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Ins and Outs of the St. Francis Inn in St. Augustine, FL

Ins and Outs of the St. Francis Inn in St. Augustine, FL

This post originally appeared on my old blog, Straight On Till Morning, on January 12, 2014.

Ah yes, the Florida vacation posts continue! One thing that I was really looking forward to for this trip was actually leaving town to visit St. Augustine. Even though it’s only about two hours northeast of Orlando, I’d never been! (In my years of living in Orlando, I almost never made it out of town! Time off work was rare, and gas money was even more scarce!) I originally planned for four days of blissful beach relaxation, but sometimes life happens, so I only ended up being able to go for one night. I’ll write about playing tourist in a separate post, but I wanted to show you the snazzy Bed + Breakfast that I stayed at, first! (My site’s refusal to let me type ampersands gets annoying when I’m talking about a B and B! So pardon the weird ways I type that to get around the ampersand issue.)

I wrote this post a few weeks ago about why I chose the St. Francis Inn out of the abundance of charming places to stay in St. Augustine. Did it live up to my expectations?

I was happy to find that the inn was easy to get to via the directions on their site. It’s about a five minute walk outside of the touristy part of town, but I appreciated the quiet of the more residential area. There’s plenty of parking just across the old brick street from the inn, and the parking lot was easy to spot. (see the sign at the top of the post!)

I hope I look this good when I’m over 200 years old!

The street-facing sides of the building are quite plain, but the rest makes up for it!

I think this was supposed to be an “Ooooh, check in!” face. It came out totally awkward.

When you pass through this little gate, you’ll find the lobby to the right, and a lush courtyard to the left. It’s a great place to bring snacks or drinks, or to just hang out with a book. (Or your laptop, since there’s free wifi!)

Looking down at part of the courtyard area.

My favorite part was a little spring-fed koi pond, which had a statue of the inn’s namesake.

Helloooo, fishies!

There are three separate guest areas (other than the rooms) in the main building – the lobby, which has the front desk and a selection of gifts, a dining room, and a small sitting room. Being the awesome blogger that I am, I totally neglected to get photos of any of them! Well, that’s not totally true – I snapped one photo of the selection of gift items, but it came out totally blurry (my awful new camera strikes again!). I borrowed these two pics from their website and Facebook to give you an idea:

Sitting Room

Just mentally add a lot of Christmas decorations, since I was there in December! Oh wait! I did get a photo of the tree in the sitting room. Woohoo

Totally in love with the giant old fashioned tree lights!

Upon arrival, we were given all kinds of info, including a menu of the various food and drink offerings throughout the day. (This should be called a “Bed and EAT ALL THE THINGS!” Because I did. But more about food in a bit!) I loved having a printed listing of the food and times it was served to refer to throughout the day. (You guys know I wasn’t about to miss free food!) After taking care of checking in, the lady from the front desk led us up to the room and gave a quick tour. Since this post is going to be long and photo heavy as it is, I decided to do a separate post about the room I stayed in, and keep this one just about the inn itself, so check out the Garden Hideaway details post if you’re interested!

If you just spent all week iced in like I did, this probably looks like heaven about now.

Okay, let’s talk about FOOD! And DRINKS! This place certainly does not let their guests go hungry or thirsty! A few hours after check-in, there’s a “social hour” with free beer and wine. Of course, if you’re like me you can choose to totally avoid the “social” aspect and just hang out with your travel companions (or take your glass of free wine back to your room to enjoy with a book!) They’re totally cool with you taking your food and drinks anywhere within the property, so even if you’re not in the mood for a drink when social hour rolls around (But seriously, who is ever not in the mood for free beer?) you could always just grab one for later. (That’s what I did with dessert, but I’m getting way ahead!)

This photo is making me a little nostalgic for vacation. Look at all of that pretty free wine. Looking back, I have ZERO idea why I didn’t try all of them. (Especially since I wasn’t a big fan of the sweet red that I grabbed a glass of.) Note to self: Never pass up the chance for a spontaneous wine tasting! Anyway, the cool thing here was that they featured wines from a local winery (San Sebastian Winery), as well as a few selections from Corbett Canyon. (Since you probably can’t read the little signs, that’s a Merlot, a chardonnay and a white zinfandel.)

There was also a selection of cold beer for those who prefer it to wine. You can also purchase glasses/bottles/carafes of beer and wine outside of happy hour, as well as mini liquor bottles and mixed drinks. There are also non-alcoholic drinks available, if that’s how you prefer to roll.

Also: Snacks! Those who know me know that I can totally make a meal out of crackers and dip (or chips and salsa.) At first when I saw the menu that I was given at check-in, I was totally bummed to see that I missed hummus and pita chips night by ONE DAY. (The social hour snacks change daily. Also, I am a hummus addict.) The homemade curry dip totally made up for it, though. I have no idea what’s in it, but it was SO GOOD. Great, now I’m craving curry dip and free wine.

I was a LONG way from the inn when I realized that the time that free desserts are served was coming to a close, so I did some major speed walking to get back on time. Missing dessert time is unacceptable and unthinkable! Thankfully, I made it and grabbed a pecan thingy (that being the technical term) for later, since I’d just eaten dinner and was totally stuffed.

The things on the left were some kind of peppermint chocolate cup thing. I don’t like mint, so I passed. I was a little sad that there wasn’t a non-minty chocolate option, since I was totally craving chocolate (well, I always am…), but the pecan pie bar was really good! (Especially with the sherry upstairs!)

As you can probably guess from the fact that this is a Bed and Breakfast, there was breakfast the next morning! (Shocking plot twist, I know!) There are few things that get me out of bed as effectively as knowing that there is someone waiting to make me a gingerbread latte. Yep, they do seasonal lattes! I believe they were also offering peppermint at the time, but as we already discussed, I don’t do mint. Seriously, though, look at this magnificent creation:

It’s so pretty! I wish there was someone waiting to make me specialty coffee drinks every morning! I’m referring to the little printed menu they gave me as I’m writing this, and I JUST noticed that I also could have asked for an espresso! Do you guys know how blissed out I would have been with a gingerbread latte in one hand and a shot of espresso in the other? Opportunity missed!

If I recall correctly, they have coffee on hand pretty much all the time. There’s plenty of sweetener and creamer to choose from, as well as a variety of flavored syrups that you can kind of see on the tray to the left.

If you’re more of a tea person, they had a selection of both bagged and loose leaf varieties.

And of course, actual breakfast! Again I was sad to see that I missed the menu offering that sounded the most awesome (strawberry soup) by one day! Most of the offerings involved eggs, which I don’t eat, but there was a cheesy hash brown casserole that was really good!

I also ate an absurd amount of bread with apple butter. (And by “absurd” I mean two pieces. But I never eat in the morning, so it felt like a LOT!) And although it’s not pictured, I seem to recall some kind of fruit salad. Why didn’t I take a photo of my plate? Man, my trip reporting skills have gotten totally rusty!

I totally appreciated that breakfast runs from 7:30-9:30, so you don’t have to get up at some painfully early hour just to get your food! I made it out of bed at 9 in the name of gingerbread latte, but anything earlier would have been rough on vacation!

There are no other “meals” served, but they do have snacks available overnight (packaged pretzels, crackers, chips, etc.) and you can get coffee, tea, and bottled water any time. (I asked the front desk for a bottle of water for the road when we were leaving to drive back to Orlando.)

A couple of last random things to throw in: There are DVD players in the rooms, so you can bring your own favorite movies, or borrow one from the inn’s library. They also had a selection of board games, which made me super happy! (Yep, that’s the FSU version of Monopoly down there. Ah, Florida!)

One cool perk of staying at this particular place is that the owners also have a beachfront property a few miles away. Inn guests can use the free parking there, as well as beach towels and chairs. Since my trip got cut so short, I didn’t have much beach time, but I think this is a seriously awesome option to have available.

The inn’s staff was great. Everyone we encountered was friendly and helpful, but we never felt smothered with attention. They seemed to have a fairly large staff for a small place!

And saving the very most important thing for last… ZEKE! As I mentioned in my preview post, the St. Francis has a kitty! I kept an eye out for him every time we were coming or going, but only spotted him once on the first day. I was pretty sad to leave with no quality kitty time, but then guess who I spotted out in the parking lot right when it was time to leave??

Crazy cat ladies give the best ear scratches.

He was a total sweetheart of a cat, and we played a pretty solid game of “I’ll drag this stick that I found back and forth so you can catch it” before I had to hop in the car and leave. (I think he won?)

Since this was super long as-is, I made that a separate post just to show you the gorgeous Garden Hideaway Suite that I stayed in! I’m also planning to write about the fun I had sightseeing around St. Augustine. If you have any questions, feel free to ask!


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American Healing Arts Alliance, Inc.

AHAA is a non-profit educational alliance of healing arts and sciences organizations, educators, practitioners, students and supportive individuals.  AHAA sponsors regional healing arts events and international inner peace building educational programs.  Volunteers, age 18 and up, are needed to help with our on-going programs and special events.  Coordinators and assistants are needed for the following areas:  Membership development, volunteer recruitment, event planning, Peace Nouvella Players™ ensemble  development, fundraising, sponsorships, press releases, publicity, publications, resources directory and website updates.  Contact Alice Yeager at 410-956-0055, E-mail info@americanhealingarts.org, or visit the website at: www.americanhealingarts.org for more information.

Annapolis Opera

Volunteers ages 16 and older are needed to help with publicity, school outreach, ad sales, performance support, bookkeeping, computer work, receptions, support for the vocal competition and auditions, and much more. Call 410-267-8135 or email admin@annapolisopera.org for more information. Web site: www.annapolisopera.org

Anne Arundel County Fair, September 11-15, 2013

The Fair is an all-volunteer nonprofit 501(c)(3) organization bringing family entertainment, competition and education to people of all ages in Anne Arundel County and surrounding areas. See web site at: www.aacountyfair.org. Volunteers, age 21 and up, are needed for a variety of positions during the Fair and year round. Contact 410-923-3400 or info@aacountyfair.org to volunteer and visit web site at www.aacountyfair.org.

Anne Arundel County Literacy Council

Literacy tutors are needed for combating adult illiteracy; after completing training, you make your own schedule and locations with your assigned student or you can tutor at local detention centers. For information call the office at 410-269-4419. Hours are flexible and most work can be done at home. Call 410-269-4419 or email: programdirector@aaclc.org. See website: www.icanread.org.

  • 9:00 AM– 3:00 PM, Sat., Sept. 14, OR 9:00 AM– 3:00 PM, Sat., Sept. 28, 2013, AND required 9:00 AM– 12 PM, Oct. 26, 2013, Tutor Training: The tutor training sessions will be held at Woods Memorial Presbyterian Church in Severna Park. Registrants must attend one of the Sept. sessions and the follow-on Oct. session. There will be a $45 donation request which covers the cost of books and materials the tutors receive. If interested, individuals should either email: programdirector@aaclc.org or call (410) 269-4419 to sign up.

Asbury Church Assistance Network (ACAN)

ACAN is a non-profit organization providing food/toiletries, and/or financial assistance toward court-ordered eviction notices or utility cut-off notices in AA County. Volunteer Claims Analysts and Intake Personnel are needed who are high school graduates with at least 2 years of customer service experience. Volunteer Inventory Personnel with at least 2 years of high school education are also needed. Candidates must be computer literate and have excellent communication and customer service skills. Hours are flexible, 10am–2:00pm, Mon.–Wed., but extension of hours is possible. Training is available. For information, contact asbury.acan@gmail.com or 410-647-7667.

Earleigh Heights Volunteer Fire Company

The volunteer fire company seeks volunteers, age 16 and up, to serve as fire fighters and EMTs, to help with fundraising, event planning, safety education, facilities supervision and planning, website design and maintenance, clerical support, long range and strategic planning, public relations and marketing, grant writing, and business administration.  No experience is needed for volunteers desiring to serve as firefighters and EMTs as firefighting/EMS training will be furnished.  In addition, ladies auxiliary members are being sought to help with fund raising, public relations, catering for events such as weddings, parties, and company events.  For more information, contact 410-647-3119 or E-mail info12@ehvfc.org.  Web site: www.ehvfc.org

Lilly Pond Foal Rescue

Our mission is to rescue, rehabilitate and find homes for neglected, abused, unwanted, and orphaned foals and other equines that are at risk of going to slaughter. Volunteers are needed to complete special projects as well as general type barn work at our Dunkirk, MD location. Volunteers may offer a few hours of time just for a day or sign up for a spot on our weekly /monthly schedules. Work includes feeding horses, cleaning stalls, picking up fields, fence repairs etc. Contact Sharon Hancock at shrnhncck@aol.com or 240-299-0021 for more information. See website: http://www.lillypond.info/.

Mane Event at Andover Equestrian Center

Mane Event is a non-profit corporation that gives lessons in horsemanship and horseback riding to children and adults with a wide range of emotional, cognitive and physical disabilities. These therapeutic riding lessons are conducted under the supervision of a PATH International certified instructor at our Linthicum location. In addition to therapeutic riding, The Center also offers hippotherapy, equine facilitated therapy for riders with specific and prescribed therapy goals. Hippotherapy sessions are led by a licensed physical, occupational or speech therapist. Volunteers are used in certain capacities in both therapeutic riding and hippotherapy to provide assistance to the rider/client and to manage/control the horse. Volunteers are also needed to care for the horses, assist with barn chores, special events and fund-raising. For more information contact Amy Wilcox at hgwilcox2@yahoo.com or 410-662-7858. See website: www.maneeventride.org.

Maryland Attorney General’s Consumer Protection Division

Are you interested in learning about your rights as a consumer? Would you like to help other Maryland consumers resolve their complaints with retail businesses, landlords or health care providers? Volunteers and interns are trained and work 8 – 10 hours per week at the Consumer Protection Division at 200 St. Paul Place, Baltimore, as complaint mediators and to provide information over the Division’s consumer hotline. For more information, e-mail volunteer@oag.state.md.us, call 410-576-6355 or visit website: www.oag.state.md.us/Consumer/volunteer.htm.

Maryland Hall for the Creative Arts

Maryland Hall for the Creative Arts has openings in several volunteer positions.  Currently the opportunities include performing arts ushering, assisting at special events, and occasional help with visual arts. We will be holding two new volunteer orientations. At our orientations we will discuss details of these volunteer positions, and they will be held:

  • 5:30 – 7:00pm, Thurs., Sept. 19, or Tues., Sept. 24, 2013, Volunteer Orientations: Training will be held at Maryland Hall, 801 Chase St., Annapolis. There will be additional training dates for those interested in volunteer ushering for performances.  Reply to Louise White, Volunteer Manager at lwhite@mdhallarts.org or 410-263-5544, extension 23.

The Little Things for Cancer

The Little Things for Cancer is a 501(c)(3) non-profit organization located in Columbia, MD dedicated to improving the quality of life for cancer patients and their caregivers. We serve patients and their caregivers who live and/or are being treated in Maryland. We offer support to each family based upon their particular needs at that time. Our goal is to improve the quality of life by reducing stress and anxiety for the person affected by cancer and those closest to them. We are looking for compassionate individuals to help our organization by doing various activities including, but not limited to, clerical work, running errands (grocery shopping, picking up prescriptions, picking up and dropping off items to patients/caregivers), helping with fundraising events, etc. For more information and to volunteer, contact wletow@thelittlethings4cancer.org or 443-228-8584. Website: http://www.tlt4c.org/.


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The spark of the invisible hand

Folk-rock artist presents opinions in music while avoiding artistic psuedo-politik

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Activism in art often comes with an attached set of expectations, and it's especially true in music. Is the artist folk, or punk? What's their defining issue? It can be difficult to resist the temptation to slot an artist into a fixed stereotype about activism as it exists within a particular genre, and even harder to perceive an artist as dodging the concept of genre in the first place.

Ember Swift manages to consistently evade such pidgeon-holing, both in her music and in the causes she advocates. Musically, her political brand of Canadian indie fare has best been described as the bilingual lovechild of Paul Simon and Laurie Anderson. Add to that 'raised on Joan Jett,' and 'infused with the well-informed convictions of a committed socio-political activist,' and the discerning listener is one half-step closer to pinning a fix on the elusive, eclectic music of Swift.

"I'm talking about lots of different issues, from affluence to ecological conservation, and they're all interconnected," says Swift. "I think most political activism becomes fragmented and less effective when you categorize it into causes."

Her music may be heavily saturated with messages about such issues, but she actually walks the socially-proactive walk. In addition to hosting her own workshops on such topics as 'women in music' and 'sustainability in independent music,' Swift founded her own label in 1997, named Few'll Ignite Records, in order to release all subsequent recordings independently.

"I think that artists can play a gig that pays the bills, but doesn't feed them spiritually," explains Swift. "And that's not artistic sustainability in my books. Sustainability means realizing that we do have the capacity to thrive outside of the corporate structure that exists within the music business. With creative entrepreneurial solutions, we can stay afloat."

Swift has done better than just staying afloat. She has come a long way from recording lo-fi solo tracks in a basement studio some ten years ago. The Dirty Pulse, her ninth and most recent studio release, features up to eight artists collaborating on one track. The album's undeniable catchiness, combined with a relentless touring schedule and a positive perspective on the online sharing of her music has brought her recognition both on North American soil and abroad.

"I've noticed that people will download my work, and then turn around and buy more of it," says Swift. "If we only see free music downloads as theft, then we're undermining the whole nature of the artist. No one's stealing my art, because while the CD is a piece of plastic which houses a snapshot of it, my art is an intangible thing that is presented on live stages everywhere."

Such achievements have helped to solidify Swift's success as an independent artist in a largely corporate market, and have also given her a unique perspective of the pressures on women in the industry. It's this outlook, combined with her obvious intelligence, that makes her music irresistable.

"There's this idea that women have to be young and beautiful to be successful," says Swift. "The young male artists are aware that many of their idols didn't come into their prime until their mid-thirties. My advice to women in the music industry is: 'You're not running out of time. Forget what the industry is saying, do the music at your own pace, and don't let anyone rush you.'"


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Barack Obama, John Lewis, and the Legacy of the Civil Rights Struggle

The political victory of Barack Obama on November 4, 2008 demonstrated the success of the civil rights movement and its legacies of minority political empowerment and ideology of toleration. A mere forty years before in 1968, reactionaries had silenced the voices of such apostles of racial change as Reverend Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. and presidential candidate Robert F. Kennedy who both promoted a vision of a multiracial “beloved community” that celebrated diversity and dreamed of an America where all citizens received political freedom and social equality. Indeed after assisting brother John F. Kennedy’s race for the white house, the new U.S. Attorney General Robert Kennedy suggested in 1961 that the country seemed to be “moving so fast in race relations that a black could be President in ‘30 or 40 years.’” In the intervening time, several African Americans had placed their names in nomination, Shirley Chisholm, Jesse Jackson, Alan Keyes. Yet it took the campaign of a post-Jim Crow candidate, raised in the aftermath of the civil rights movement, to successfully transcend the issue of race and attract a majority of the nation’s electorate. Winning the election with 52 percent of the vote, the nation’s first president of mixed-race ancestry, Barack Obama, who was raised in Hawaii and Indonesia with family ties to a variety of religious and spiritual beliefs, demonstrated a seismic shift underway in a population destined to become majority multiracial—black, Latino, East Asian, South Asian—by 2042.1

His campaign benefited from political empowerment movements of minorities derived from old civil rights struggles and from a new ideology of tolerance symbolized in memorials to the movement and taught through the public schools. The watershed election of Barack Obama in 2008 resulted from the life work of such living legacies of the civil rights struggle as U.S. Congressman John Lewis of Atlanta.

The victory of American forces in World War II ushered in an age of global hegemony that made the nation’s ideology of democracy and free markets appear contradictory to local customs throughout the South and elsewhere in the country where authorities denied citizenship rights to African Americans and other ethnic minorities. Similarly a change in the region’s political economy away from an old colonial system of extraction of wealth as collected in agricultural products and raw materials and towards a modern manufacturing sector of wage earners in a consumer-driven economy required changes in the marketplace and workforce that made segregation seem irrational and inefficient. From the top down, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled against the legal structure of segregation that Plessy vs. Ferguson allowed, culminating in the Brown vs. Board of Education decision of 1954 that reversed the previous policy. Meanwhile from the ground up, African Americans demanded the equality required of the separate but equal clause as demonstrated in the Montgomery Bus Boycott of 1955–1956. Yet such nonviolent passive resistance seemed too slow for a new generation that embraced direct action confrontation. The growing expectations among young black consumers contributed to the spontaneous outburst of the sit-in movement in Greensboro, North Carolina in February 1960. The unwillingness to work within a segregated system while insisting on receiving citizenship rights guaranteed by the U.S. Constitution marked a clear transition in the civil rights struggle.2

In Nashville, students already had participated in a sit-in that did not attract the media attention as the one in Greensboro. Led by the African American theologian James Lawson who attended Vanderbilt University, the students who included John Lewis discussed Mohandas Gandhi’s strategies of nonviolence and soul force. The experience changed the life of Lewis. Born on a sharecropper’s farm in rural Alabama in 1940, the African American John Lewis confronted a racist society that ostensibly provided him with few opportunities in life. His family protected him from the harshest aspects of the segregated society but as a youth he related to the lynching of Emmett Till who was just a year younger than Lewis. With the outburst of the Montgomery Bus Boycott, Lewis marveled over the black community’s ability to come together and embraced the Reverend Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., as a role model. With the help of King, Lewis attended the American Baptist Theological Seminary in Nashville. An atypical youth to begin with, Lewis embarked on an education that quickly left the classroom for the civil rights battlefield in a campaign that has taken him to the halls of Congress (Lewis).

The idealism that accompanied the election of John F. Kennedy as the first Irish Roman Catholic president extended to many of his generation and their children the baby boomers who saw unlimited potential in a hegemonic United States that dominated the globe. The ideology promulgated internationally made omissions of equal rights at home particularly glaring. As Manning Marable argues in Race, Reform and Rebellion, “the Second Reconstruction actually began in earnest on the afternoon of 1 February 1960.” On that day direct action nonviolence by four black men who sat down at the Woolworth’s lunch counter and demanded equal service as consumers in America provoked the series of protests against discrimination collectively known as the civil rights movement. The spontaneous acts of black youth were organized by a multiracial group called the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee or SNCC. As a veteran of the Nashville struggle, John Lewis along with Diane Nash and others joined with the black youth of Greensboro and elsewhere across the South including Atlanta in organizing SNCC in the spring of 1960 (Marable).

Out of the sit-ins came the Freedom Rides of 1961 that put pressure on local, state, and federal governments that allowed racial discrimination to persist. John Lewis joined a handful of black and white civil rights activists in the original Freedom Ride that left Washington, D.C. in May 1961 testing southern compliance with federal desegregation requirements in interstate travel. At Rockhill, South Carolina, some white vigilantes harassed the group, after which Lewis peeled off to attend a scholarship meeting in Nashville with the intent to rejoin the protest before it ended in New Orleans. The Freedom Ride traveled through Georgia without incident but ran into conflict in Alabama where Ku Klux Klansmen attacked them in Anniston and Birmingham. Completing his school interviews, Lewis rejoined the Freedom Ride in Alabama. When the bus reached Montgomery, Ku Klux Klansmen savagely beat him along with white activist Jim Zwerg (Arsenault).

These spontaneous acts of black youth—the sit-ins and Freedom Rides sponsored by such multiracial groups as SNCC—presented a decentralized approach to the reform from below as explained by historian Clayborne Carson in his seminal study In Struggle. King and the black ministers involved in the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) followed a more bureaucratic and authoritarian approach to change from above as detailed in Bearing the Cross and other scholarship by David Garrow. These two approaches often clashed, for as the theorist Gene Sharp has discovered in his years studying nonviolence, there are many approaches to nonviolent resistance to oppression and discrimination. Nonetheless the era’s idealistic view of America and the media’s growing attention to the persistence of southern racial discrimination in a global environment where the medium is the message, forced self-reflection (Carson).3

By the Birmingham demonstrations in the spring of 1963, the nation could no longer tolerate segregation and inequality. King and the SCLC joined the local movement led by the Reverend Fred L. Shuttlesworth in protests against racial discrimination in public accommodations, voting, and employment in the industrial city of the New South, Birmingham. The sit-ins at lunch counters by African Americans demanding basic services as consumers in April 1963 had expanded by May to include protest marches led by school children. Rather than grant these demanded rights in citizenship, authorities in Birmingham turned loose police dogs on nonviolent protesters and turned on fire hoses against black teenagers marching for civil rights. Outrage followed nationally and internationally as calls for reform reached the U.S. Congress (Eskew).

Indeed, Birmingham provided the climax of the civil rights movement. The March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom simply celebrated that fact. Instead of the massive protests in the Capitol as originally envisaged by A. Phillip Randolph, the event became an affirmation of the American Dream. No one sounded that theme better than Martin Luther King who gave the address of his life before an integrated audience of at least a quarter million with millions more watching by television. With rolling cadences, his “I Have A Dream” speech epitomized African American desires for assimilation. Nearly tailor made to fit the demands of the civil rights legislation before the Congress, the oration reasoned the need for reform just like his “Letter From Birmingham Jail” while concluding with a resounding expression of faith in the American system (Lentz).4

The youngest speaker at the March on Washington—and the only one still alive today—John Lewis represented SNCC. In his speech he intended to rhetorically ask, “Which side is the federal government on?” but King and the moderate leaders of the movement convinced him to cut the radical language. Instead he ended his speech with the challenge of the youth in SNCC: “We want our freedom and we want it now!” (Lewis).

Years of avoiding race reform came to an end as the Kennedy Administration promoted legislation to open the system to black people and other minorities. Following the assassination of President Kennedy in November 1963, the Texan President Lyndon B. Johnson pushed through the Congress as a tribute to the martyred Kennedy and over the filibuster of southern Democratic senators legislation that marked a watershed in American race reform. Johnson encouraged passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 that ended discrimination in public accommodations and outlined equal employment opportunities thereby opening the American system not only to African Americans but also to other minorities (Eskew).

The next two years expanded these race reforms through calls for voting rights in southwest Georgia, Mississippi, and finally in the riveting protests in Alabama’s Black Belt. King and the SCLC joined Lewis and the black youth in SNCC in Selma, Alabama, in a call for voting rights. The demonstrations evolved into a protest march to Montgomery to demand Alabama Governor George C. Wallace to allow fair voting practices. John Lewis stood at the head of the 600 marchers who crossed the Edmund Pettus Bridge on Bloody Sunday, March 1965. When the demonstrators reached the foot of the bridge, Alabama state policemen moved in with tear gas, brutally beating John Lewis and leaving him with a fractured skull. The effort of white southern authorities to suppress the black demand for the franchise led to federal support for voting rights. Again President Johnson intervened, appearing on television to quote the anthem of the civil rights movement—We Shall Overcome—and to propose legislation to secure the franchise for minorities. Once enforced, the Voting Rights Act of 1965 led to black political empowerment across America as African Americans in rural areas of the Deep South and urban centers of the Industrial North took charge of local governments. These changes signified integration into the existing political system and a shift in the distribution of resources into communities previously neglected. The result of the growing black electorate and changes in the racial attitudes of many Americans ultimately contributed to the election of Barack Obama as the nation’s first African American president.5

After the success of Selma, King tried to take the movement into the north in 1966, but as an external force that did not resonate with a local movement, the Chicago campaign fell flat. In the suburbs of Chicago King said he found racism worse than in the South. While advocating fair housing in Cicero, Illinois, white counter protesters pelted him with bricks. After spending several weeks in the ghetto, he abandoned Chicago, but with the knowledge that the problems being faced by African Americans extended beyond racism. Having gained access to the system—being able to sit at that lunch counter and order that hamburger proved of limited value if one could not afford to pay for the food. King came to understand the role of poverty in perpetuating racism. Soon he linked this understanding to the broader issue of anticolonialism. By 1967 King announced his opposition to the war in Vietnam during a speech in New York at the Riverside Church. Thereafter President Johnson turned against King and the civil rights movement (Anderson).6

By 1968 King had concluded that the problems of America were not those of race but those of class. Poverty was at the root of the system’s oppression that left so many people excluded from the American Dream. He proposed a Poor People’s Campaign to organize the disposed Americans in a nationwide movement. Thousands of poor people, black, white, Native American, Asian, Hispanic, were to descend on Washington, D.C., and, unlike during the March of 1963, occupy the Capitol building and demand housing, health care, jobs, education. While assisting a strike by garbage men in Memphis, Tennessee, King was assassinated on April 4, 1968 by James Earl Ray. Only months before King had despaired:

We live in a sick and neurotic nation. . . . Out of the social darkness of America’s present evils, morning will surely come. If I didn’t believe this, I couldn’t make it.

He was 39-years-old. Rioting followed in 50 cities. Just before his death, King authored a book that asked the question, Where Do We Go From Here? Chaos Or Community. In many ways that question has never been answered (King).

Whereas King responded to the crisis of the 1960s by broadening his viewpoint as to the problems in America by proposing an interracial Poor People’s Campaign, the black radicals in SNCC turned separatist by viewing the ills of society through the distorted lens of race. Henceforth for advocates of Black Power, the primacy of race became all-consuming. Previously John Lewis—who had participated in the sit-ins, Freedom Rides, Selma Campaign and advocated Dr. King’s vision of a multiracial beloved community—had held the position of chairman of SNCC, but separatists forced him out and put in the office Stokely Carmichael who had coined the phrase “Black Power” during the Meredith March of 1966. At first it was a return to a black nationalism that emphasized economic self-help and African American institutions. Responding to decades of white supremacy designed to make people feel inferior, African American intellectuals promoted “Black is Beautiful.” Determined to make it on their own, the black members in SNCC kicked the white members out of the organization. They rejected the white dominated system and everything it stood for in America. Carmichael and other black SNCC members were influenced in their thinking by the writings of Malcolm X. They admired the independence of The Lost-Found Nation of Islam or Black Muslims and its message of Black separatism, economic self-help and self-defense against white racists (Carmichael; Lewis).

Inspired by the political activism of rural African Americans in Lowndes County, Alabama, who used the symbol of a black panther to represent their separate political party, Bobby Seale and Huey P. Newton organized the Black Panther Party in Oakland, California, in 1966, around the principle of self-defense against racial oppression. Feeling trapped in the ghetto with no chance of escape, the Black Panthers tried to combat the devastating poverty of the urban core. Their rhetoric suggested the government had coordinated a plan of genocide against African Americans. They realized that many black people had been shut out of the system. With no access to the education and training necessary for work in the post-industrial world, many black people had missed the boat on the modern, consumer economy. As images of the desperate black poor caught up in New Orleans thirty-five years later when the levees broke after Katrina make clear, the diagnosis of a trapped black underclass shut out of the system as articulated by the Black Panthers was not entirely incorrect (Seale).7

Other African Americans experienced access to the system and prospered as the Sixties gave way to the Seventies. Many middle class black people achieved integration with better paying jobs, admission to the better formerly all white schools, improvements in housing and steady increases in a general standard of living. Black political empowerment came to symbolize their success. After the passage of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, federal registrars oversaw southern elections and guaranteed political equality. With the growing black electorate—rising from 43 percent in 1964 to 62 percent in 1968—many black candidates for political office, now receiving a fair shake in the campaign and in many cases appealing to a majority black electorate, won positions of power that enabled them to shift resources back to the black community. Furthermore interpretation by the federal courts of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 with affirmative action decisions increased African American contractors gaining lucrative government contracts. Consequently the black middle class grew as its influence expanded. In Atlanta a plaster worker named Herman Russell became a general contractor and a millionaire. The gains made by many African Americans underscores the possibilities of success through access to the system (Graham; Lewis).8

John Lewis’ personal story reflected the potential of the racial changes. Forced out of SNCC in 1966, he continued working for the civil rights struggle by leading the Voter Education Project financed by the Ford Foundation. This effort promoted voter registration of African Americans across the South in compliance with the Voting Rights Act of 1965. Living in Atlanta, Lewis also headed the National Consumer Co-op Bank. Through these two initiatives he promoted black political and economic access to the system. In 1977 he made an unsuccessful run for the U.S. Congress after which President Jimmy Carter appointed him to manage the VISTA Program and other federal projects. In 1981 Lewis won election to the Atlanta City Council. Then in a hotly contested race against his old friend and fellow civil rights activist Julian Bond—who today heads the NAACP—John Lewis won election to the U.S. House of Representatives in Atlanta’s majority black 5th Congressional District in 1986. He has been reelected 10 times, winning up to 70 percent of the vote (Lewis).

As a congressman, Lewis has worked to memorialize the civil rights movement as a way of promoting voting rights and proselytizing the beloved community. His tenure in office coincides with a groundswell of support by cities and states for monuments to the civil rights movement best characterized by the exhibitory one often finds on display: that of life-size monochromatic mannequins marching to freedom, riding on the bus, or sitting-in at the lunch counter. As ubiquitous to these institutions as the civil war soldier on the courthouse square, these civil rights figures mark a commemoration that symbolizes America’s new ideology of toleration that celebrates diversity. Whether in Atlanta, Birmingham, Selma, or Memphis, an evolving collective memory of triumphant toleration rises above a localized narrative often framed within the life and work of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. Born out of the post-World War II racial strife that identified these cities as part of a larger civil rights struggle, forty years later the once contested memories have helped ease racial tensions. Now encapsulated in these memorials, civil rights memories are embraced by urban leaders. Expressed through architecture, art, and museum artifact, the once distinct memories have become increasingly the same, all announcing an inevitable victory over oppression. The pilgrims who visit these celebrated sites are greeted by local, state, and federal employees of the heritage tourism industry who have standardized a racially progressive message that has knocked off center the once popular urban observances of white supremacy symbolized by wreath-laying ceremonies at civil war monuments. Every year U.S. Representative John Lewis leads a group of men and women from Congress across the South to see the sites of the civil rights struggle. Freshman Senator Barack Obama attended one of these pilgrimages.9

The efforts to memorialize the movement—while spontaneous and independent—have resulted in similar outcomes. City and state governments and state and local planners assisted movement veterans and scholars in developing the memorials. In some instances, national museum consultants and the federal government participated in the planning. The goal of heritage tourism became a driving force as chambers of commerce advertised the racist past for tourist dollars. Indeed black political empowerment made possible significant public monies for the various enterprises. The commercial appeal of these memorials marks a significant departure from earlier expressions of a southern collective memory of white supremacy described by William Fitzhugh Brundage in The Southern Past. The relationship between civil war monuments and white supremacy described by Kirk Savage in Standing Soldiers, Kneeling Slaves, is reversed as civil rights memorials emphasize America’s multiracial and pluralistic society. While Kenneth E. Foote has described the commemoration of atrocities in Shadowed Ground, and Derek Alderman has explored the politics behind the renaming of streets after Martin Luther King, Jr., the contested past is less an issue in the construction of these memorials to the civil rights movement than the ideological purpose of promoting diversity and human rights. Indeed, all of the museums put local spins on a standardized Montgomery to Memphis refrain that underscores the triumph of toleration (Brundage).10

Two months after King’s death in 1968, his heirs joined the City of Atlanta in proposing a “living, permanent” memorial and historical district that consisted of the King Birth Home, Ebenezer Baptist Church, a library containing King’s personal papers, and a permanent “entombment” for King’s remains all located in a “King shrine area” along Auburn Avenue in the heart of the old black business district. Coretta Scott King created the Martin Luther King, Jr., Center for Nonviolent Social Change, Inc., to memorialize the man. She contacted the Johnson and Nixon Administrations for assistance but received no public help until 1975 when the City of Atlanta constructed the Martin Luther King, Jr., Community Center across the street from the location of the proposed King Memorial. By then she had raised $6 million dollars in private funds to pay for the Inter-Faith Peace Chapel, reflection pool, and marble sarcophagus containing King’s body. Yet the construction of Freedom Hall and the gift shop had to wait until President Jimmy Carter convinced the federal government, the Ford Foundation, and the United Auto Workers to contribute the nearly $8 million dollars necessary to complete the Bond-Ryder-James designed King Center Complex, which was dedicated in 1982. With donations, souvenir sales, and gate receipts, the King heirs operated the memorial; but expenses out paced revenues, again forcing Coretta Scott King to request the intervention of the federal government.11

By creating the Martin Luther King Jr. National Historic Site and Preservation District in October 1980, Congress initiated direct federal intervention over the “King shrine area” that has evolved into almost complete control of the King memorial. The legislation authorized the National Park Service to develop historic preservation plans, address resource management, and purchase property to preserve the district’s appearance, but it specifically forbade the government from building “a major visitor center in the national historic site.”12 Despite thousands of tourists, more than 50 employees, and a $2 million dollar budget, the King Center could not control expenses, meanwhile an understaffed National Park Service confronted a historical site with no bathrooms, inadequate parking, and poor interpretation. The September 1990 announcement that Atlanta would host the 1996 Olympics, provided the government with an excuse to propose an $11 million dollar visitor center with restrooms and interactive exhibits, restored buildings in the neighborhood, off-street parking, and a new landscape. Arguing that only such a facility could accommodate the estimated 5 million tourists sure to visit King’s tomb during the Summer Games, the park service quickly won the support of the Atlanta City Council, Mayor Maynard Jackson, U.S. Representative John Lewis, and other elected black officials. The city donated the King Community Center lot and the Clinton Administration arranged necessary funding. The National Park Service resolved a bitter and very public squabble with the King Family and opened its King National Historic Site Visitor Center in June 1996. As per agreement, the heirs control the bookstore with its profitable sales while park rangers interpret the site. The exhibitory features six pods that recount segregation in the South, the King family and “Sweet Auburn,” Martin Luther King’s early leadership in Montgomery, his civil rights triumphs, his broad vision for reform, and his assassination in Memphis. Dividing the pods in half is “Freedom Road” on which monochromatic life-cast mannequins representing minorities walk up an incline to a picture window showing in the distance King’s crypt. With Congressman Lewis playing a key role, local and federal money constructed the Atlanta visitor center with its message of triumphant toleration similar to civil rights memorials elsewhere.13

Similarly Lewis spearheaded the federal support to turn the Selma to Montgomery March route into a National Historical Trail. Selma’s municipal leaders memorialized the movement for reasons of heritage tourism although for grassroots activists, the issue of political reform lay beneath the surface. The limited success of black political empowerment in rural Alabama’s cotton belt with its overwhelming majority of African American voters and the shrewd ability of Selma’s white Mayor Joe Smitherman to remain in office despite a majority black electorate irritated many civil rights veterans who questioned the gains of the Voting Rights Act. As mayor in 1965, Smitherman had assisted in the suppression of civil rights demonstrations although he was not responsible for the beating of John Lewis and others at the Edmund Pettus Bridge on Bloody Sunday. Seven years later a federal court order forced white politicians to allow Lewis and fellow civil rights activists to stage a re-enactment of the famous march. Other observances followed that 1972 protest culminating in the 25th anniversary of the Selma to Montgomery March in 1990. By this point the city of Selma, which had developed heritage tourism around Greek Revival mansions in response to the economic decline that had followed the collapse of cotton recognized a good thing and began touting the package, “From Civil War to Civil Rights,” with juxtaposed images of Sturdivant Hall and Brown Chapel AME Church. Smitherman dedicated a marker and park at the foot of Edmund Pettus Bridge before black dignitaries Coretta Scott King, Jesse Jackson, Ben Chavis, and Dick Gregory retraced the steps of the original marchers across the Alabama River. A racially mixed crowd of 4,000 participated in the 1990 event that galvanized efforts to memorialize the movement. After the re-enactment Representative John Lewis returned to Washington and convinced Congress to adopt the Selma to Montgomery National Trail Study Act that authorized the National Park Service to explore the 54 miles between the two cities a National Historic Trail. After receiving a positive report from park rangers, Congress approved the designation in 1995 and earmarked millions of dollars in federal aid for the project.14

Already in Selma, a grassroots effort had organized the National Voting Rights Museum. Bankrolled by a local black attorney and endorsed by the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, the museum opened in 1992 in a historic building on Water Avenue that had once housed the headquarters of the White Citizens Council. In contrast to the well-financed museums in Atlanta and Birmingham, Selma’s memorial consists of a hodgepodge of artifacts donated by local civil rights activists, the official state photographs of Bloody Sunday taken by state troopers, and homemade plaster casts of the feet of movement veterans. In place of the monochromatic life-cast mannequin one finds a klansman in full regalia. The unpolished nature of the exhibitory recalls earlier shrines to movement martyrs. The founders explained they established the National Voting Rights Museum

to offer America and the world the opportunity to learn the lessons of the past to assure we will not make the same mistakes in the 21st century and beyond. The museum’s board of directors believes it to be a look back, but also a vision and reminder of what America can and will be.

Thus the message is the same as Selma celebrates the promise of pluralism. To underscore toleration, Congressman Lewis joined Mayor Smitherman on “Oprah” and other TV talk shows to boost Selma. During the Summer Olympics, Lewis and Smitherman jointly carried the torch across the Edmund Pettus Bridge. By 1996 the city generated $5 million dollars through heritage tourism. When President Bill Clinton joined thousands of people in the bridge-crossing re-enactment in 2000, Smitherman exclaimed, “It is a great honor to have the president of the United States visit our historic city. . . . This will open doors for enormous tourism in our city.”15 For Congressman Lewis, it symbolized African American access to the system through the ballot box and the promise of the beloved community.

While tourism provides an excellent vehicle for the transmission of a new ideology of toleration, civil rights memorials have struggled with a bifurcated goal of commemorating the past but also advocating present change. Coretta Scott King established the King Center in Atlanta to memorialize the man through the built environment but also to memorialize an ongoing movement through the celebration of a national holiday established in his honor in 1986. Problems persist, but the commemoration itself reflects the success of change.16 Rather than a national stage, the Birmingham Civil Rights Institute has latched onto the atomized individual in a world of bigotry as the target of its ideology of toleration. Building on the United Nation’s Declaration of Human Rights, the Institute encourages visitors to take “The Birmingham Pledge” which amounts to a promise of toleration to make the world a better place.17

Likewise people leave the National Voting Rights Museum in Selma convinced in the power of the ballot. There the staff takes the abstract promise literally, actively working to promote black political empowerment throughout rural Alabama. Similar to the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee members who forty years before had provoked local political reform through grassroots organizing, volunteers assisted by the staff of the National Voting Rights Museum conduct voter registration campaigns that advocate awareness for black candidates. The museum played a key role in helping to elect an African American mayor of Selma in the summer of 2000, thus bringing to an end the nine-term rule of Joe Smitherman. While overt political activism has heightened racial tensions in the Alabama Black Belt, the museum’s annual “Bridge Crossing Jubilee” has become Selma’s major tourism event. Not only does it attract regional participants to its beauty pageant, parade, and hip hop competition, but it also draws national participants eager to retrace the footsteps of King and partake in what has become a political sacrament.18

Congressman John Lewis represented the living embodiment of that political sacrifice. He hoped to see the fulfillment of Dr. King’s vision of a beloved community. Lewis became a strong supporter of the Clinton Administration, serving as senior chief deputy whip in the Democratic caucus and regularly meeting with the president’s cabinet. With the election of Republican George W. Bush under questionable circumstances in 2000, Lewis emerged one of the harshest critics of the new administration. Congressman Lewis became the first member of the U.S. House of Representatives to suggest impeaching George W. Bush for “deliberately, systematically violating the law.” Lewis said of Bush, “He is not King, he is president.” When Hillary Clinton announced her bid for president, Lewis endorsed her candidacy. Once the winter 2008 primaries began, however, Lewis responded to the surprise success of Barack Obama and moved his support to the black Senator from Illinois. As Lewis noted on February 12, 2008, “Something is happening in America and people are prepared and ready to make that great leap” (Lewis).

For Congressman Lewis, the Obama candidacy symbolized the success of his years of advocating voting rights and black political empowerment. Indeed Obama represented the possibilities of access to the system won through equal treatment of the law and affirmative action. As a post-Jim Crow youth, he had attended public and private schools, worked with social agencies and corporate law firms, held both state and federal political offices. When Obama won the Democratic Primary John Lewis said, “If someone had told me this would be happening now, I would have told them they were crazy, out of their minds. They didn’t know what they were talking about.” Then recognizing the civil rights legacies that had led up to the Obama nomination, Lewis said, “I just wish the others were around to see this day. To the people who were beaten, put in jail, were asked questions they could never answer to register to vote, it’s amazing.”19

Throughout the Fall 2008 Presidential Campaign, Senator Barack Obama stuck to a message of positive change that avoided racial implications and promised reforms to Bush Administration abuses. His opponent, the reactionary Republican John McCain ran a negative race designed to appeal to white voters and to discredit Obama as an old-school liberal. Among conservative voters in the Deep South and West, McCain received support but in the nation’s urban areas, on the West Coast and the North East, Obama carried the day. In the end President Obama won 28 states and 52 percent of the popular vote while McCane won 22 states and 46 percent of the popular vote. People across America greeted the election day with vigils at civil rights sites and the new temples of toleration built as memorials to the movement. With the announcement of Obama’s victory, the crowded audience at Atlanta’s Ebenezer Baptist Church and the nearby gravesites of Martin Luther King and Coretta Scott King, advocates of change burst into tears as spontaneous celebrations broke out across America. 20

Congressman John Lewis cast a large shadow across President Barack Obama’s inauguration. On the eve of the event in an effort to recall that earlier moment in 1963, President-Elect Obama held an event at the Lincoln Memorial where forty-five years before, a young John Lewis had stood and spoken to the thousands watching the March on Washington. Now Obama addressed the millions of viewers as he called up the memories of that earlier struggle. Two days later at the inaugural, Congressman John Lewis sat with the former presidents, presidential family and honored guests beside the president-elect. During his address, President Obama acknowledged the sacrifices of civil rights activists, singling out John Lewis for praise. At the conclusion he turned to Congressman Lewis, leaned over to shake his hand and said, “Because of you, John.”21 Indeed the sacrifices of this poor black boy from rural Alabama—John Lewis—who stood up for the civil and human rights of all as symbolized by the vote, has enabled America to enter a new era capable of electing a mixed-race descendant of recent immigrants with an unusual name—Barack Obama—as President of the United States.

Works Cited

Alderman, Derek H. “Creating A New Geography of Memory in the South: (Re)Naming of Streets in Honor of Martin Luther King, Jr.” Southeastern Geographer 36.1 (1996): 51–69.

——. “New Memorial Landscapes in the American South: An Introduction.” Professional Geographer 52.4 (2000): 658–60.

Anderson, Alan B. and George W. Pickering. Confronting the Color Line: The Broken Promise of the Civil Rights Movement in Chicago. Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1986.

Arsenault, Raymond. Freedom Riders: 1961 and the Struggle for Racial Justice. New York: Oxford University Press, 2006.

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Brundage, W. Fitzhugh. ed. Where These Memories Grow: History, Memory, and Southern Identity. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2000.

Carmichael, Stokely and Charles V. Hamilton. Black Power: The Politics of Liberation in America. New York: Random House, 1967.

Carson. Clayborne. In Struggle: SNCC and the Black Awakening of the 1960s. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1981.

Chapell, David L. A Stone of Hope: Prophetic Religion and the Death of Jim Crow. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2004.

Confino, Alon. “Collective Memory and Cultural History: Problems of Method.” The American Historical Review 102.5 (1997): 1386–403.

Dittmer, John. Local People: The Struggle for Civil Rights in Mississippi. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1994.

Durett, Dan and Dana F. White. An-Other Atlanta: The Black Heritage. Atlanta: The History Group, 1975.

Dwyer, Owen J. “Interpreting the Civil Rights Movement: Place, Memory, and Conflict.” Professional Geographer 52.4 (2000): 658–84.

Eskew, Glenn T. But For Birmingham: The Local and National Movements in the Civil Rights Struggle. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1997.

Fairclough, Adam. Race and Democracy: The Civil Rights Struggle in Louisiana, 1915–1972. Athens: University Georgia Press, 1995.

Fabre, Genevieve. “African-American Commemorative Celebrations in the Nineteenth Century.” History and Memory in African-American Culture. Ed. Genevieve Fabre and Robert O’Meally. New York: Oxford University Press, 1994. 72–91.

Fabre, Genevieve and Robert O’Meally. eds. History and Memory in African-American Culture. New York: Oxford University Press, 1994.

Foote, Kenneth E. Shadowed Ground: America’s Landscapes of Violence and Tragedy. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1997.

Forgacs, David. An Antonio Gramsci Reader: Selected Writings, 1916–1935. New York: Schocken Books, 1988.

Foster, Gaines M. Ghosts of the Confederacy: Defeat, the Lost Cause, and the Emergence of the New South. New York: Oxford University Press, 1987.

——. To Redeem the Soul of America: The Southern Christian Leadership Conference and Martin Luther King, Jr. Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1987.

Garrow, David. Bearing the Cross: Martin Luther King, Jr., and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference. New York: William Morrow and Company, 1986.

——. Protest at Selma: Martin Luther King, Jr. and the Voting Rights Act of 1965. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1978.

Gillis, John R. ed. Commemoration: The Politics of National Identity. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994.

Graham, Hugh Davis. The Civil Rights Era: Origins and Development of National Policy, 1960–1972. New York: Oxford University Press, 1990.

Holmes, Nicholas H. Jr. What’s Good About Downtown: A Handbook for the Economic and Aesthetic Revitalization of Downtown Selma Alabama. n.p., 1979.

King, Martin Luther, Jr. Stride Toward Freedom: The Montgomery Story. New York: Harper, 1958.

——. Where Do We Go From Here: Chaos or Community? Boston: Beacon Press, 1968.

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Lau, Peter F. Democracy Rising: South Carolina and the Fight for Black Equality Since 1865. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 2006.

Lentz, Richard. Symbols, the News Magazines, and Martin Luther King. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1990.

Lawson, Steven F. Black Ballots: Voting Rights in the South, 1944–1969. New York: Columbia University Press, 1976.

Lewis, John and Michael D’Orso. Walking with the Wind: A Memoir of the Movement. New York: Simon, 1998.

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1   Robert F. Kennedy’s quote and United States racial population statistics for 2042 cited in Time Magazine 17 Nov. 2008. The author would like to thank Professors Alfred Hornung and Oliver Scheiding of Johannes Gutenberg University in Mainz, Germany, for their assistance with this essay.

2   For the best monograph on the postwar changes in the U.S. South, see Bartley. For firsthand accounts of the civil rights struggle see Raines King, 1958.

3   See also Arsenault, Garrow, Bearing the Cross, Sharp.

4   And for a text see Washington 217–20.

5   The standard works on the voting rights campaigns remain Payne, Dittmer, K’Meyer, Tuck, Lau, Fairclough, and Garrow. See also Lewis with D’Orso. On black political empowerment see also Lawson, Parker, and Youngblood Ashmore.

6   On King’s intellectual growth, see Chappell and Fairclough.

7   See also Strain.

8   The forthcoming work of the Stanford University economist Gavin Wright will shed further light on the integration of African Americans into the American system.

9   The similarities between memorializing the movement and the Lost Cause cannot be overlooked. For analyses of the earlier ideology see Wilson and Foster. For an informed exploration of the relationships among monuments, heritage, and ideology see Gillis.

10   See also Confino, Savage, Foote, Alderman, “New Geography”. See also Alderman, “New Memorial” and Dwyer. While similar in subject, Dwyer concludes that civil rights memorials ignore contemporary racial issues, an argument that is different than the argument made here which, building on ideas from Antonio Gramsci suggests a kind of cultural hegemony around the civic religion of toleration. For a theoretical analysis of cultural hegemony see Forgacs.

11   Atlanta Journal 4 June, 10 June, 1968; Atlanta Constitution 15 Jan., 28 Sept. 1969, 20 May 1973; for background material on King’s widow see Scott King. and the Atlanta Journal-Constitution 17 Jan. 1993; Atlanta Constitution 16 Jan. 1975, 17 Sept. 1975, 27, 28, 29 1976, 4 Apr. 1977, 4 Oct. 1978; by 1976 the King Center had moved into temporary headquarters on the corner of Auburn Avenue and Boulevard, but left the papers at the Interdenominational Theological Center, see Durett. A federal grant of $660,000 supported the running of the King Community Center, Atlanta Journal-Constitution 8 Jan. 1984; see also Atlanta Constitution 9 Dec. 1977, 14 Jan. 1979, 17, 18 Oct. 1979; some $4 million of the $10 million construction cost for the King Center Complex came from federal grants.

12   Public Law 96–428 adopted by the 96th Congress on Oct. 10, 1980; National Park Service, General Management Plan & Development Concept Plan. 21 Feb. 1986.

13   Ibid.; Atlanta Journal-Constitution 9 Jan. 1983, 8, 14 Jan. 1984, 7 Jan. 1985, Nov. 17 1985, 17 Jan. 1986, 11 Aug. 1994, 11 Jan. 1995; National Park Service, Martin Luther King, Jr., National Historic Site Land Protection Plan. 1994 Update; National Park Service, A Grand Endeavor For A Man With A Dream: The Story of Martin Luther King, Jr., National Historic Site and Preservation District [1996]; on the conflict with the King family see Atlanta Journal-Constitution. 11, 16 Aug. 1994, 1, 10, 14, 15, 21 Jan. 1995, 21 May, 16 June, and 20 Nov.  1996, and on the Park Service facility fulfilling the needs of visitors see 16 Jan. 1999.

14   Selma Showcase (Selma, AL: Crossroads Visitor Information Center, 1998) 3, 10–11; “History Lives In Selma.” “Selma: A Legacy of Black Heritage.” and “Martin Luther King, Jr., Street Historic Walking Tour.“ All brochures published by the Selma-Dallas County Chamber of Commerce. The closing of Craig Field by the military in the 1970s devastated the local economy; see Holmes. Selma Showcase: A Magazine About Selma and Dallas County. 1:2 (1990), also 1998–1999 edition; Atlanta Journal-Constitution. 25 Feb. 1990, 29 June 1996, 21 Dec. 1995; Selma Times-Journal 2, 3 Aug. 1983, 28 Feb. 1990, 4, 5, 8, 11 Mar. 1990, 26 Feb. 1995, 22–25 Apr. 1999; Montgomery Advertiser 11 Mar. 1990, 27 Apr. 1998; National Park Service, Selma to Montgomery Historic Trail Study. n.p. n.d. [1992?].

15   Bridge Crossing Jubilee 5 Mar. 1993, a tabloid published by the Southern Christian Leadership Conference for the National Voting Rights Museum. It lists co-chairs Joseph Lowery and John Lewis, honorary chairs, Jesse Jackson, Coretta Scott King, James Orange, and Ben Chavis, national coordinators C. T. Vivian and his wife Octavia Vivian, and state chairs Alabama State Senator Hank Sanders, and local veterans of the 1965 march Marie Foster and Albert Turner; Selma Times-Journal 9 Mar. 1992; Bridge Festival Edition, a tabloid published 9 Apr. 1992 by the
Selma Times-Journal 17 Feb. 2000; Montgomery Advertiser 1 Mar. 2000; Atlanta Journal-Constitution 6 Mar. 2000.

16   Atlanta Journal-Constitution 18 Jan. 2003; like Emancipation Day and Independence Day Celebrations, King Day became another commemoration. On black collective memory see Fabre “African–American Commemorative”

17   Copy of the “Birmingham Pledge.”

18   Atlanta Constitution 22 Dec. 2000.

19   Time Magazine 17 Nov. 2008.

20   Time Magazine 17 Nov. 2008.

21   Time Magazine 29 Dec. 2008 – 5 Jan. 2009, 26 Jan. 2009, 2 Feb. 2009.

Glenn T. Eskew has taught southern history at Georgia State University in Atlanta. His But For Birmingham: The Local and National Movements in the Civil Rights Struggle (1997) offered the first scholarly analysis of Birmingham’s climatic protest in 1963 and received the Francis Butler Simkins Prize of the Southern Historical Association. He published two edited volumes on southern history topics, Paternalism in a Southern City and Labor in the Modern South (both in 2001). His forthcoming biography, Johnny Mercer: Southern Songwriter for the World, considers the hybridity of culture by placing the lyricist of “Moon River” and other popular hits into the context of the southern diaspora while also engaging transnational music in the age of American hegemony. Eskew regularly assists a variety of international, national, state and local history and humanities organizations. In addition to his participation in the Tri-National Summer School co-sponsored by Johannes Gutenberg University, Mainz, Germany, Peking University, Beijing, China and Georgia State University, Eskew has lectured in Japan, Korea, Argentina, and South Africa.

Suggested Citation

Eskew, Glenn T. “Barack Obama, John Lewis, and the Legacy of the Civil Rights Struggle.” American Studies Journal 56 (2012). Web. 25 May. 2020. DOI 10.18422/56-04.

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"This film imbues in its audience the sense of sorrow and respect that the masterpiece, Life is Beautiful, brought to the screen."
- Moving Pictures Magazine

Interview With Director

Find out about the making of "As Seen Through These Eyes".

Interview with director Hilary Helstein at the Winnipeg International Film Festival.

Official Winner - WIFF:
 Outstanding Documentary Feature

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Historic Architecture

Over the years we have been entrusted with the renovation or restoration of both modest and grand historic buildings.  We seamlessly integrate the client’s needs using our knowledge of the Department of Interiors guidelines and local guidelines. This experience provides modern, lively spaces that retain the historic beauty, solves the program, and meets the owner’s budget.


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Past, Present & Future Queer Australia (Wheeler Centre) [Melbourne]

Past, Present & Future Queer Australia (Wheeler Centre) [Melbourne]

Ticketing Information

Tuesday October 9, 2018 - 6:15 PM

Level 2, The Wheeler Centre
176 Little Lonsdale Street
Melbourne, Victoria 3004

Please notify us of all access requirements when booking – contact reception on 03 9094 7800 or

Kirri Dangerfield & Linda D'Ornay

Language/ Cultural Consultant:

About the Show

Does Australia need its own Queer History Month? What is Queer History Month for?

In other parts of the world, including the US and the UK, people celebrate LGBTI+ or Queer History Months to raise the profile of LGBTI+ history and celebrate the people – both ordinary and famous – who forged the futures we are now living.

Australia’s own LGBTI+ History Month launched in Australia in October 2016. Two years later – and a year after the same-sex marriage survey campaign – the importance of remembering the past seems more urgent than ever. How does teaching queer history enhance our understanding of Australian history more broadly? And who, or what, is often missing or marginalised in histories of Australian LGBTI+ people?

In this panel discussion, we’ll discuss some ideas for marking LGBTI+ History Month in Australia. We’ll also discuss the work of Australians – including activists, archivists and academics – who have shaped our queer past and present.

This event is presented in partnership with Deakin Gender and Sexuality Studies Research Network.

Hares & Hyenas will be our bookseller at this event.


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Elastic Nails

Elastic Nails

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With the use of our latest medical facilities and advance infrastructure, we are involved in the business of manufacturing and supplying a flawless range of Elastic Nails. These nails are designed by using premium grade components and latest techniques as per the set market norms. Our elastic nails are mainly used in orthopedic surgery, and different other treatments. We provide an extensive range of our Elastic Nails that are  available in different diameters and specifications to fulfill to the varied requirement to the the customers.

* Tips on getting accurate quotes. Please include product name, order quantity, usage, special requests if any in your inquiry.


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Thursday, April 18, 2013

Post surgery energy--day 15 ---I think.

I just love my new energy. Hell, I am carrying about 20kgs less than two months ago. You want some evidence of my new state? OK then. I have just cooked some feijoas with rhubarb (no sugar now) and then a huge chicken, bacon bones and veggie soup with lots of split peas and lentils, and then my tofu dish. The first two dishes were done in the slow cooker and crock pot (There is a difference)
So you thought I would lose interest in cooking---shame on you. I have just turned it to my advantage and freezing small amounts and entertaining friends. If anything, with the new energy, I am having more visitors and I love to feed them healthy food. My plate may look sparse, but that's OK with me. Here's a recipe for my tofu and mushrooms.

Take one square of firm tofu and cut it into tiny cubes. Marinade it for a few hours in one finely chopped shallot (or onion) and  garlic and black bean sauce, chilli, ginger and some sweet soy sauce. Add about a tablespoon of any oil. Then cook some finely chopped mushrooms to a heated pan that has been lightly oiled. Add a little salt and pepper. Stir-fry the mushrooms and leave in the pan. Now in a heated pan cook the marinated tofu, in small batches. As they brown, add them to the mushrooms. When it's all done you can either have the mixture dry or make a gravy for a 'wetter' look.  Yum, even though I only eat a bit of it. You can serve it over rice and spinach. Leave out the rice for me, if you invite me over to sample your version. Rest time now, I think!

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Monday, November 23, 2009

I love wine. The past few months I've been going through a phase of drinking inexpensive wine. The only reason I was getting it was because I thought well, wine is wine. But It's not. I'm not really knowledgeable when it comes to wine but I have realized I can never drink cheap wine again. Ever.

Rob and I have started exploring new wines. White is Rob's favorite and until recently, mine. I've been exploring red wines. I got a bottle of 2007 Syrah from Spain:

This bull's got balls

This wine is delicious! And not really all that expensive. I'd like to take a wine class so I can learn more about the flavors and accents. This bottle, for example, says it has hints of roasted coffee, baked berry and sweet herb aromas. I didn't quite pick up on that exactly. But it was good! So I guess I'll just keep drinking wine until I become more knowledgeble. Or take a class. :)

  1. That is my kind of packaging design. Love it! (I did packaging design for years!)


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Tuesday, April 26, 2011

Gloomy Weather

I'm really considering moving to a warmer climate. Someplace where there's more sun than clouds, more warmth than cold. This Chicago spring gets 2 thumbs down. With the exception of a couple warm days, it's been cold and cloudy. Yuck. This was the view from my front window yesterday:

Cold, cloudy and barely any growth on the trees. Yuck.

At least the 7 foot snow pile is gone:

But, I need warm weather...and sun. Now.

  1. It's been the same here. Yucky with a capital YUCK! One sunny day here and there but mostly rain, rain and more wet stuff (some white stuff thrown in!) and wind. Spring will come. So will summer. Yah, and so will Christmas, right?

  2. LIke Ronna said. We had a couple of nice days, but now it's supposed to rain all freaking week! (I live about 25 minutes due south of Miz Ronna.) We are not amused.

  3. Ronna-I'm shuddering at the thought of Christmas! But it will be here in the blink of an eye, as always. I think we need to have a serious chat with Mother Nature.

    Natalie-the un-amusement is mutual. Today it actually got above 60 F but it rained almost all day. Tomorrow it's back down to the 40s. Boo hiss. Let's all move to Hawaii!

  4. These are awesome pictures! I notice there is a mail truck in this photo. Maybe you should see if you can mail yourself to a warmer zip code!-Candace :)


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The Bass Centre Frankenstein Bass

UK/EU Price:  £395.00 - Inc. 20% VATExport Price - USA/Australia/Worldwide: £329.17

Delivery:  Free Shipping To UK + Mainland Europe

In Stock

In Stock

John Entwistle, 1944 - 2002

Frankenstein Unbound!

Who bass legend, John Entwistle, was a very good friend of The Bass Centre's - from our early days in Wapping High Street right up to his untimely passing in 2002 - and his personality, wicked sense of humour and astonishing talent will always be sorely missed. So, with the new British Bass Masters Series "Frankenstein" Bass, we are proud to pay tribute to the most iconic, influential and - damn it, yes! - THE greatest bass player of all-time.

Renowned for using a LOT of basses, one instrument stands out from the rest of John's incredible collection, if only because of its unique origins. The beast affectionately dubbed "Frankenstein", famously assembled from the remains of a number of "dead" instruments, was his main stage & studio axe from 1967 to 1971, the golden era during which The Who released their classic albums "Tommy", "Who's Next" and "Live At Leeds" and cemented their reputation as one of the World's greatest live rock 'n' roll bands.

In 2003, a year after his death, as testament to the reverence in which John and this particular bass are held, the original Frankenstein went under the hammer at Sotheby's in London, for an astonishing £62,400 ($100,000)!

Sporting a gorgeous salmon pink finish - as its namesake was eventually refinished in the mid 70's - our Frankenstein model may not have been brought back from the dead, but it does feature period accurate looks, cool retro features, an authentic growling tone, a super fast, satin finish neck... and a considerably more affordable price tag!

The Bass Centre Frankenstein Bass Features

  • "Super Slim Sixites" neck profile
  • Light weight, balanced body contour
  • Vintage spec pickup
  • Classic salmon pink finish
  • Chrome "Ashtray" bridge cover

With its cool retro features, authentic sound, superb build quality, flawless finish and expert set-up, the Frankenstein Bass is another super-affordable, pro-grade instrument from The Bass Centre that seriously represents astonishing value for money.

Model Bass Centre Frankenstein Bass
Body Basswood
Finish Salmon Pink
Neck Satin Finish Maple with "Super Slim 60's" Profile
Fingerboard Maple with Pre-CBS-Style Clay Dot Markers
Frets 20 Medium Nickel Frets
Pickup Passive Vintage-Style Split Single Coil
Controls Master Volume/Master Tone
Tuning Machines Chrome Vintage-Style, Open-Gear Tuners
Hardware Chrome "Ashtray" Bridge Cover, 4 Bolt Chrome Neck Plate, Chrome Control Knobs
Bridge Vintage-Style Roller Bridge
Pickguard 3-ply Vintage Mint-Green
Scale Length 34" (864mm)
Neck Width at Nut 40mm
Neck Width at 12th Fret 57mm
Neck Depth at 1st Fret 20mm
Neck Depth at 12th Fret 22mm
String Spacing at Nut 11.5mm
String Spacing at Bridge 19.5mm
Weight 4.1kg (9.0lbs)
Strings Bass Centre Elites Player Series Nickel Plated Roundwound Standard Gauge .045 - .065 - .085 - .105
Extras Bass Centre Padded Gig Bag
Warranty All Bass Collection instruments come with a 1 year warranty
Origin World Musical Instruments Co. Ltd. • South Korea

"It's Alive... It's Alive!"

Throughout his life, John Entwistle was renowned for his eclectic choice of instruments, but few of them are as celebrated - and none quite as unique - as the "Frankenstein" Precision Bass that was his main weapon of choice for the Who's stage & studio work from 1967 to 1971.

Ostensibly, Frankenstein appeared to be a 1965 three-colour sunburst Fender Precision with a maple neck (serial no. 13081), but its origins are far more arcane. Just like Mary Shelley's renegade scientist, Entwistle actually brought life to this unholy beast himself, from the remains of a number of dead basses - including two rare 1966 UK only limited edition "slab" body P-Basses - during down time on The Who's 1967 US tour.

As John explained...

I had a day off in San Francisco once and spent it screwing a bass together from five smashed Precisions including a couple of slab ones, of which they only made about 20. I took the pickup and scratch plate from one of the slab Precisions, the neck from another, machineheads from a Jazz Bass, the body off a sunburst Precision and the tailpiece from another... Two hours with a Phillips screwdriver and a soldering iron and I was running around my hotel room screaming “It’s alive! It’s alive!”

Thus Frankenstein was unleashed!

The scavenged bass was used prominently (through his awesome Hiwatt rig) for the next four years, a period during which The Who conquered Woodstock, became renowned as one of the World's most incendiary live acts and released their breakthrough rock opera "Tommy" as well as the stone-cold classics, "Who's Next" and "Live At Leeds", one of the all-time great live rock 'n' roll albums. So when you listen to John's fluid, melodic lines driving "Pinball Wizard" and "Won't Get Fooled Again" or his corrosive, snarling solo on the Leeds' live cut of "My Generation", that's Frankenstein you're hearing, in all its feral glory.

Although Entwistle retired the bass from onstage work in the mid 70's, at which point he had it refinished from sunburst to salmon pink, he remarked in a 1994 interview with Bassist magazine... “I have about 35 Precisions, all with different colors and from different eras, but I always go back to Frankenstein.”

Many of John Entwistle’s belongings and personal effects were auctioned off after his untimely passing in June 2002, including his incredible instrument collection. Frankenstein itself went under the hammer at Sotheby’s Auction House in London in May 2003, where it was expected to fetch something in the region of £5,000 to £7,000... after heated bidding, the bass eventually sold to an anonymous American buyer for a staggering £62,400 ($100,000).

Of course such a high price tag isn't so staggering when you consider that John's legacy and influence as a musician remains so strong. in 1999, Musician Magazine crowned him "Bassist of The Millennium" and, in a 2011 Rolling Stone reader's poll, holding his own against a whole new generation of amazing players, he was still voted the #1 bass player of all-time.

Quite simply, John's effortless cool, unique personality and his truly groundbreaking reinvention of the role of the bass in modern rock music make him one of a kind and, with The Bass Centre "Frankenstein", we are proud to pay tribute to an amazing musician, a genuine, gentlemen rock 'n' roller and a good & valued friend.

Frankenstein in original sunburst finish at the Isle Of Wight Festival, August 1969

On the cover of a rare Brazilian re-issue of the classic 1970 "Live At Leeds" album

Going, going.... gone. Under the hammer at Sotheby's Auction House in May, 2003

The Who caught on film for the Rolling Stones' infamous "Rock & Roll Circus", London 1968

The full force of Frankenstein on stage at the University Of Leeds, 14th February 1970

Rocking a fringe leather jacket - proof positive that he was ALWAYS the coolest man in the room

John showing off Frankenstein in the 1980's - restored and re-finished in glorious salmon pink

John Entwistle In Action With "Frankenstein"

No doubt due to his legendarily stoic presence on stage - and to the considerably more energetic performances given by his fellow bandmates - camera men filming Who concerts did tend to focus more on Roger Daltrey, Keith Moon & Pete Townsend than on John Entwistle!

Nevertheless, even if you don't see so much of him in these clips, you can sure as heck hear him unleashing the raw power of Frankenstein.

"My Generation" - The Who tear it up live at Woodstock, 1969

The Who close their epic show at The London Coliseum, 1969, with suitable bombast

Average Rating (1 Review):
Write a Review and share your opinions!

Superb Instrument
Monday, 25 September 2017  |

I'd dealt with The Bass Centre back in the Wapping days and knew that Barry wouldn't be selling his Bass Collection instruments if they weren't worth putting his good name and reputation behind. I was curious to see just how good they are and, on the strength of the Frankenstein bass that has just arrived, the answer is 'BRILLIANT'.

The neck is wonderfully slim, straight as an arrow with very nice fretting and plays great with the satin finish. The slightly thinner depth basswood body makes for a lighter guitar than my regular Fenders, but without any loss of snap or sustain. The electronics and hardware are more than adequate and it does all that you could ask of a P-Bass, while giving you scope to upgrade and customise if you want to.

The fit and finish is excellent with a flawless paint job. The gig bag is also nicely made. All in all, this is the best budget bass that I have played in many years and really would put many far more expensive P-Basses to shame. The price point seems ridiculously low for what you are getting (and no, I'm not related to Barry!).

If this is a typical Bass Collection instrument then I would recommend them to anybody.

Was this helpful to you?  Yes  /  No

3 of 3 people found this review helpful.


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Transfer to Bayburt

Bayburt is located on the historic Silk Road connecting the Eastern Anatolia to the Black Sea. Located on the banks of the river Coruh, the city’s history dates back to 3000 B.C. Evliya Celebi, who visited Bayburt in 1647, describes its name with the words “bay” and “yurt” which mean “rich” and “town” respectively. Occupied by the Russian in 1916, Bayburt was destroyed to a great extent. Having been a part of Erzurum until then, Bayburt was attached to Gumushane in 1927 and it gained provincial status in accordance with the law no. 3578 in 1989. According to the 2013 data of TUIK, Bayburt province has a population of 80.417 people approximately 66.228 of whom live in the city center.

You have some options for your destination. Bayburt has not an airport but you can use the other cities airports. They are so near Bayburt. But you want to come buy bus you can come by bus but it takes very long time approximately 16-18 hours. If you want to come buy bus from istanbul to Bayburt you must get on ESENLER OTOGAR in İstanbul.

The citys whith have airport near Bayburt

İstanbul - Trabzon (airport) - BAYBURT

İstanbul - Erzurum (airport) - BAYBURT

İstanbul - Erzincan (airport) - BAYBURT

Trabzon - Bayburt: takes 3 and half hours

Erzurum - Bayburt: takes 1 and half

Erzincan - Bayburt: takes 3 and half hours


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Thursday, 2 July 2015

Claire's Diary 02/07/2015

Dear diary

I'm getting closer to fulfilling my lifelong desire to pilot a flying saucer! As soon as I've finished building my own private space craft, I'm going to take to the skies, maybe go into space, boldly go where no stupid bunny has gone before, visit Mercury, get a tan, meet Marvin the martian and get some cool photos for my Instagram.
This might turn out to be more trouble than it's worth. In fact, forget it I'm having a night in.

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Soprano Anna Devin had to think quite carefully about whether she really wanted to pursue a career as an opera singer because of being dyslexic, something that added extra stress to learning music in foreign languages. She reveals the importance of working successfully with both the director and conductor, how to sing when ill, how to keep the voice in good condition, and what happens when performance nerves don’t kick in!

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“With a voice as liquid and sparkling as the best champagne, this rising young Irish soprano showered us with vivid characterisations, kaleidoscopic hues and the brightest of coloratura flourishes.” Geoff Brown, The Times

Widely acknowledged as one of today’s brightest young sopranos for her vocal versatility and strong stage presence, Anna Devin has established an international career since graduating from the Royal Opera House’s Jette Parker Young Artist programme in 2012. The 2014/15 culminated in Anna receiving a prestigious Helpman Award for ‘Best Supporting female in an opera” for her portrayal of Clotilde in Handel’s Faramondo at Brisbane Baroque

Highlights of the upcoming 2015/16 season include appearances with Glyndebourne Touring Opera (Michal, Saul); Lausanne Bach Festival (Messiah); Seattle Symphony (Messiah), Welsh National Opera (Susanna, Le Nozze di Figaro); Mozartwoche in Salzburg (Acis and Galatea); Haydn’s Lobgesang with the Vienna Philharmonic; debut at La Scala, Milan in L’enfant Sortileges; and returns to working with Marc Minkowski and Les Musiciens du Louvre in Pergolesi’s Stabat Mater.

The 2014/15 season saw her perform a typically diverse repertoire at the Royal Opera House; Wigmore, Barbican, Queen Elizabeth & Carnegie Halls; Glyndebourne; Theatre des Champs-Elysees; Auditorio Nacional de Musica, Madrid; Theatre an der Wien and in Moscow and Houston. The season included role debuts as Nanetta (Falstaff) under Michael Schønwandt at Royal Opera House; Oberto (Alcina) with The English Concert under Harry Bicket on an international tour; Morgana (also from Alcina) with the Russian National Orchestra under Chris Moulds; the title role of Semele which opened the London Handel Festival under Laurence Cummings and several appearances at Wigmore Hall with Classical Opera.

Appearances in the United States included Oberto (Alcina) at Carnegie Hall; the Houston Symphony Orchestra and Minnesota Orchestra for Messiah and the Charlotte Symphony Orchestra for Brahms’ Ein Deutsches Requiem. Other recent highlights have included Marie (La fille de Regiment) at the Royal Opera House; Clotilde (Faramondo) under Lawrence Cummings at the Handel Festival Göttingen; Zerlina (Don Giovanni) for Scottish Opera under Speranza Scappucci; ‘A’ in Luke Bedford’s new commission Through His Teeth at Royal Opera House; Gretel (Hänsel und Gretel) at Garsington Opera under Martin André; Susanna (Le nozze di Figaro) with Glyndebourne Touring Opera under Jonathan Cohen and Silvia (L’isola Disabitata) with the Royal Opera House at the Hobart Festival in Tasmania conducted by Oliver Gooch.

A frequent concert performer, Devin’s repertoire encompasses a vast range of both sacred and secular works, and she has appeared as part of the BBC Proms with the Hallé Orchestra under Sir Mark Elder, the London Handel Festival, Brighton Early Music Festival, Belfast Festival as well as with the RTÉ NSO and Ulster Orchestra.

Other conductors Devin has performed for include Sir Antonio Pappano, Yannick Nézet-Séguin, William Christie, Sir Colin Davis and Sir Andrew Davis.

Recordings include Mozart’s Tamiri (Il Re Pastore) and Arbate (Mitridate) and Handel’s Faramondo.

An alumna of the Royal Irish Academy of Music, Guildhall School of Music and Drama, the Britten-Pears YAP and the National Opera Studio, Anna Devin has garnered awards including the Maggie Teyte and Miriam Licette Scholarships, Stuart Burrows International Voice Award, Singers’ Prize at the Gerald Moore Awards and the Audience Prize in the London Handel Singing Competition. She is an Associate Artist with Classical Opera with whom she records and performs with regularly.


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