studierte von 1982 bis 1986 [[Philosophie]] an der Hochschule für Philosophie der Jesuiten in München (M. A. mit einer semiotischen Arbeit zu Wagners ''[[Der Ring des Nibelungen]]'') und von 1984 bis 1988 Regie an der [[Hochschule für Fernsehen und Film München|Hochschule für Fernsehen und Film]] in München, Spielfilmabteilung.

Während der Schulzeit und des Studiums arbeitete er als Regieassistent und Volontär bei den Regisseuren [[Rudolf Noelte]], [[David Esrig]], [[Joachim Herz (Intendant)|Joachim Herz]], [[Jean-Pierre Ponnelle]] und [[Harry Kupfer]] (u. a. bei den [[Salzburger Festspiele]]n, den [[Bayreuther Festspiele]]n, an der Metropolitan Opera, New York, und an der [[Semperoper|Dresdner Staatsoper]]).

Bei dem Dirigenten [[Sergiu Celibidache]] studierte er [[Dirigieren]] und [[Musiktheorie]] in öffentlichen Kursen und Privatstunden in Mainz, München und Paris.

Im Jahr 1988 gründete Schmidt-Garre die Produktionsfirma ''Pars Media'', die mit Dokumentar- und Spielfilmen zu Themen der Musik und Kunst internationales Renommée erlangte und mit vielen Preisen ausgezeichnet wurde, unter anderen mit einer Nominierung zum Deutschen Filmpreis, sowie Hauptpreisen auf den Filmfestivals von Chicago, Paris, Monte Carlo, Ohio, München und Prag. Die Filme wurden in über dreißig Ländern ausgestrahlt, sie wurden im Kino gezeigt und auf Laser Disc, VHS und DVD veröffentlicht.

Schmidt-Garre inszeniert regelmäßig Opern in Deutschland und der Schweiz.

Schmidt-Garre ist Mitglied der [[Deutsche Filmakademie|Deutschen Filmakademie]] und übernimmt regelmäßig Lehraufträge für Regie und Ästhetik (u. a. an der HFF in München und an der [[Athanor Akademie|Athanor Akademie für Theater, Film, TV]] in Passau). Er ist mit der Kunsthändlerin Philomene Magers verheiratet. Sie haben zwei Kinder und leben in Berlin.

== Filmographie (Auswahl) ==

* ''360° Figaro'', VR-Oper mit Jacquelyn Wagner, 2018, 25 Minuten
* ''Aida’s Brothers & Sisters'', Musikfilm, 1999, 90 Minuten
* ''Die Alchemie der Musik'', Musikfilm mit Alfred Brendel, Ermonela Jaho, Jean-Rodolphe Kars, Stephen Kovacevich, Sir Antonio Pappano, Francesco Piemontesi und Maria João Pires, 2024, 90 Minuten
* ''[[Der atmende Gott – Reise zum Ursprung des modernen Yoga]]'', Dokumentarfilm, 2012, 105 Minuten
* ''Belcanto – Die Tenöre der Schellackzeit'', Serie von Sängerportraits, 1996, 390 Minuten. Preise beim Columbus International Film Festival und bei "Classique en images", ICMA Award
* ''Bruckners Entscheidung'', Spielfilm, 1995, 80 Minuten
* ''Celibidache – Man will nichts, man lässt es entstehen'', Dokumentarfilm, 1992, 100 Minuten. Nominiert für den Deutschen Filmpreis, Midem Classical Award, Silbermedaille beim Chicago International Film Festival
* ''Chopin at the Opera'', Filmessay, 2010, 60 Minuten
* ''Fidelio'', Filmversion einer Inszenierung mit Jacquelyn Wagner, Norbert Ernst und Roman Trekel, 2018, 115 Minuten, Bühnen- und Filmregie Jan Schmidt-Garre
* ''Fuoco sacro – Suche nach dem heiligen Feuer des Gesangs'', Musikfilm mit [[Ermonela Jaho]], [[Barbara Hannigan]] und [[Asmik Grigorian]], 2021, 92 Minuten
* ''Furtwänglers Liebe'', Filmessay, 2004, 70 Minuten. Preis beim "Golden Prague"
* ''Der Gefesselte'', Tanz-Spielfilm mit [[Saburo Teshigawara]], nach einer Erzählung von [[Ilse Aichinger]], 2002, 45 Minuten
* ''Home Music Berlin'', Musikfilm und Konzertserie mit [[Francesco Piemontesi]], [[Christian Tetzlaff]], [[Jacquelyn Wagner]], [[Roman Trekel]], [[Iddo Bar-Shai]], [[Severin von Eckardstein]], [[Elsa Dreisig]], [[Olena Tokar]], [[Sharon Kam]], [[Matan Porat]], [[Tabea Zimmermann]] u. v. a., 2020/21, 60 + 14 × 60 Minuten
* ''The Inner Film'', Serie von musikalischen Film-Essays mit [[Zlata Chochieva]], [[Francesco Piemontesi]], [[Ermonela Jaho]], [[Barbara Hannigan]], [[Asmik Grigorian]] u. v. a., 2017–...
* ''Legato – The World of the Piano'', Serie von Pianistenportraits und Konzerten, 2006-08, 720 Minuten
* ''Long Shot Close Up – [[Andreas Gursky]]'', Künstlerportrait, 2010, 60 Minuten
* ''Maß – Farbe – Licht'', Künstlerportrait, 1992, 45 Minuten
* ''No More Wunderkind – [[Sergei Nakariakov]]'', Musikfilm, 2004, 60 Minuten
* ''Opera Fanatic'', Opern-Roadmovie, 1998, 90 Minuten. Preise beim Internationalen Dokumentarfilmfestival München und beim "Golden Prague" (Czech Crystal)
* ''[[Olafur Eliasson]] - Notion Motion'', Künstlerportrait, 2005, 30 + 60 Minuten
* ''Sophia – Biographie eines Violinkonzerts'', Dokumentarfilm mit [[Sofia Gubaidulina]] und [[Anne-Sophie Mutter]], 2008, 60 Minuten. Nominiert zum Prix Italia
* ''Super Leben'', Dokumentarfilm, 2014, 60 Minuten
* ''This not that - The Artist [[John Baldessari]]'', Künstlerportrait, 2005, 90 Minuten
* ''Das Versprechen – Architekt [[Balkrishna Vithaldas Doshi|BV Doshi]]'', Dokumentarfilm, 2023, 90 Minuten

== Weblinks ==
* [http://jan.schmidt-garre.com/de/ Website Jan Schmidt-Garre]
* {{IMDb|nm0773272}}
* {{DNB-Portal|139081763}}
* [https://www.parsmedia.com Website PARS Media]
* [https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCrZ8JThN68CoOH5jQGp7i9Q Filmausschnitte]
* [https://arthaus-musik.com/en/search.html?search=schmidt-Garre DVDs bei Arthaus]
* [https://www.freundevonfreunden.com/interviews/jan-schmidt-garre/ Jan Schmidt-Garre] auf ''freundevonfreunden.com''
* [https://www.waahr.de/texte/knick-oder-linie Jan Schmidt-Garre über Opernregie] auf ''waahr.de''

{{Normdaten|TYP=p|GND=139081763|LCCN=no/98/077285|VIAF=222876451}}

{{DEFAULTSORT:Schmidt-Garre, Jan}}
[[Kategorie:Filmregisseur]]
[[Kategorie:Filmproduzent]]
[[Kategorie:Deutscher]]
[[Kategorie:Geboren 1962]]
[[Kategorie:Mann]]

{{Personendaten
|NAME=Schmidt-Garre, Jan
|ALTERNATIVNAMEN=
|KURZBESCHREIBUNG=deutscher Regisseur und Produzent
|GEBURTSDATUM=18. Juni 1962
|GEBURTSORT=[[München]]
|STERBEDATUM=
|STERBEORT=
}}