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Slow PTCL DSL Solution during Submarine Cable Cut

Many internet users in Pakistan, particularly those using PTCL Broadband were left in extreme agony last night when their internet lines started failing—connections timing out, websites not loading and the refresh button getting abused!

It was due to a submarine fiber optic cable fault, one of those high-speed undersea cables through which PTCL runs its traffic. The particular culprit was SEA-ME-WE-4, also called SMW4. It’s not the first time that PTCL users had to bear this torture of slow internet due to a cable fault, last time it occurred was in 2013 and that too was a fault in SMW4.

Thankfully, though, Pakistan doesn’t rely on only one cable to connect to the outside world. It has multiple submarine cable links like TW1 (which is operated by Transworld Associates) and SEAMEWE3.

During cable outages, which mostly occur on SMW cables affecting PTCL users, the ISPs using Transworld Associates’ fiber optic cable (TW1) are usually able to provide their services at full capacity without any degradation. This is exactly what happened yesterday too; PTCL users were suffering because the outgoing links were degraded. However, those ISPs routing their traffic via TW1 were spared from the disaster.

The one I use is Zong. Yes, I was using Zong’s 3G service and its service quality was great. On the other hand, I was struggling to load even a single 800 kB page on my PTCL broadband connection.

Here’s how you can identify through what cable your ISP routes traffic. I’m posting a traceroute to, which shows that packets leave the country through TW1 while on Zong:

Zong TW1 submarine cut

As you can see, on the 6th hop, my packets are being routed via TW1 cable.

This was for Zong—I’m not sure what other ISPs use for their internet connectivity. Can anybody shed some light on Telenor, Ufone, Warid and Mobilink?

Any traces would be great! The command you put in Windows’ command prompt is tracert while on Linux it is traceroute.

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Ehtisham Siddiqui

Blogger and a techie. WordPress, cricket and aviation freak. Love traveling!

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Important 401(k) Testing Deadlines to Remember!

In general, 401(k) plans must be tested annually to demonstrate that they do not discriminate in favor of highly compensated employees, or provide benefits that exceed certain statutory or regulatory limits. If a plan “fails” any of the required tests, the plan sponsor must take corrective actions, and there are established deadlines for correcting certain failures. The following is a brief summary of these deadlines:

Note: Deadlines are based on a calendar year.

• March 15th – Deadline for issuing corrective distributions to correct ADP/ACP testing failures for non-safe harbor 401(k) plans.

In general, corrective distributions must be issued within 2 ½ months following the close of the plan year to avoid a 10% excise tax imposed on the excess amounts. Plan sponsors of 401(k) plans that include an “eligible automatic contribution arrangement” have up to 6 months to issue corrective distributions without incurring the excise tax.

In either situation, correct distributions must be issued no later than the last day of the plan year following the plan year in which the testing failure occurred to protect the qualified status of the plan.

• April 15th – Due date for issuing corrective distributions for excess deferrals (i.e. participant deferrals made in excess of 402(g) limit – $18,500 for 2018). If the excess amount, plus related earnings, is not distributed by this date, the participant is in effect taxed on the excess amount twice, both in the year the excess occurred and the year of the distribution. (Note: This deadline is the same, regardless of plan year).

• June 30th – Extended due date for issuing corrective distributions for ADP/ACP testing failures under “eligible automatic contribution arrangement” 401(k) plans; the 10% excise tax applies to distributions made after this date.
• October 15th – Deadline for adopting a retroactive plan amendment to correct a coverage or nondiscrimination testing failure (if applicable). The amendment must be adopted no later than 9 ½ months following the close of the plan year in which
the failure occurred, as provided for under the applicable regulations.

• December 31st – Final deadline for issuing corrective distributions for ADP/ACP testing failures for the prior year (or for making a QNEC/QMAC to correct the failure).

The deadlines 401(k) plan sponsors must observe are numerous and complex; the deadlines listed above are not meant to be comprehensive, but rather, represent critical dates related to the correction of specific plan testing failures.

Please contact us to learn more about how these rules impact your plan and participants!

Fiduciary checklist for hiring Service Providers

You reached a great milestone when your organization became competitive enough to offer your employees a qualified retirement plan under ERISA (Employee Retirement Income and Security Act of 1974).

However, success can bring new challenges. As the assets of your Plan grow, so can your fiduciary liability, exposing you to loss and litigation.

As a Plan Sponsor, you can mitigate your risk by hiring service providers who agree to assume or share fiduciary liability. ERISA specifically describes the duties of Plan Administrator and Investment Advisors

in sections 3(16), 3(21) and 3(38) that can be outsourced to help you avoid risk and non-compliance with federal regulations. (See Types of ERISA Fiduciaries).

Here is a checklist of some questions to ask yourself in deciding if the time is right for you to hire service providers, and a list of some areas to address with a potential provider.

Plan Design

Plan design is an important part of any plan. A solid plan design and attention to the execution of these features will help plan sponsors maximize the benefit of their plan for themselves and their employees.

• Has it been more than 18 months since you reviewed your Plan Document?

• Are you certain you have maximized benefits for owners and key employees?

• Does your Plan allow participants to make after-tax (Roth) contributions to their accounts?

Management, Administration, and Fees

The management, administration, and fees related to the operation of any retirement plan are important

factors when choosing a service provider. As mentioned previously paying “reasonable” fees and expenses

while ensuring that the management and administration of your retirement plan runs smoothly is a balance

that each fiduciary must meet (see Fiduciary Responsibilities for Benefit Plans under ERISA).

• Were you made aware of new plan design options on a timely basis?

• Does the administration of your retirement plan take too much of your time?

• Do you offer self-service features to help participants manage their own retirement accounts?

Participant Education and Retirement Resources

Ensuring that your participants have the resources available to make informed decisions and are kept up to date on the issues affecting their retirement plan helps plan sponsors motivate employees in making sound retirement decisions.

• Do you maintain a formal education program?

• Do you have regularly scheduled enrollment and education meetings?

• Are you happy with the percentage of employees participating in your retirement plan?

Investment Selection and Monitoring

The selection of investments in your retirement plan is as important as the design of your plan. Outsourcing these services to a 3(21) or 3(38) fiduciary can help limit the liability plan sponsors face when choosing and monitoring the investments (see Types of ERISA Fiduciaries).

• Has your investment policy been reviewed and followed in the last 12 months?

• Do you have a documented rigorous investment selection and review process?

• Does your plan offer all the appropriate core investment categories?

ERISA Compliance and Fiduciary Responsibility

Understanding your role as a fiduciary of the plan is important in meeting the high standard of conduct defined under ERISA. To see if you are a fiduciary of the plan, your responsibility as a fiduciary, or how to mitigate your liability as a fiduciary read our recent articles: Are you a Fiduciary?, Fiduciary Responsibilities

for Benefit Plans under ERISA , and Types of ERISA Fiduciaries.

• Are you provided excellent guidance, education and support in understanding your fiduciary responsibilities?

• Do you have a fiduciary assurance feature related to the suitability of the investment monitoring process and fund lineup?

• Do you have all the tools and resources needed to help discharge you of your fiduciary responsibilities?

Download EJReynolds’ 401(k) Compliance Review to assess how well your 401(k) Plan is operating up to today’s standards.

EJReynolds, along with your advisor, can assist you in reviewing and defining you plan objectives, help you be more prescriptive with your investment options, and more easily communicate with employees who want to understand how to achieve their own retirement income goals.

Plan Compensation – Not So Simple!

At face value, it seems like “compensation” would be one of the simplest issues to deal with in a retirement plan, but it is actually one of the most complex. Understanding what compensation is “plan eligible” is one of the biggest headaches for plan sponsors and an area in which plan sponsors often make mistakes.

If you think about all the different forms of compensation you pay your employees (e.g. bonuses, commissions, fringe benefits, paid sick time, vacation time, automobile allowance, severance pay, group term life in excess of $50,000, etc.), it becomes clear why this is such a complex issue!

What is “plan eligible” compensation?

Plan eligible compensation must be defined under the terms of the plan, and the terms of the plan must be followed. There are 3 basic definitions of compensation that are commonly used:

  • W-2 Compensation
  • Income subject to federal income tax withholding
  • “415” Compensation (basically, an all-encompassing definition)

Note: Other definitions of compensation may be used, but they are generally subject to additional testing requirements.

Why does plan compensation matter?

It matters for several reasons, but primarily because all contributions must be based on the plan’s definition of compensation.

What is this important to me as a plan sponsor?

At the end of the day, a plan must be operated in accordance with the terms of the plan to protect its qualified status, so it is very important to understand what compensation is plan eligible.

Common sense often drives employers to make decisions about whether to apply an employee’s 401(k)/Roth election to certain compensation items, but common sense doesn’t rule in this situation.

For example, one of the most common mistakes made by plan sponsors is to not withhold employee deferrals from bonuses, rather than allowing employees to make this election.

Bonuses are plan compensation, unless specifically excluded under the terms of the plan. Unless the plan allows employees to make a specific election with respect to bonuses, the deferral election must be applied to this compensation.

So, what happens if an employer makes a decision not to withhold from bonuses? Generally, the correction is for the employer to make a corrective contribution on behalf of the affected participants for the “missed deferral” along with any related matching contributions, adjusted for earnings. A mistake that is costly for the employer and totally preventable!

Can a plan exclude bonuses or commissions from its definition of compensation?

It depends; unless the plan uses one of the “common” definitions, certain testing must be done each plan year to ensure the plan’s definition of compensation doesn’t discriminate in favor of the plan’s highly compensated employees. Excluding bonuses or commissions from eligible compensation requires this additional testing, so whether it is viable in a given situation depends on a number of factors.

What about fringe benefits; must they be included?

No, provided the plan’s definition excludes all of the following (even if includible in gross income): reimbursements or other expense allowances, fringe benefits (cash and noncash), moving expenses, deferred compensation, and welfare benefits.

Can we exclude other compensation items from the plan’s definition of compensation?

It depends on your specific company, how you compensate your employees, the demographics or your workforce and the general provisions of your plan. It is certainly acceptable to design your plan in such a way that certain compensation items are excluded provided the plan can meet the necessary nondiscrimination testing requirements and you can properly administer its provisions.

The Bottom Line

A plan’s definition of compensation is one of the most complex issues impacting retirement plans. It is important your plan is designed properly to meet your specific needs and that you, as a plan sponsor, understand your plan’s definition of compensation so that you can keep your plan in compliance and avoid costly mistakes!

We possess the necessary expertise to help you navigate through these issues and want to help you optimize your plan’s design so that it works well for you and your employees! Please contact us to learn more.


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We’re bringing home the Swedish Tax Agency

2018-03-29 - Reading time: 2 minutes #skatteverket #gdpr

We are happy to inform everyone that we, together with Digitalist, have become the IT provider for the Swedish Tax Agency.

The Swedish Tax Agency wanted start using a domestic web statistics tool which could replace Google Analytics and decided to start using the open source option Matomo, which will be hosted at ELASTX.

“There is a lot of focus on the General Data Protection Regulation now and an increased interest for sensitive data to be kept in Sweden. It has been a challenge for the Swedish Tax Agency with the fact that Google is a US-based company. We are also experiencing that several other government authorities are looking for open source based alternative that can be operated on Swedish soil.” - ELASTX COO, Henrik Grankvist to Computer Sweden.

We are interested in working with companies whom have high requirements when it comes to security. We have built a stable infrastructure that is capable of handling that type of environments. And we are now noticing that there is a demand after a Swedish-based company that can offer public cloud platforms and act as their Cloud Operation. We are ready to take on the mission.

The agreement with Swedish Tax Office has been put together with the digital bureau Digitalist which are application experts. Besides the agreement with the Swedish Tax Agency, we will also work with Digitalist to help the Swedish Labor Office with development of their new play service ‘AF-play’, on the open source platform Drupal.

#skatteverket #gdpr


text:
Are Conservative Titles Using Shady Tricks to Get Onto the Bestseller List?

Several political titles are showing up with dagger symbols, indicating bulk orders — possibly from the authors’ own organizations

The pen is mightier than the sword. But what about the dagger? Conservative titles are showing up on the New York Times bestseller list marked with dagger symbols (this one: †), which indicate that a book cracked the top sellers thanks to bulk orders. In other words, people are buying several dozen or more books at a time. Does this mean something a little weird is going on? Well, it might.

The method by which the New York Times compiles its list of best sellers is shrouded in as much mystery as the recipe for Coca Cola or the number of licks to the center of a Tootsie Pop. According to the New York Times’s own “About the Best Sellers” info page, the Times gets the data for its list from specific book vendors who remain, for the most part, confidential. Though the numbers aren’t verified, it’s believed you have to sell between 5,000 and 10,000 books in a week to vendors in the paper’s established “book universe,” which includes “well-established vendors as well as emerging ones. The sales venues for print books include national, regional and local chains representing tens of thousands of storefronts; many hundreds of independent book retailers; scores of online and multimedia entertainment retailers; supermarkets, university, gift and big-box department stores; and newsstands.” When we reached out for clarification, the Times gave us a simile: “If we were to equate The New York Times best seller lists with covering baseball, we would include the major leagues, minor leagues and all the way down to the little leagues while doing what we can to exclude any attempts made by people to manipulate the lists.”

Because people do try to manipulate the list. A lot. The list is easy to scam if you’re okay with some public scorn. Mitt Romney bulked up his numbers by requiring his book tour hosts to sell between $25,000 and $50,000 worth of his 2010 book No Apology: The Case for American Greatness. The most recent public scamming strategy was carried out by the author of Handbook for Mortals, Lani Sarem. The book made it to the top of the Fiction Bestseller List, beating out The Hate U Give, without even being available for sale. (As some consolation, the book was eventually removed from the bestseller list.) How did Lani Sarem get on the list? By calling up independent bookstores to confirm they were reporting their sales to The New York Times, and then ordering specific quantities of books through those stores — orders large enough to make an impact but small enough to fall under the bulk order radar.

Here’s where the dagger comes in. The New York Times knows its system for gathering weekly data is open to abuse, which is why it’s come up with the dagger system. If the New York Times believes a book has made its way onto the list in a way that seems “suspicious,” it places a small dagger symbol next to the title: “Institutional, special interest, group or bulk purchases, if and when they are included, are at the discretion of The New York Times Best-Seller List Desk editors based on standards for inclusion that encompass proprietary vetting and audit protocols, corroborative reporting and other statistical determinations. When included, such bulk purchases appear with a dagger (†).”

These daggers are important to watch, because they indicate that someone is paying a lot of money to make sure books such as The Empire State by the political commentator Jerome R. Corsi (a book on the secret conspiracy to undermine the Trump presidency) get on the list, regardless of how many people actually read them.

Emily Pullen, a former manager at WORD bookstore in Brooklyn and current receiving administrator for the New York Public Library Shop, brought our attention to some of the titles ending up on the Bestseller Nonfiction List for April 22nd. There are a lot of conservative titles on the list. But conservative titles have a tendency to sell a lot of copies, so that’s not a cause for concern. However, look right next to four of the titles, and there’s that little dagger.

Striking but not totally out of the ordinary. After all, the symbol was incorporated in part because there is a precedent for this kind of spurious behavior. But when a bestseller from that week— Our 50 State Border Crisis by Howard Buffet — showed up at the New York Public Library with a donation slip from Howard G. Buffet’s own non-profit foundation, Pullen wondered whether Buffet was bulk-ordering his way onto the list using his organization’s funds. Pullen posted this Instagram (below) of a letter she found in a book donated to the library. She wrote: “The author’s nonprofit foundation bought the book through B&N and had it shipped to a branch library’s donation center.” She speculates that: “They purchase in a way that gets reported to NYT, can write it off most likely, and maybe it will get into circulation at a library.”

We reached out to Emily Pullen and Barnes & Noble for comment, but neither responded to us before the publication of this piece.

Why does it matter? Well, whether we like it or not, the list has a lot of power when it comes to book sales and author preeminence. While there are many best seller lists out there, with their own (often more transparent) methodologies, it means a lot to be able to call oneself a “New York Times Best Selling Author.” According to a report cited by Vox, to appear on the Times list can change a writer’s career: “Appearing on the New York Times’s best-seller list increased debut authors’ sales by 57 percent. On average, it increased sales by 13 or 14 percent.” The list also has a lot of cultural power for readers: if a book shows up on the New York Times list, there’s an imperative (in certain circles) that you know about it. In my own experience working at a bookstore this was true. Every week we’d receive the New York Times Book Review, and turn to the best seller list. We had to make sure we had copies of every book on the list in the store. And sure enough, that same weekend people would come in looking for those books more than any other.

When we reached out to the New York Times Best Seller Desk to learn more about how they use discretion when including those titles on the bestseller list, we got what appears to be a standard reply from the desk:

“Our best-seller lists and the editorial decisions of The Times’s book editors and critics are entirely independent…This means our lists are not a judgment of literary merit made by the editors of the best-seller lists, who remain impartial to the results. These are best-seller lists, not best-reviewed lists.”

And on the breakdown of political titles:

“In the last year, politicians and commentators who identify as conservative have performed as well as, if not better than, liberal ones on our lists…The author who has had the most rankings at №1 and greatest number of rankings on our hardcover nonfiction list is Mr. [Bill] O’Reilly, the noted conservative commentator. Since the spring of 2008, he has spent 57 weeks at №1 on our hardcover nonfiction list and ranked over 1,272 times across all of our lists.”

Whether we like it or understand it or believe it’s fair, the New York Times best seller list is something we should pay attention to if we care about how books get around to the people who need them and read them. The pen is mighty. But so are these daggers. And in a political climate mired in media controversy, it’s more important than ever that we look out for where the daggers get drawn.

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Scotland, the Caribbean and the Atlantic world, 1750 - 1820
By Douglas J. Hamilton

ISBN: 0-7190-7182-8

There is no comparable study and this book would find a welcome place on the reading lists of graduate students and historians of the Atlantic world. Professor Kenneth Morgan, Brunel University.

This is the first book wholly devoted to assessing the array of links between Scotland and the Caribbean in the later eighteenth century. It uses a wide range of archival sources to paint a detailed picture of the lives of thousands of Scots who sought fortunes and opportunities, as Burns wrote, 'across th' Atlantic roar'. It outlines the range of their occupations as planters, merchants, slave owners, doctors, overseers and politicians, and shows how Caribbean connections affected Scottish society during the period of 'improvement'. The book highlights the Scots' reinvention of the system of clanship to structure their social relations in the empire and finds that involvement in the Caribbean also bound Scots and English together in a shared Atlantic imperial enterprise and played a key role in the emergence of the British nation and the Atlantic World.

This book will be of interest to scholars and students of Scottish, British, Caribbean, imperial and Atlantic history.

Douglas J. Hamilton is Curator of Eighteenth-century Maritime and Imperial History at the National Maritime Museum, Greenwich

Cover illustration: W. Clark, Shipping sugar, 1823. Reproduced courtesy of the National Maritime Museum (PAH30I9)

In 1786, an Ayrshire man prepared to leave Scotland to take up the post of book-keeper on Charles Duncan's plantation near Port Antonio in north-east Jamaica. The man was an aspiring poet, and he wrote of his misgivings about venturing 'across th' Atlantic's roar' in the weeks before his departure. In the end, his poetry saved him. As he waited for his ship at Greenock, word came that the first edition of his work, published in Kilmarnock, had been greeted with acclaim in Edinburgh, and that a second edition was to be commissioned. Jamaica was thus denied a book-keeper as Robert Burns went on to become a key figure in Scottish literature.[1]

Although Burns's later experiences were not typical of those of most Scots in this period, many others did consider careers in the Caribbean, and, as this book shows, thousands actually went. There were a number of reasons why they did so: Burns, for example, wrote odes of farewell to Mary Campbell and at least two other women. More prosaic explanations were outlined forcefully by James Baillie from Inverness, who became an influential West India merchant, planter and politician: 'I am astonished that any Person can think of Injuring there children so much Who are not born to Independant fortunes, as to keep them after their Education in so compleat and in such a miserable country when they have such a Country as Grenada, St Vincent or the other West India islands to send them to, or what do you think of the East Indies for a change?' [2]

Baillie wrote in the context of the expansion of the British Empire in 1763, but the limitations of the Scottish economy he alluded to had led Scots to seek advancement abroad since the middle ages. Whether merchants in a Scottish community in Danzig, Vere or Brugge, or soldiers and officers in the service of foreign monarchs, notably in France and Scandinavia, Scots had a well-established tradition of overseas employment. From the sixteenth century, Scots also began to look to the Atlantic, trading to Iberia and the Azores. [3]

Early in the seventeenth century Scottish adventurers began to develop more distinctly imperial ventures in the Atlantic, beyond the plantation of Ulster. Short-lived and ultimately unsuccessful attempts were made to establish a New Scotland colony, or Nova Scotia, on the North American seaboard throughout the 1620s and then, in the 1630s, Scots imperialists turned their attention to Africa. In 1634 Charles I granted a thirty-one year charter to the Scottish Guinea Company to trade with, and explore further, the African coast from the Senegal River to the Cape of Good Hope. [4] The enterprise was wound up around 1639, and its failure, following on the heels of the hand-over of New Scotland, along with the Cromwellian interregnum between 1649 and 1660, caused Scottish imperial ambitions in the Atlantic to atrophy for thirty years. During this period, Scottish involvement in the Caribbean was largely restricted to the involuntary transportation of captured Scottish soldiers to Barbados and Jamaica.

The restoration of the Stuart monarchy in 1660 saw renewed attempts by Scots to establish their own colonies. Charles II received representations for the settlement of Scots colonies in Barbados and St Lucia, and he offered the island of Dominica to Scotland in 1671. There were further proposals in 1678 for the settlement of St Vincent by Scots. [5] While these plans came to naught, there was increasing Scottish involvement in the English Caribbean in the period immediately after the Restoration. In 1667, Lord Willoughby, governor of Barbados, wrote to the Lords of Trade in London requesting the free transfer of Scots to that island: 'If your Lopps. shall open a trade in Scotland, for the transportation of the people of that Nation hither, and prevent any accesse of Irish in the future, it will accommodate all the ends propounded and abundantly gratify his Matys. good subjects here.' [6]

The numerical strength of the Barbadian militia had declined from the 1650s, and Willoughby's determination to bolster it with three or four thousand Scots was, to a considerable degree, based on a fear of a revolt by the 'Creolised generation' of enslaved Africans. [7] In the context of the second Anglo-Dutch War, which drew in the French in the Caribbean theatre, it was also predicated on their Protestantism. As Willoughby put it, 'I am for the down right Scott who I am certain will fight without a crucifix about his neck'. [8] The demand for Scottish 'servants' continued into the early eighteenth century. In 1701, George MacKenzie petitioned the Barbados council for payment for 'several Scotch servants' brought to the island. This desire for Scots was equally apparent in North America. Indeed, demand was so great between 1665 and 1685 that the English Privy Council granted over twenty-six special warrants to allow ships to carry Scottish indentured servants to the English colonies. [9]

Yet it would be a mistake to assume that all Scots in the Caribbean before the Act of Union were either exiles or indentured servants. Several, despite the difficulties of being Scottish in an English colony (and therefore foreign nationals), were able to enter the islands' elites. In the last years of the seventeenth century, Thomas Maxwell was repeatedly elected speaker of the Barbados assembly, and he was later appointed a member of the council. His perceived Scottishness was challenged: when Governor Grey recommended him to the Council of Trade and Plantations in January 1700, he noted that Maxwell was 'of a Scotch name, but English born: of admirable parts and a considerable estate'. But Maxwell did maintain Scottish links, notably with his distant relation Sir James Maxwell of Pollok. [10] Scottish nationality could also be conveniently ignored. In 1699, a patent was issued allowing Alexander Skene to take the influential post of island secretary in Barbados, 'provided he proved his qualifications, it being objected that he is not a native-born subject of England, Ireland or the Plantations'. [11] It is clear from this that while Scots were sometimes able to get ahead, their status as foreigners, despite sharing a monarch, could be an effective barrier to them. They remained reliant on English concessions.

In addition to those Scots in Barbados, it has been estimated that there were over 200 Scots on the islands of Nevis, Montserrat and Antigua in 1678. Others were to be found living in or trading with Dutch colonies. Robert Milne, from Auchlie near Aberdeen, for example, went to Holland about 1696, and then travelled to Curacao with Captain Grieve in 1698. In total, perhaps 4,500 Scots went to the Caribbean in the second half of the seventeenth century, that is, before the Act of Union. [12]

This increasing involvement in the empires of other countries did not diminish Scots' efforts to establish colonies of their own in this period. The most successful and long-standing Scottish settlement was founded on the American mainland, at East New Jersey from 1683. Contemporaneously with the East New Jersey settlement, a group largely composed of landowners and merchants from south-west Scotland planted a short-lived colony in Carolina between 1684 and 1686. [13] The least successful ventures, in terms of the losses sustained, were the endeavours of the Company of Scotland Trading to Africa and the Indies to establish a colony at Darien on the Isthmus of Panama. The attempts to found settlements at New Edinburgh and Fort St Andrew between 1698 and 1700 were the most ambitious of all the seventeenth-century Scottish schemes, and aimed to establish a settled Scottish entrepot between the two great trading oceans of the Pacific and the Atlantic. Their failure, so devastating in loss of life and capital, had serious economic and political implications for Scotland, and also had the effect of increasing the population of Jamaica, whence some of the survivors fled. [14]

It is clear that in Scotland the idea of imperial engagement was not just an eighteenth-century phenomenon. Significantly, these early imperial undertakings were conceived and led by members of the Scottish gentry and nobility, along with those from mercantile and professional backgrounds. It is equally apparent that Scots from other social ranks were involved (as indentured servants) in imperial ventures. An emerging tradition of transatlantic migration and enterprise predated the Act of Union of 1707 and existed, albeit in a relatively minor way, alongside the more substantial migrations to north and east Europe, Scandinavia and the Baltic.

After 1707, the balance between European and Atlantic involvement swung decisively to the west. Access to the English empire after 1707 created new opportunities that were seized upon by Scots. The first acquisition of new land in the Caribbean after the Act of Union, in St Kitts in 1713, offered the chance for Scots to obtain land in the new British empire. The second decade of the eighteenth century saw two Scotsmen as governors of St Kitts, Walter Douglas and Walter Hamilton. During this period, Scots were prominent among the grantees receiving estates of over 100 acres. [15] The beleaguered refugees from Darien swelled Scottish numbers in Jamaica, and formed the basis of a considerable Argyll community of the western part of the island.

In the North American colonies, the Scottish presence grew similarly in the first half of the eighteenth century, perhaps most notably in the Chesapeake, where Glasgow merchants played an increasingly important role in the tobacco trade from the 1740s. In 1735, a Highland community had been established at New Inverness, later Darien, in Georgia. This was followed by Highland settlements in New York in 1738 and at Cape Fear, North Carolina, in 1739. [16]

In the context of this tradition of Scottish imperial activity, the upsurge in Caribbean enterprise and settlement after the acquisition of the Windward Islands in 1763 appears as part of an important upward trend in imperial involvement, not as a stunning new departure for Scottish people and their capital. Nonetheless, the volume of migration to the Caribbean, and its significance for Scotland and the West Indies, was considerable. The book argues that Scots like James Baillie were disproportionately numerous in the Caribbean, and that they were extremely successful across a range of activities including planting, trading, medicine and politics.

Contemporary observers were certainly aware of a Scottish presence. A resident on Rhimesbury plantation in Jamaica believed that 'of the Europeans the Scotch are most numerous, as well in Kingston as all over the island'. Janet Schaw, a Scottish 'lady of quality', found a 'whole company of Scotch people, our language, our manners, our circle of friends and connections, all the same' during a visit to Antigua in 1775. Edward Long, the cantankerous Jamaican planter-historian, remarked, 'This hospitable alacrity to assist and befriend their countrymen, in a place where they might otherwise become destitute of support, and sick of life, produces likewise an event very favourable to the colony, by inviting into it frequent recruits of very able hands, who add not a little to its population and strength.' [17]

This notion, which contemporary observers liked to call 'clannishness', was central to the Scottish experience in the eighteenth-century Caribbean. For those writers, it was an aspect of Scottish social organisation to be admired because it redounded to the advantage of the islands. 'Clannishness' underpinned the networks that Scots employed to organise themselves in the islands. For Scots, the real significance of the networks lies not so much in 'clannishness', but in their relationship to clanship. The bonds were an adaptation of the longstanding forms of social relations based on regional and familial connections outlined in Chapter One. Their groupings evinced a flexible notion of kinship that allowed pragmatic alliances to sit alongside more traditional biological bonds. The fluidity of these social relations enabled Scots to accommodate non-Scots within their Caribbean networks. This challenges the perception sometimes advanced by historians that Scottish networks represented a display of (sometimes invented) ethnic solidarity in the face of an alien culture. [18] That these social forms were being adapted to an imperial setting at the same time as they were under attack in Scotland adds a particular resonance.

The idea of the 'network' is often used by historians as a convenient short-hand for groups of people bound together by a range of interests,-they were, as Zoe Laidlaw puts it, 'mechanisms which were consciously utilised by their members to benefit themselves or others'. [19] In the pre-industrial world, these mechanisms took different forms and had different purposes. There were professional connections: Laidlaw highlights three different networks arising from common military service, humanitarianism, and the scientific community. Pearson's and Richardson's examination of groups of investors in fire insurance in Liverpool, Manchester and western England between 1776 and 1824 emphasises that it was 'practical experience of working together in a business environment which highlighted common interests and facilitated resource pooling'. Previous contacts in slave trading in Liverpool, or in manufacturing in Leeds and Manchester, led to cooperation in insurance. Networks could also be based on other bonds. As Charles Tilly argues, the 'most effective units of migration' were 'sets of people linked by acquaintance, kinship and work experience'.

Peter Mathias reminds us that the 'family matrix was so often central to the operations of business', not least as a means of reducing risk of various kinds. The importance of family ties in business is reinforced by scholarly studies of merchant communities in both northern and southern Europe, notably Ida Bull's essay on immigrant merchants in Trondheim. Meanwhile, J. C. Sola-Carbacho's work on Madrid merchants has emphasised the importance of paisanaje, or sense of community based on local association, among migrant groups in the Spanish capital. [20] It is clear that many groups of people employed networks based on ties of kinship, local association or profession to raise capital, facilitate communication and recruit employees across a range of functional areas, most notably in business, and so in a sense Scots were not unique. But they were distinctive.

This study shows not only that did Scottish networks exist throughout eighteenth-century West Indies, and especially in the period after the Seven Years War, but that the cohesion within these groupings was not based simply on Scottishness. Although the networks were, at their hearts, based on a local or familial link with Scotland, they were by no means exclusive. Scottish involvement in the Caribbean empire played a crucial role in forging a unity among Britons during the eighteenth century. This book also argues, following Long's assertion of the value of Scots in Jamaica, that the networks were critical to the success of Scots in the islands. The networks provided opportunities, for employment, for investment and for advancement; and they provided security for those taking their chances, in two ways. At one level, the welcoming embrace of friends or family in the Caribbean was, as we will see, of great importance for Scots stepping off the boat in Kingston, St George's or Scarborough. They also provided economic security, through the availability of capital backed up by heritable Scottish security or Scots partnership law. This was not just a tale of success, however. Making money in the Caribbean was risky: high mortality, the threat of indebtedness and the difficulties of repatriating money all meant that not all Scots fulfilled their ambitions in the islands. This book explores these themes through a study of Scottish involvement in planting, trade, medicine and politics.

Although it is a study in Atlantic world history, this book draws on a number of (often distinct) historiographical traditions. Since the 1960s, the explosion of scholarly interest in Scottish history has promoted a sophisticated understanding of Scotland's past. An increasingly important part of this literature has assessed the role of Scots and Scotland abroad. This includes localised and specialised studies of aspects of Scottish emigration and enterprise around the world, some of it written by historians of Scotland, some by other historians working in Scotland, and some by historians of the countries in which Scots settled. [21] The general interest in Scottish overseas expansion, however, has tended to focus on North America, the antipodes or Africa. The tropical empires of the eighteenth century, and the Caribbean in particular, have received far less scholarly attention. [22]

This outward-looking Scottish history fits with a general shift in British historiography that leans away from purely anglocentric approaches in three senses. The first is that as a shared enterprise, empire helped to integrate the peoples of Britain. Not only did the pursuit of imperial gain bind the interests of the Scots and the English together, but the mobility required of them forced them to live side by side, in the colonies, in the port cities and in the corridors of power. Secondly, it suggests that in looking for centres of imperial power, the search ought not to stop at London. From what follows, it is clear that Glasgow and the English outports all witnessed the rise of local elites whose business relied on empire. For medical education, Scotland, and especially Edinburgh, was the hub of the empire. Thirdly, the implication behind J. G. A. Pocock's assertion that British history in the eighteenth century 'must be thought of as the history of four realms' is that the Atlantic, far from being a barrier between Britain and its colonies, was actually a link. [23]

The Atlantic world has been subject to considerable scholarly attention, taking its cues from the work of Bernard Bailyn, D. W. Meinig, Ian K. Steele and others. Taken collectively, important work from the mid-1990s has helped to focus Bailyn's 'view from the moon', and this study aims to clarify it still further by arguing that Scots and their overseas interests can tell us a great deal about the way in which the Atlantic world was created. [24] It seeks to understand the relationship between an integral and important part of an imperial power and a colonial sphere. This relationship was about exchanges of people, goods and ideas, and it impacted right across both regions to transform the social, economic, political and physical landscapes. A study of Scottish-Caribbean connections suggests that they were among the key bonds forging a transnational maritime world of exchange. In short, it argues that these connections, and the Atlantic world of which they were part, existed, and changed the lives of the people who experienced them. It does this by assessing the role of Scots on the plantations and as merchants, doctors and politicians in the islands. The final chapter considers the repatriation of people and capital from the Caribbean, and their impact on developments in Scotland. But the book begins, as did the eighteenth-century adventurers to the Caribbean, in Scotland.

1 J. Mackay, RB: A biography of Robert Burns (Edinburgh: Mainstream Publishing, 1992), p. 200; R. B. Sheridan, 'The role of Scots in the economy and society of the West Indies', in V. Rubin and A. Tuden (eds), Comparative perspectives on slavery in New World plantations (New York: New York Academy of Sciences, 1977), p. 97. The line comes from 'Will ye go to the Indies, my Mary?'

2 NLS, MS5515(161-2), Liston papers, James Baillie to Mrs Ramage, 24 July 1775.

3 G. G. Simpson (ed.), Scotland and Scandinavia, 800-1800 (Edinburgh: John Donald, 1990); Simpson (ed.), The Scottish soldier abroad, 1247-1967 (Edinburgh: John Donald, 1992); Simpson (ed.), Scotland and the Low Countries, 1124-1994 (East Linton: Tuckwell Press, 1996); T C. Smout et al., 'Scottish migration in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries', in N. Canny (ed.), Europeans on the move: Studies in European migration 1500-1800 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994), pp. 76-112; S. W. Murdoch, Britain, Denmark-Norway and the House of Stuart, 1603-60 (East Linton: Tuckwell Press, 2000); R. Law, 'The first Scottish Guinea company, 1634-39', Scottish Historical Review, 76, 2 (1997), 189; J. L. Israel, A conflict of empires: Spain and the Netherlands, 1618-1648', Past and Present, 76 (1977), 48-9, 51-4.

4 N. E. S. Griffiths and J. G. Reid, 'New evidence on New Scotland, 1629', William and Mary Quarterly, 49, 3 (1992), 492-508; Law, 'The first Scottish Guinea company'.

5 NAS, GD205/40/13/3, Ogilvy of Inverquharity papers, warrant from Charles II to Sir John Nisbet, 10 July 1671; GD205/40/13/4, Duke of Lauderdale to Sir John Nisbet, 22 July 1671. I am grateful to Allan I. Macinnes for these references. See also NAS, GD103/2/4/42, Society of Antiquities, D. Dobson, Scottish emigration to colonial America, 1607-1785 (Athens, GA: University of Georgia Press, 1994), pp. 74, 76.

6 G. P. Insh, Scottish colonial schemes, 1620-1686 (Glasgow: Maclehose, Jackson & Co., 1922), appendix D, Barbados correspondence, p. 231.

7 R. S. Dunn, Sugar and slaves: The rise of the planter class in the English West Indies, 1624-1713 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1972), pp. 75, 87, 124, 257.

8 Insh, Scottish colonial schemes, appendix D, p. 230; A. P. Thornton, West India policy under the Restoration (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1956), p. 130.

9 CSP, vol. 19, p. 737, minutes of the council in assembly of Barbados, 2 September 1701; I. C. C. Graham, Colonists from Scotland: Emigration to North America, 1707-1783 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1956), p. 9.

10 W. Fraser, Memoirs of the Maxwells of Pollok (Edinburgh: 1863), vol. 1, pp. 370-2. On Maxwell see CSP, vol. 15, p. 296; vol. 16, p. 110; vol. 18, p. 44.

11 See CSP, vol. 18, p. 31.

12 ACA, Baillie Court: propinquity books, vol. 1, pp. 586-9, 19 January 1722. I am grateful to Marjory Harper for this reference. See also Smout et al., 'Scottish migration', p. 87.

13 N. C. Landsman, Scotland and its first American colony, 1683-1765 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985), pp. 103, 275-8; L. G. Fryer, 'Robert Barclay of Ury and East New Jersey', Northern Scotland, 15 (1995), 1-17.

14 D. Armitage, 'The Scottish vision of empire: Intellectual origins of the Darien venture', in J. Robertson (ed.), A union for empire: Political thought and the Union of 1707 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), pp. 97-117.

15 R. B. Sheridan, Sugar and slavery: An economic history of the British West Indies, 1623-1775 (Barbados: Caribbean Universities Press, 1974), p. 158.

16 Landsman, Scotland and its first American colony, p. 11; J. M. Price, 'The rise of Glasgow in the Chesapeake tobacco trade, 1707-1775', William and Mary Quarterly, 11 (1954), 179-99; T. M. Devine, The tobacco lords: A study of the tobacco merchants of Glasgow and their trading activities, c. 1740-1790 (Edinburgh: John Donald, 1975); A. W. Parker, Scottish Highlanders in colonial Georgia: The recruitment, emigration, and settlement at Darien, 1735-1748 (Athens, GA: University of Georgia Press, 1997).

17 Anon., An account of the island of Jamaica, with reflections on the treatment, occupation and provisions of the slaves (Newcastle: S. Hodgson, 1788) p. 7; J. Schaw, Journal of a lady of quality, being the narrative of a Journey from Scotland to the West Indies, North Carolina, and Portugal in the years 1774 to 1776, ed. E. W. Andrews and C. M. Andrews (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1923) p. 81; E. Long, The history of Jamaica, or general survey of the antient and modern state of that island (1774; London: Frank Cass, 1970), vol. 2, p. 286.

18 A. L. Karras, Sojourners in the sun: Scottish migrants in Jamaica and the Chesapeake, 1740-1800 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1992), pp. 120-1; Landsman, Scotland and its first American colony, pp. 141-62.

19 Z. Laidlaw, 'Networks, patronage and information in governance: Britain, New South Wales and the Cape Colony, 1826-1843', DPhil thesis, University of Oxford, 2001, p. 48.

20 Laidlaw, 'Networks, patronage and information', pp. 48-86; R. Pearson and D. Richardson, 'Business networking in the industrial revolution', Economic History Review, 54, 4 (2001), 657-79; C. Tilly, 'Transplanted networks', in V. Yans-McLaughlin (ed.), Immigration reconsidered: History, sociology and politics (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990), pp. 79-95; P. Mathias, 'Risk, credit and kinship in early modern enterprise', in J. J. McCusker and K. Morgan (eds), The early modern Atlantic economy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), p. 16; I. Bull, 'Merchant households and their networks in eighteenth-century Trondheim', Continuity and Change, 17, 2 (2002), 213-31; J. C. Sola-Corbacho, 'Family, paisanaje, and migration among Madrid's merchants (1750-1800)', Journal of Family History, 17, 1 (2002) 3-24.

21 The range includes: G. Donaldson, The Scots overseas (London: Robert Hale, 1966); D. S. MacMillan, Scotland and Australia 1788-1850: Emigration, commerce and investment (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1967); J. D. Hargreaves, Aberdeenshire to Africa: Northeast Scots and British overseas expansion (Aberdeen: Aberdeen University Press, 1981); J. M. MacKenzie, 'Essay and reflection: On Scotland and the empire', International History Review, 15 (1993), 714-39; McKenzie, 'Empire and national identities: The case of Scotland', Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 6th series, 8 (1998), 215-31; N. C. Landsman (ed.), Nation and province in the first British empire: Scotland and the Americas, 1600-1800 (Lewisburg, PA: Bucknell University Press, 2001); M. Fry, Scottish empire (East Linton: Tuckwell Press, 2001); A. I. Macinnes et al. (eds), Scotland and the Americas: A documentary source book (Edinburgh: Scottish History Society, 2002); E. Buettner, 'Haggis in the Raj: Private and public celebrations of Scottishness in late imperial India', Scottish Historical Review, 81, 2 (2002), 212-39; A. Mackillop and S. Murdoch (eds), Military governors and imperial frontiers c. 1600-1800: A study of Scotland and empires (Leiden: Brill, 2003); T. M. Devine, Scotland's empire, 1600-1815 (London: Allen Lane, 2003).

22 R. B. Sheridan, 'The rise of a colonial gentry: A case study of Antigua, 1730-1775', Economic History Review, 13, 3 (1961), 342-57; Sheridan, 'The role of Scots'; A. L. Karras, 'The world of Alexander Johnston: The creolization of ambition, 1762-1787', Historical Journal, 30, 1 (1987) 53-76; Karras, Sojourners in the sun; R. A. McDonald (ed.), Between Slavery and Freedom: Special Magistrate John Anderson's journal of St Vincent during the apprenticeship (Kingston: University of the West Indies Press; Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2001). This lacuna has been only partly filled by M. Quintanilla, 'The world of Alexander Campbell: An eighteenth-century Grenadian planter', Albion, 35, 2 (2003), 229-56.

23 L. Colley, Britons: Forging the nation, 1707-1837 (London: Pimlico, 1994); K. Wilson, The sense of the people: Politics, culture and imperialism in England, 1715-1785 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995); A. Murdoch, British history 1660-1832: National identity and local culture (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1998); K. Morgan, Bristol and the Atlantic trade in the eighteenth century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993); D. H. Akenson, If the Irish ran the world: Montserrat, 1630-1730 (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1997); C. A. Bayly, Imperial meridian: The British Empire and the world, 1780-1830 (London: Longman, 1989), p. 15; P. J. Marshall, 'A nation defined by empire, 1755-1776', in A. Grant and K. J. Stringer (eds), Uniting the Kingdom! The making of British history (London: Routledge, 1995), pp. 208-22; J. G. A. Pocock, 'The limits and divisions of British history: In search of the unknown subject', American Historical Review, 87, 2 (1982), 330.

24 B. Bailyn, Voyagers to the west: A passage in the peopling of America on the eve of the revolution (London: I. B. Tauris, 1987); B. Bailyn, 'The idea of Atlantic history', Itinerario, 20 (1996), 19-44; D. W. Meinig, The shaping of America, vol. 1: Atlantic America (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1986); I. K. Steele, The English Atlantic 1675-1740: An exploration of communication and community (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1986); important studies include: D. Armitage and M. Braddick (eds), The British Atlantic world, 1500-1800 (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2002); A. Games, Migration and the origins of the English Atlantic world (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1999); D. Hancock, Citizens of the world: The Integration of the British Atlantic community, 1735-1785 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995); E. H. Gould, The persistence of empire: British political culture in the era of the American Revolution (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press for the OIEAHC, 2000).

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First Kisses of the RITA Best First Book Finalists

A Fiesta of Firsts with the RITA Best First Book Finalists

Welcome to Week 3 of the Fiesta of Firsts! I’m honored to be among the authors nominated for the RITA award for Best First Book, and we’ve decided to come together and share seven weeks of “firsts” with you in an event we’re calling “A Fiesta of Firsts.” Every time I type that on my phone, it autocorrects to “A Fiesta of Fists,” which is an entirely different event that I think involves cage-match fighting.

RITA Award
The RITA award

If you’ve never heard of the RITAs, they’re awards given to the best of the best romance novels each year. There are genre categories as well as the “best first book” category, which we’re celebrating here. It’s like the Oscars, but with less Neil Patrick Harris. (We should remedy that, though. Seriously.)

Each week of the Fiesta of Firsts is hosted by a different “Best First Book” finalist on her blog. You can see a new post every Friday until the RITA awards on July 25th. We’re giving away a big basket of books at the end of the fiesta: some of our books as well as our favorite books. There’s a Rafflecopter at the end of this post that you can use to enter this giveaway, and really, you should. Because free books. Also, one lucky commenter this week will receive a free copy of my latest novel, Combustion, a Steampunk erotic romance.

If you’re just joining us now, here’s the fiesta so far:

Week 1: Our First Book Crushes
Week 2: Favorite Firsts from our RITA finalist books

Which brings us to Week 3…

Week 3: Our First Kisses

That’s right. I asked these other authors to dish about their own first kisses… and dish they did!

AE Jones

AE Jones When I was in sixth grade a boy in my class asked me to be his girlfriend and I said yes. And like that, we were a ‘couple’. As his girlfriend I got to hang around with him on the playground and hold his hand at the roller-skating rink. This made me ridiculously happy because 1) I had a boyfriend and EVERYONE knew it and 2) he held me up as we skated (I was a terrible skater). He was a sweet boy and he gave me a heart-shaped locket and I wore it while we were an item. We shared a quick kiss one day at the roller rink. More of a peck than anything, but we were twelve and since he was a head shorter than me, I had to bend down to kiss him! That was my first kiss. My first ‘real’ kiss is a story for another day! Mind Sweeper

Alyssa Alexander

Alyssa Alexander My first kiss was at a high school Valentine’s Day dance. I was considered old in comparison to my friends’ first kisses, being just shy of 16. And though I don’t remember much of it, I do remember that little flutter and the red hearts taped everywhere in the gym. I also remember wearing one of my first formal dresses, a pretty corsage on my wrist and flying high on the fact that my crush had asked me to the dance. The Smuggler Wore Silk

Clara Kensie

Clara Kensie My first kiss went to a cute boy I met at the clubhouse of my dad’s new apartment complex. My dad was busy unpacking, so I went to explore. The boy was hanging out at the clubhouse, and he showed me around the grounds– the pool, the tennis court, the convenience store, and back to the clubhouse. He was very chivalrous and I was very flattered, and when it was time for me to go, he suddenly leaned in and kissed me. I think he was even more surprised than I was! The kiss was clumsy and awkward, but also romantic and sweet. The follow-up: I saw him (ahem… kissed him) a few more times when I visited my dad, but then he moved away and we never saw each other again. We didn’t have a romance novel’s Happily Ever After ending, but it was nice while it lasted! Run To You

Sonali Dev

Sonali Dev Groan. I’ve been dreading this question. Because really, it’s a bit of an icky story. Despite my best attempts to be otherwise, I was a pathetically goody-two-shoes teenager and my first and only boyfriend was worse. So a lot of longing and no real liplocking happened. Tragically enough, it was the opposite with this guy I was set up with as part of my real life arranged marriage saga: none of the longing and some rather unfortunate liplocking. The poor guy went through all this trouble to take me to this beautiful park in Mumbai and tried to be all romantic. But in the end there was much moisture and no fire (told you it was icky). Needless to say it turned out to be the (ahem) kiss of death for that particular matrimonial liaison. A Bollywood Affair

Natalie Meg Evans

Natalie Meg Evans I was a pretty late starter and that first kiss began to feel like a social test that I was never going to be asked to show up for. Other girls in my year had boyfriends and went out on dates. They got valentine cards by the trailer-load. I got none. So when a boy I didn’t like very much got his friend to ask me out, I said, ‘All right’ while my head shouted, ‘No!’ He was goofy, wore blue specs and had teeth like all three of the BeeGees glued together. His friend, Glynn, kept teasing us, ‘Have you snogged yet?’ I’d been holding off. I knew what was coming. One afternoon, the boyfriend, let’s call him Andy, picked me up from school and I hustled him away so none of my friends would see him. We went to the town park and sat together on the grass and he said, ‘I suppose we’d better get on with it, then.’ We did and the clashing of front teeth was the only part I remember but I obviously couldn’t face a second go because I ditched him shortly after. His friend Glynn wrote me a letter telling me I was a horrible girl and I was very upset. Trouble was, I fancied Glynn, of course. He was dark and muscly and went on to be a fireman. Life, ha? The Dress Thief

Elia Winters

Elia Winters My first kiss was when I was 15. Nowadays, that feels really young, but back when I was 15 it felt like I was the last person on earth to be kissed. I had a boyfriend named Scott – who’s still my Facebook friend and will probably cringe upon reading this – and we’d been dating for FOREVER (two months, maybe three?) and he hadn’t kissed me. Finally, we were both over my friend Jen’s house and she shoved us out the back door and said, “There’s a pretty marsh behind my house! Go look at it.” So we tromped dutifully down to the marsh, and stood there awkwardly until finally he made a move and kissed me. It was really sweet, actually. I remember thinking he smelled nice. Purely Professional

This Week’s Finalist Spotlight: Purely Professional

Purely Professional

Columnist Bridget Hartwell agrees to write about BDSM to impress her new executive editor at Sultry, the “sex-positive magazine for sex-positive women.” Unfortunately, it’s a topic she knows absolutely nothing about…but if she ever wants that promotion, she’ll need to learn the ropes, fast.

English professor Max Harlow is active in the Dom/sub scene, but only for casual play—he’s never found his ideal partner: a woman who is his equal, but sexually submissive. When he’s asked to explain the lifestyle to his cute but obviously inexperienced neighbor, Max is certain it’s best to approach it academically—to keep things purely professional.

Until Bridget’s first article is a huge hit, giving her the perfect excuse to delve deeper into the naturally submissive side of her sexuality. But as their encounters intensify and each of her boundaries is skillfully pushed, Bridget must decide what this all means… for her identity, her career, and, most importantly, her future with Max.

Amazon | BN

What about you, readers? If you’re feeling brave, share your first kiss in the comments! Or just tell us what you thought of ours. One lucky commenter this week will win a copy of Combustion.

a Rafflecopter giveaway

32 thoughts on “First Kisses of the RITA Best First Book Finalists

  1. Oh, I just loved this! Thanks so much for sharing the good and not so good about that huge first milestone. And many congrats to all of you on your RITA noms!

    1. Thank you for commenting, Miranda! I loved reading all the other first kisses, even the not-so-good ones. And thank you for the congratulations!

    2. Thanks, Miranda! I really enjoyed the stories this week. Felt like I got to know these ladies so much better.

    3. It’s is such a milestone, isn’t it? Always memorable–good, bad, awkward or sweet. And thank you, Miranda!

    1. Definitely fun! So many differences from person to person, yet we all have that first, don’t we? It’s a fun ‘first’ to share!

  2. Aww, ladies! My heart swoons and breaks with these first kisses… Love them!

    Mine was at a middle school dance. I wore a pink dress with black polkadots and probably some amazing jelly shoes. The boy had blond hair, a perpetual blush, and was in dire need of chapstick (a fact figured out post-kiss). Ten years later…he came out. 🙂 I suspect he now has a better lip regime, but still gels his hair to perfection. 😉

    1. Oh, jelly shoes, how I remember thee… they were horribly uncomfortable, and in the middle of summer the smell could not be eradicated, but they were certainly the height of fashion.

      Thanks for sharing!

    2. Darcy, now there’s a story! Can’t wait to read more about it in your own Fiesta of Firsts when you final in the RITA’s next year! 🙂

    3. LOL! Sweet first kiss, though, Darcy! But oh, the jelly shoes. I never had a pair, and I was so desperate to have some. All my friends did, and though I had jelly bracelets, I never had shoes. I’ll have to live vicariously through you!

  3. You are all so gracious, especially those whose first kisses weren’t the best.

    However, AE having to duck down to kiss him, made me chuckle.

    1. Di R & Elia –

      Glad I was able to give you a chuckle on that! I was taller than all the boys except one in grade school. But then they all started to grow in high school – thank goodness!

    2. I giggled a bit at that too! Thanks for stopping by, Di!

  4. So mine was at a friends birthday party when one of the guys came up with the idea of playing spin the bottle. The guy was never my favorite person and I remember the kiss being really wet and gross. 🙁

    1. All these stories remind me how much kissing, like everything else, is generally terrible but improves with practice.

    2. Hi Glenda!
      Everyone needs one wet and gross one to really enjoy all the good ones.
      Thanks for stopping by!

  5. This was a really fun post! Particularly enjoyed reading about Sonali’s engagement-killing kiss. 😉 My first was in 8th grade with a boy I met at Six Flags over Texas. I think his name was Brad. My friend Julie and I had gone to the park together and he was her boyfriend’s best friend. We rode rides, watched shows. Naturally, feelings developed. LOL. Toward the end of the day, we stepped into the vacant skyride shelter, and magic ensued. Well, maybe not magic, but there was tongue. Alas, I never saw him again. And didn’t receive another kiss for until 2 years later!

    1. Thanks, Amy! Glad you enjoyed my pathos 🙂 Although, we never made it to the engagement stage, thank the stars!
      Yours sounds like the kind of first kiss everyone should have. Sigh.

    2. Oh, that’s so sweet! And magic, tongue, rollercoasters…what’s the difference? 🙂

  6. Great blog, ladies! I can’t remember my first kiss, but I remember the first person who taught me HOW to really kiss. Happened in a club in London and led not to romance but to a lifelong friendship. Thanks Natalie for reminding me of the word “snog” – it always make me smile 🙂 Congrats to you all on your RITA nominations!

    1. Jacqui –
      Thanks for sharing your first kiss story with us! And pretty cool you are still friends.

  7. What a fun subject! I’m impressed you all remembered your first kiss in so much detail. Best of luck in the Ritas!

    1. Lark –
      As you can tell we had fun on this post! It was great of Elia to choose it as our topic!

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