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Media spotlight: Meddling with the Nile is a red line Egyptian media pundits still debate the validity of Ethiopia's dam, ignoring wider issues of water scarcity

With or without the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD), a high-stakes hydroelectric project that has fueled mistrust between officials in Egypt and fellow Nile Basin countries since its inception seven years ago, Egypt faces issues related to water scarcity. But instead of assessing the country’s water consumption, thinking of ways to limit waste and securing alternative sources of clean water, Egyptian officials have been busy pushing for further studies on the dam, which is already 63 percent complete.

The Nile ties Egypt economically and environmentally to its African neighbors, and the war of words between officials is based on survival as much as it is a futile demonstration of realpolitik. On November 11 and 12, representatives from Ethiopia, Sudan and Egypt met for the 17th time to officially discuss the dam project, the 14th session since they agreed that a French consultancy firm would spearhead a technical report to evaluate its potential impact. Reactions from Egyptian officials have been rife with patriotism and emotion, which is emblematic of the prominence of the river in everyday life.

The bulk of Egypt’s population has historically resided in the Nile Delta region, and today the majority of its 95 million inhabitants live and work in those overcrowded 22,000 square kilometers, many relying on the world’s longest river as their lifesource. The Nile also holds heavy symbolic importance for many Egyptians, featuring prominently on ancient papyri and playing a historic role in rituals surrounding life and death.

Despite the prevalence of jokes and popular folklore surrounding the river, Egyptian singer Sherine Abdel Wahab recently faced a backlash from fans, and a couple of lawsuits, after making a flippant comment about the possible health hazards of drinking from the Nile when asked to perform her emotive song “Have you drunk from the Nile?” in the UAE.

This incident cannot be read in isolation; humor has been increasingly vilified by Egyptian authorities in recent months amid a wider move to eradicate criticality. That a pop icon singing a nationalistic song was widely criticized because of a perceived deviation from patriotism is telling of our current reality.

The dam project has also elicited fiery reactions from television hosts and newspaper commentators, with several Egyptian media pundits debating the project as though it is still on the drawing board — speculating on what the deadlock in negotiations might mean, asking who is to blame for such misfortune and debating Egypt’s right to seek counsel from the United Nations on the matter. The initial anger eventually appeared to wane (except that of Moataz Matar, a vocal opponent of the military-led ouster of Mohamed Morsi), particularly after President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi appeared nonchalant about the issue during an address to open a fish farm in Kafr el-Sheikh on November 18.

In his attempt to quell concerns, Sisi referred to Ethiopia and Sudan as “our brothers.” He went on: “From the start, we were in agreement about the importance of development projects, but we’re talking about the life or death of a people. The Nile water is God’s creation, not anyone else’s.”

Newspaper headlines on both November 13 and 14 reported that the Egyptian Parliament was demanding that Cabinet members take a more active role in the conflict, with the privately owned Al-Dostour newspaper quoting an official state source as saying that Sisi would intervene as part of the government’s plan to exert more “political pressure.”

In response to calls for greater intervention, which were also echoed by Egyptian television hosts, Sisi said, “I cannot grant you something that isn’t mine. This water does not belong to me. It belongs to you.” This somewhat corny gesture shifted the responsibility for addressing water security onto Egypt’s prime minister and the speaker of the house, whom Sisi called “the voice of Egyptians.”

Instead of clearly outlining the government’s next steps, amid indications of possible water shortages, Sisi blamed Egyptian farmers living in the Delta for abusing their supply of water, and for growing rice despite government restrictions. He omitted to mention the impact of the state’s megaprojects in the desert on Egypt’s already high water consumption rates, or whether or not the industrial waste produced by these projects is spilling into the water stream. It was a move reminiscent of the government’s focus on household electrical consumption, instead of businesses or industry, as the reason for recent power shortages.

On the November 13 episode of Al Hayat Al Youm (Life Today), which broadcasts on privately owned channel Al-Hayat, Tamer Amin was critical of the ongoing meetings concerning the dam. “They need a whole year to agree on one piece of paper? In engineering, one plus one equals two. They’re giving us the runaround until the dam becomes a fait accompli.” Despite the fact that construction of the dam started in 2011, he said that Ethiopia has been “procrastinating” and “distracting” Egypt. Amin then spoke to Hussein Imam, an Irrigation Ministry spokesperson who defended the government in a telephone interview. Imam told viewers that Egypt had agreed to the establishment of the tripartite committee “out of a keenness to remain flexible.”

Defending the role of Egyptian officials in negotiations continued elsewhere. In a four-part opinion piece in privately owned newspaper Youm7 that seemed to offer no new information, Youssef Ayoub underlined Egypt’s “flexibility,” adding that reactions to the dam project were “realistic and calculated” after negotiations became “bogged down” by technicalities.

On November 13, CBC’s Lamis al-Hadidi spoke briefly to the head of the Nile Basin studies department at Al-Ahram Centre for Political and Strategic Studies, Hany Raslan, on Hona al-Assema (Here’s the Capital), after which she said, “We’re talking about Egyptians’ water. I think there needs to be a high-level political decision regarding the GERD. Negotiations have continuously failed over the last two years.” Describing Egypt as “well-behaved” when handling the matter, Hadidi didn’t hold back on blaming Ethiopia. “They’ve had us go around in circles,” she said, suggesting that “other parties” refuse to power on amicably, so Egypt should “not stay silent” either.

Several reports in both state and privately owned newspapers seemed to echo a desire by Egyptian officials to downplay tensions after the Sudanese foreign minister claimed Egypt owes Sudan water it has benefitted from over the years due to Sudan’s limited absorptive capacity. Opinion writers have differed as to how much Sudan, a long-time ally, is to blame for not considering the repercussions of the dam on Egypt. An article penned by Abbas al-Tarabiliy in privately owned daily Al-Masry Al-Youm voiced disappointment that Sudan did not consider Egypt as it should have for “old times’ sake.” But in a subsequent op-ed in the same newspaper, columnist Soliman Gouda suggested that Egypt had failed to properly consider its neighbor.

On the matter of seeking international arbitration, Hadidi spoke to international law professor Mosaed Abdel Aty, who said Egypt should resort to the United Nations Security Council, “the body that holds the utmost power to iron out the conflict,” and urged officials to document “this Ethiopian violation.” Abdel Aty added that, while Egypt is supportive of development projects in other countries, meddling with the Nile “is crossing a red line.”

At the onset of this debate, prominent cartoonist Doaa al-Adl, who is often critical of Egypt’s authorities, depicted officials’ responses to the impending crisis as tortoise-like, while prolific journalist and political analyst Abdallah al-Sinawi said he wasn’t surprised by the prolonged negotiations. He used his opinion column in privately owned newspaper Al-Shorouk, titled “Critical Scenarios,” to focus on the steps Egypt could take to address the issue of water security after the dam is complete.

Egypt understandably wants to maintain some degree of economic advantage over its African neighbors, but further negotiations over its historically large water share and the GERD may also mean officials need to be prepared to discuss a long list of incompetencies and issues they are either not willing to debate, or don’t have solutions to, such as: population growth, pollution, inefficient irrigation and the lack of proper treatment plants countrywide. Government officials need to consider the dam issue not just as one of resources, but as a matter of managing those resources.

Heba El-Sherif


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When I was a kid I loved Halloween, probably more than Christmas. What kid doesn’t love Christmas? Presents, Santa, all the great stuff. But for some reason, Halloween was my favorite time of year. Hell, October itself was a month of pure bliss for me in my youth. I was walking on clouds whenever October 1st came around with the chill in the air, that meant soon something spooky would be happening.

I think this is partially due to my older brother, Danny. He loved Halloween too, and made sure the love was passed down to me, his only sister. We would spend hours coming up with costume ideas together, in his room. He loved to dress up in scary costumes, and tried to get me to indulge him. I preferred princesses and fairies, sometimes a witch. I loved being scared, but I didn’t think I had to be particularly scary. Danny would always roll his eyes but grudgingly let me dress up as whatever my little heart desired.

Danny was the one who took me out trick-or-treating every year. Our mother only had one rule, be back by 8pm, no later. We never questioned it. We were young enough where 8 seemed late enough to be trolling the neighborhoods for free candy, and we always got a shitload of candy anyway.

But what happened in our small little town, on the last year we lived there, will always haunt me. I had to write about it, because it’s almost Halloween and I’ve got a little cousin who lives in that town still, and I don’t think is mom believes me when I say that he really shouldn’t be outside after 8pm on Halloween night.

See, that year was really exciting because Danny was 12 now, and he felt as if he was old enough to stay out past 8. He whined that some of his friends were talking about holding a party and he was invited. My mother of course wouldn’t hear of it.

“No, you can’t stay out past 8,” she told him, her voice firm, a raise of an eyebrow and we knew her word was not going to change.

“But,” he said, one last lame attempt.

“I said no, now go finish your homework,” my mother turned away from us and focused on chopping vegetables for our dinner later that evening.

“Whatever,” Danny huffed. He stomped his foot before walking away. I looked up at my mother who met my eyes and smiled sadly.

“I know he wants to go out, but you two need to trust me, it’s better to be home and safe in bed,” she explained.

I trusted my mom so I didn’t question her, I was only eight at the time and felt no need to go against the grain.

Still, I followed Danny upstairs and quietly knocked on his door.

“What do you want, Lucy?” he sounded like he had been crying.

“Can I come in?” I waited by the door, whereas normally I would’ve barged in, demanding his attention. This time I knew I didn’t want to make him mad.

“Whatever,” he conceded. Upon entering his bedroom I found his costume laid out on his bed, an elaborate pirate costume. He was leaning away from scary and doing something with his friend group instead that year.

“Your costume looks super cool,” I said, I sat on the bed gently, avoiding the costume and looked at him, “I’m sorry Mom won’t let you go to that party,”

“I’m going anyway,” he snorted.

“How?” I asked, leaning forward, “Mom says it’s not safe,”

He looked up at me, “I’m not some kid, I can handle being out a little later than 8 at night,” he said, “any other night I’ve got like an extra hour and I want to hang out with my friends,”

I just shook my head, “Mom will find out,” I said.

“Only if you tell her,” Danny said, “And you won’t because you’ll be with me,”

I looked at my brother in confusion, “But I wanna be safe,” I protested. I remember feeling doubtful, I didn’t want to be out if it was dangerous and a bad feeling started growing in my stomach.

“What, you think I wouldn’t protect you Luce?” Danny asked, gently shoving my shoulder, “There’ll be kids your age there too, c’mon it’ll be fun,”

Since my brother rarely invited me out with his friends, I reluctantly agreed. I wanted to be cool to him, and he was the coolest person in my eyes. I didn’t think I would regret it so much.

So the night of Halloween came a lot more quickly than I had anticipated and my mind was whirling with anticipation and fear. My mother had to work that night (a nurse) and it was awfully convenient. We would be able to sneak over to the party and be home by the time our mother got home. Or so we thought.

The night started out normally enough. I was in a cheerleading costume, and my mother had done my hair up in tight pigtails before she left for work. My brother and I left around 6 or so, to get the ultimate candy stash, he held my hand and walked me out around the neighborhood.

It was a great night honestly, until we hit 7:45 pm and started to walk to the party house. My stomach couldn’t contain the butterflies it held and I started to walk slowly.

“Lucy, come on!” Danny sighed, “It’s just going to be a bunch of kids and their parents,”

So once again, persuaded by my brother, we walked about a block until we got to the house.

Party house indeed, there were a dozen kids chattering on the lawn and parents dropping them off with sleeping bags and pajamas, Danny looked confused.

“Oh crap, is this a slumber party?” he asked me.

“How would I know?” I looked up at him, shrugging.

Danny let go of my hand and walked up to his friend, they talked for about a minute before Danny came running back to me.

“It is,” he said, grinning, “I must’ve not heard, we can just head to our house down the street and grab some pj’s, they have spare blankets, okay?”

He held out his hand and I looked at my watch. It was now 7:55pm. Our house was roughly a five minute walk away.

“I don’t know, if we’re outside past 8,” my stomach did a flip and Danny sighed.

“It’s okay, we’ll actually be inside past 8, right? Because we’ll be sleeping with lots of other kids, and we’ll be totally safe,” Danny urged, taking my hand and pulling me away from the crowded house and front yard.

“But,” I still couldn’t shake my bad feeling.

However it was too late. The sky was dark, the doors were all closing, and I looked at my watch one more time, the one our mother made me wear every Halloween.

Danny stopped suddenly, “What do you think is down there?” he looked transfixed and I followed his gaze to what looked like an unfamiliar side street. A part of me wondered how I hadn’t noticed it before.

“We need to get home,” I said, “We’re almost there,” I tugged on his hand but he dropped it completely and walked toward the street.

There was a single street light on on that street, and it seemed to be illuminating an old house. It looked like the kind of house you’d see in a scary movie, haunted with ghouls and demons just ready to rip you to shreds.

Danny was walking towards it with a blank expression on his face, and I could feel a pull towards it myself. But the fear that was now running rampant in my stomach felt stronger and I called out to my brother.

“DANNY THAT’S THE WRONG WAY!!” my voice came out shrill and Danny didn’t even flinch, he just kept walking. I watched him with terror growing in my chest.

Finally, against my better judgement, I ran after him. I stopped once I was next to him and kept up with his slow pace.

“Look, I think that house has all the candy,” he said to me, he sounded as if he was reciting an old and worn out line.

“No, I think we have enough,” I said, but he kept going. I grabbed his hand and pulled, but he was stronger and ended up pulling me. I struggled and kept begging, but eventually we were right in front of that house.

I looked around, a mist had surrounded us by now and I couldn’t see our street, or other houses. My heart hammered in my chest and I tugged at Danny once again.

“D-Danny?” I looked up at him but he just shook his head.

We were on the porch now, and I heard a “meow,” I looked down to see a black cat staring up at us, an intense gaze.

I tugged on him again but he just shrugged me off.

He opened the door.

I don’t know why at this point, but when he walked in, I followed him. I knew I couldn’t leave him alone, that was part of it. But my childhood self felt compelled to walk inside and see what awaited us.

I don’t remember much about the house, I just remember seeing a staircase, and that we both walked up it. By now I was under the same spell my brother was.

I do remember what came next.

Danny opened a door, it made a slow creaking sound and we both stepped inside the room. I felt now as if I was slowly regaining some sense of self control, and I looked around the room blinking.

“Where are we?” I asked.

Danny looked dazed, “I-I don’t know, how did we get here, Lucy?” he looked at me, my brother again, all concerned and confused, “are you okay?”

“Yes,” I looked up at him, “can we go home?”

But he never answered me.

Instead we heard a creak on the floor, it sounded like someone or something was moving toward us.

I looked up to see what could only be described as a thing. It was long, arched back and long fingernails on it’s right hand, it seemed to have a hook on it’s left…hand? No face, or covered by shadows. Too tall, and I could feel it’s gaze, even with no eyes, penetrating us.

I let out a scream at the same time as Danny, but my legs were rooted to the spot and I couldn’t move, even when I tried.

“LUCY RUN!” Danny yelled, not moving either. Gazing up at the creature.

Then the creature came into the light and it was grotesque. Rotting flesh, worms coming out where it’s eyes should be, I could see it’s teeth through where flesh was missing on the cheek.

A sweet stench filled the room and I gagged.

Then the creature ripped out and grabbed Danny. I couldn’t save him, I dodged the hook as it dug into my brother’s chest and dragged him forward.

Danny was screaming at this point, his eyes frantically darting around the room.

Even in that moment all he could scream was, “RUN LUCY!” as if I was still his number one priority, and even as the screams died out because of the pain he was in.

The creature turned to me and stared at me with it’s worm filled eye sockets.

I couldn’t move.

The creature looked at me as it removed it’s hook from my brother’s chest and it almost smiled.

Then it spoke, “I love candy,” and proceeded to slice open my brother’s stomach. Just. Like. That.

I won’t describe what that looked like.

All I know is that instead of trying to stop the creature, or looking at my brother, I turned around and ran. I heard his screams as I ran down those stairs, and out the door.

I ran past that stupid black cat, still sitting on the porch, and I ran through the fog until I was on my familiar street, and even then I kept running.

I ran until I was at that party house, and started screaming and banging on the door. It took ten minutes before it opened just a crack and the mother peaked out, “what?” she said in a harsh tone.

“MY BROTHER, PLEASE SOMEONE NEEDS TO HELP ME!” I was screaming and before I knew it I was being pulled inside into strong arms and comforted. Kids were staring as I cried into this woman’s arms, babbling about a monster and my brother being cut open.

“Who did you let in?” a man’s voice asked.

“It’s little Lucy from down the street, it’s fine, I’m not leaving her out there,” she answered.

The rest of the night is a blur. They waited until around 10pm to call my mom and tell her where I was.

In the morning the police were called and my mother came to pick me up.

“Where is your brother? Where did you see him last?” she asked me in this panicked voice.

“He…” I had no idea how to answer. All I know is that after she questioned me, the police did as well. They of course didn’t believe my full story, and just said it was trauma.

They never found his body either. They concluded some lunatic had been out and closed the case.

We moved before Christmas.

Our relatives questioned as to why, but my mom was so mad she didn’t even talk to them. It became clear to me as I grew older that the old town had a secret, and it covered up my brother’s death just to keep the secret safe.

I asked my mom once why people stay. She told me that sometimes people get used to living a certain way, and they just don’t think to change their lives, even if for the better. She said that’s why it can be so hard for someone to leave an abusive relationship, or a bad job. We get used to our shitty lives, and don’t know how to change it.

My mom had another kid a couple years later, my little sister, Danielle, named after Danny. She met a man and they fell in love, and brought my favorite person into the world.

I took her trick-or-treating a few times but she never wanted to be out past 8, even though in our new home and town trick-or-treaters would come by as late as 9 depending on the weather.

Either way, I miss my brother and I had to get it out. I had to tell someone besides my mother. I had to think of a way to get my cousin to not let her kids out on Halloween.

Becareful this Halloween. Please. No matter where you are, because if it’s a small town where your parents ever said, “Don’t go out past 8,” they probably have a good reason.

  1. I took her trick-or-treating a few times but she never wanted to be out past 8, even though in our new home and town trick-or-treaters would come by as late as 9 depending on the weather.

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Oregon Hill Seedless Marionberry Jam 11 oz.

SKU: 5314

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The top breakfast high quality restaurant in our community purchases Marionberry Jam in packets. Rather than continuing to sneak one or two packets into my wife's purse I decided to purchase 4 jars of Oregon Hill Seedless. We both love this jam and recommeded it to a friend who recently moved to Oregon. She loves it as well. Michigan does not grow Marionberries.
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Notes From Readers: Principal Reductions Redux

May 1, 2012

I find “Getting Right Side Up” (March/April 2012, page 39) unbelievable. The solution of having banks forgive a large chunk of principal on nonperforming residential loans won’t turn the problem right side up. First, the banks got themselves into this mess by sheer greed, offering low-interest loans to buyers who voluntarily elected to go along with their plan; neither one deserves a helping hand. Second, the author fails to mention that forgiven debt is taxable, so any home owner receiving a principal reduction will now face more in taxes. [Editor’s Note: True. However, for taxpayers who qualify, there’s federal tax relief on debt forgiveness through 2012.] Third, what does the proposal say to struggling home owners who have been making their payments? Last, the marketplace should determine “the floor” as to how low that investment will go. --Rick Ebert, Austin Landmark Property Services Inc. Austin, Texas

If the author is concerned that some home owners will default on purpose, why is this benefit going only to those who default? I am so tired of being punished for staying current. The underwater mortgage is sucking the financial life out of honest people. What is wrong with the president’s proposal to go ahead and reduce the principal and the rate for those who have stayed current through this crisis? --M-Lunie Fontaine, Premier Realty Team, Hollywood, Fla.

Seeing What’s New

I have read many issues of REALTOR® Magazine over a long career; the March/April 2012 issue is by far one of the great ones. Someone said at the convention last year, “I don’t want to read; I want to see.” This issue allows us to see what the news is, after which we can quickly get the story. Thank you. --Chris Wilson, First Choice PLLC, Laurel, Miss.

Attractiveness Study Turns Heads

An article in the Daily News about research on the effect of physical appearance on the income of real estate practitioners (“Attractive Agents Sell Homes for More Money?” April 13, 2012) generated dozens of heated comments. Readers took umbrage at the thought that the NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF REALTORS® funded such research (it didn’t) or the suggestion that attractiveness leads to success (the research didn’t say that).

As a broker, I can tell you an agent’s looks have nothing to do with selling ability or sale price. --Gerald J. Frederick, Century 21 Aloha Properties, Honolulu

It’s interesting to see that many of the readers who commented didn’t comprehend the story very well. It states that just because [more attractive agents] may sell a listing for more money doesn’t mean that they make more than less attractive agents. It states that they tend to sell [fewer] properties than less attractive agents. Why does everyone want to react before fully understanding what the story says? We are all beautiful in our own  way, and for those who don’t think you are, cheer up, because apparently you are making more money than the pretties. --Samantha Davault, de Luxe Homes & Estates, Fort Worth, Texas

Correction: The name of 1988 NAR President Nestor Weigand Jr. was misspelled in the article “What did you learn about leadership as president of NAR?” (March/April 2012, page 14). REALTOR® Magazine regrets the error.

Survive in Real Estate Over the Next Decade

Real estate broker Tom Gillett offered “survival” tips at the 2012 Association Executives Institute, held in March in Louisville, Ky. A few recommendations: Be skeptical of fads hyped by the media, demonstrate your value proposition, and operate as “virtually” as possible.

Posted March 19 by Brian Summerfield, Online Editor, REALTOR® Magazine

Tina Powers responded: I agree with the need to show your value proposition. In today’s market, you have to differentiate yourself from the competition.

Craig McCall responded: [Real estate professionals who] have taken the initiative to retool and concentrate on their professional skill sets during the economic downturn will be well positioned to thrive in the years to come.

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Send letters to or join a conversation at one of our blogs:  Speaking of Real Estate; Styled, Staged & Sold; The Weekly Book Scan; and YPN Lounge.

Note: Letters and blog posts are edited for space and clarity. Publication of a letter doesn’t constitute an endorsement of the writer’s views by the NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF REALTORS® or REALTOR® Magazine. Submission of a letter constitutes permission to publish it in any form or medium.


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Insidious: The Evolution of How We Understand the Migraine

I suffer from Chronic Migraine Syndrome.  If you are someone who occasionally has headaches, please do not tell me you feel my pain – I appreciate the sympathy, but you do not.

            Often, while lying in the fog induced by the complete crippling of my brain, I have tried to find the words to describe this hell to someone else.  Because I feel this irrational need to explain to you why although nothing appears wrong with me, I am utterly incapable both physically and mentally of doing anything other than remaining stationary in a horizontal, typically fetal, position.  And sometimes I come up with words that seem almost close enough.

            It can be a raging storm.  It builds in intensity and rails against every part of me.  It causes the light to burn and sound to thunder.  I become nauseated with the constant pressure.  It can also be a wild animal.  Stalking from place to place, this pain is piercing and localized.  While I may be able to sit up and talk to you, if it moves to a new spot and begins to attack it can cause tremors and twitching.  This is what I have pictured while being ravaged, the storm and the predator, destroying me from the inside.  When I tried to explain them to my husband, he smoothed the hair from my forehead and told me to go back to sleep.  But I think anyone who experiences either type of the localized, piercing pain, or the more ubiquitous pressure, will recognize the analogy.  Perhaps they too have been haunted by these scenes as they try to grasp on to anything that isn’t pain.  But then, I have always been given to the more literary flair.

Let me be clear, these instances of lucidity do not always occur.  I have begun to think of them as a tiny version of myself, hiding somewhere deep in the recesses of my brain while the pain rages all around.  Sometimes she is never found, and chatters inanely about increasingly ridiculous topics (I once decided that a particular migraine was a pack of rabid howler monkeys and narrated their rampage) while the pain gets worse and worse but since she won’t shut the fuck up, I can’t fall asleep and get any relief.  Sometimes she is drowned in the pain, losing consciousness but still alive and allowing me to slip blissfully into the black.  That is the best you can hope for.  And sometimes, she is hunted, systematically, and tortured until she breaks.  Then there is nothing but the pain.  I can’t describe it any other way – I retain no trace of myself and know nothing but the excruciating crush and pull.  I understand how dramatic this sounds, but migraine suffers will know.  This is the worst.

Under the influence of pain, I have said some things I imagine I wouldn’t ever say otherwise.  It can be a strong motivator to receive relief of any kind.  A sad fact that my family is more than familiar with.

My grandmother, I am told, was a beautiful woman.  Her name was Rosalee.  I am also told that she was prone to depression, bouts of extreme emotions, and would often confine herself to her room for hours or even days at a time.  She saw doctor after doctor at her husband’s request, most of them psychiatrists.  I am told that most of them pronounced her mentally ill in some way.  She took her own life on September 14, 1971, leaving behind two daughters that were 9 and 7.

My grandmother also suffered from what we now know to be migraines.  My mother remembers her lying in bed for days at a time in extreme pain, needing it to be dark and quiet.  We believe that this is why she sought help from doctors and was instead rebuffed with dismissals of feminine hysteria, mental instability.  In the end, it became too much.  The pain and the disbelief.

We are so convinced that my grandmother suffered from migraines not only from hazy memories of a young girl, but because chronic migraine syndrome is genetic.  My mother suffers from it, my children will most likely suffer from it, and it is almost certain that my grandmother knew the pain of migraines.  (Incidentally and interestingly, the same gene mutation that causes migraines also causes seizures with a slightly different mutation.  Did I mention my brother has Epilepsy?)

My mother also experienced something similar.  The first doctor she saw when she began experiencing migraines in her early 20s told her that she was just depressed and therefore her “headaches” were “psychosomatic” in nature and she should just buck up.  My mother, being a rare breed, told him he could kiss her ass and was that “psychosomatic” enough for him because if not she could report him for misogynistic douchebaggery.  Or something of that nature.  And she moved on to another doctor, hoping someone could tell her what was wrong.

It was not until she found a female doctor who also suffered from migraines that someone started taking her seriously and she began to find relief.  And she made certain that every doctor she saw afterwards heard the word migraine and if they would not accept it, she left.

I was 7 when I had my first migraine.  Doctors told my mother that I was too young to have migraines, there had to be another explanation.  I was kept for days in a dark room, in extreme pain, with no solution.

Freshman year of high school, the migraines returned.  During a Biology test, my vision went blurry and then completely black.  Again, the doctors told my mother that people my age just didn’t have migraines.  They told us it was more likely a brain tumor.  So during final exams, I went in for testing.  All tests came back clear.  Putting us back at square one, relieved, but frustrated that no one would give us a solution.

 For the rest of high school and into college, I operated under the assumption that yes, these were migraines, and I was just going to have to take care of them myself.  Having a mother who suffered from them made my navigation easier.  And it worked for awhile.  Then things began to change several years post graduation.  I started having low grade headaches every day.  Ones that maybe an Excedrin or 2 could knock out, but I didn’t medicate since I had them so often.   And the full scale migraines, which had been once every 4-5 months began to occur once or twice a week.  I couldn’t work.  I could barely get out of bed.  My husband took me to the urgent care clinic one night because apparently I had begun speaking gibberish to him.  They said tension headaches, stress, brain tumor. And sent me to the ER.

Another scan, another all clear.  That was the breaking point.  I needed to know what was wrong, but most of all I needed a doctor to hear me when I told him I HAVE MIGRAINES.  I looked up every migraine specialist within a 2 hour radius of my home.  I called and left messages, ignoring recorded voices that asked for referrals and leaving my name, number, and a brief description of what I was going through.  I heard back from nearly all of them.  Most had 4-6 month waiting periods before you could even schedule an appointment.  But I filled out every piece of paperwork each clinic sent me, begged to be put on every cancellation list, and waited to see who would take me first.

 I ended up going to a Headache and Wellness Center about an hour from where I lived at the time.  I filled out endless questionnaires, did lots of tests before ever seeing a doctor, and did a lot of talking when he sat down in the room with me, but damn it, someone was going to understand what was going on here.  And he said: “Well it sounds to me like you have Chronic Migraine Syndrome.”  Then he proceeded to explain it.  I could have cried.  YES. YES!   That is me, when can we start fixing it?

I have since moved and now drive about 2 hours to the Headache and Wellness Clinic, but it’s worth it.  We are still not to 100% with a solution for my migraines, but it’s getting better.  And I never have to worry that someone won’t understand what I am going through.

I write this diatribe on the migraine, and the medical support that is in place to help you through it, to encourage those of you who do suffer from migraines to seek a specialist, don’t let anyone minimize what you are experiencing, and always continue to advocate for yourself.


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  • Research
  • Open Access

Malaria vector control practices in an irrigated rice agro-ecosystem in central Kenya and implications for malaria control

  • 1Email author,
  • 1, 2,
  • 3,
  • 4,
  • 1,
  • 5,
  • 6,
  • 1 and
  • 7
Malaria Journal20087:146

  • Received: 05 March 2008
  • Accepted: 31 July 2008
  • Published:

Malaria transmission in most agricultural ecosystems is complex and hence the need for developing a holistic malaria control strategy with adequate consideration of socio-economic factors driving transmission at community level. A cross-sectional household survey was conducted in an irrigated ecosystem with the aim of investigating vector control practices applied and factors affecting their application both at household and community level.

Four villages representing the socio-economic, demographic and geographical diversity within the study area were purposefully selected. A total of 400 households were randomly sampled from the four study villages. Both semi-structured questionnaires and focus group discussions were used to gather both qualitative and quantitative data.

The results showed that malaria was perceived to be a major public health problem in the area and the role of the vector Anopheles mosquitoes in malaria transmission was generally recognized. More than 80% of respondents were aware of the major breeding sites of the vector. Reported personal protection methods applied to prevent mosquito bites included; use of treated bed nets (57%), untreated bed nets (35%), insecticide coils (21%), traditional methods such as burning of cow dung (8%), insecticide sprays (6%), and use of skin repellents (2%). However, 39% of respondents could not apply some of the known vector control methods due to unaffordability (50.5%), side effects (19.9%), perceived lack of effectiveness (16%), and lack of time to apply (2.6%). Lack of time was the main reason (56.3%) reported for non-application of environmental management practices, such as draining of stagnant water (77%) and clearing of vegetations along water canals (67%).

The study provides relevant information necessary for the management, prevention and control of malaria in irrigated agro-ecosystems, where vectors of malaria are abundant and disease transmission is stable.

  • Malaria
  • Focus Group Discussion
  • Malaria Transmission
  • Study Village
  • Vector Control Intervention

Malaria continues to be an important vector-borne disease and a leading cause of morbidity and mortality in Africa South of Sahara [1]. The disease is estimated to be responsible for 300–500 million clinical attacks globally and a minimum of between 1–2 million deaths annually [2]. It is a major threat to socio-economic development in the world and is also one of the major disease burdens in sub-Saharan Africa, where 15% of all disability life-years are lost to malaria [3]. The disease makes substantial demands on Africa's fragile health infrastructure, where the conventional treatment and control strategies have proved ineffective [4]. Pregnant women and children below the age of five years are at a higher risk of infection [5]. Current estimates indicate that at least one to three million children die each year in Africa alone. In Kenya, malaria is a major public health problem with its burden and transmission patterns varying across the country. Approximately 70% of the country is at risk of malaria infection and the disease accounts for 30% of all outpatients' attendance and 19% of all admissions in the health facilities [6]. There is considerable policy commitment by the Government of Kenya (GOK) to control malaria under the Division of Malaria Control. In order to achieve this, the government developed a 10-year National Malaria Strategy (NMS) plan in 2001 with an objective of reducing the level of malaria illness and death in Kenya by 30% and to sustain that improved level of control until 2010 [6]. However, malaria control in the country continues to experience many problems including the increasing spread of multi-drug resistant strains of Plasmodium falciparum, poverty, poor health infrastructure and ecosystem degradation.

Rice cultivation through irrigation has brought changes in the ecosystem which has affected the farmers' health in addition to creating habitats ideal for the breeding of vectors of diseases such as malaria and schistosomiasis [7]. This is in addition to changing the epidemiological pattern of malaria from seasonal to perennial, consequently raising the disease incidence in communities with little prior exposure or immunity [7, 8]. Malaria transmission in most agricultural ecosystems is complex and involves the interactions of the host-vector-parasite triad, environment and the socio-economic factors in the community. Therefore, there is a need for developing a holistic malaria control interventions with adequate consideration of socio-economic factors which are equally important as biomedical, parasitological and entomological factors in determining infection and transmission of malaria in the community. A cross-sectional household survey was conducted in an irrigated ecosystem in Mwea Central Kenya with the aim of investigating vector control practices in the community and factors affecting their application both at household and community level.

Study site

The study was conducted in Mwea Division, Kirinyaga District in central Kenya, located approximately 100 km north-east of Nairobi, several kilometres south-east of Mt Kenya, at an altitude of about 1,159 m above sea level (Figure 1). The division has a population density of 246 persons per km2 in a total area of 581 km2. The main economic activity is rice growing and horticultural farming with indigenous cattle kept mainly for beef and draught power. The area has two rainfall seasons with the long rains occurring from March to May and the short rains from October to November [9]. The annual rainfall varies from a maximum of 1,625 mm to a minimum of 356 mm, averaging 950 mm per annum. Average temperatures are in the range of 16 – 26.5°C and relative humidity varies from 52 – 67% [911]. This climatic condition provides suitable conditions for rapid development and survival of malaria vectors in the area. Due to rapid population growth and increasing demand for food, the hecterage under rice cultivation and numbers of cropping cycles continues to increase towards highland areas which were previously unknown for rice cultivation. This has led to increase in mosquito breeding habitats with possible alteration of the epidemiological pattern of malaria in a community with little prior exposure or immunity. Potential mosquito breeding habitats in the area include rice fields, feeder canals, temporary rain pools, run-offs, overflowing canals and puddles resulting from footprints of the workforce [9, 11].
Figure 1
Figure 1

Map of Mwea Division with arrows indicating the four study villages.

Study design

The study was a cross-sectional household survey conducted from March to April 2005. Household census and village mapping was conducted in the four study villages in November and December 2004. This gave a framework for sample size selection where a standard sample of 100 households was randomly selected from each village. To create a framework of gender integration, at least 20% of the randomly selected sample comprised of female-headed households from each village.

Data collection techniques

Interviews using structured questionnaires were conducted with a randomly selected individual heads of households or their spouse from the selected households in the four study villages. The questions focused on various sub-themes like, socio-demographic characteristic of the respondent, issues concerning knowledge and perceptions on malaria transmission and prevention as well as respondents' perceived effectiveness of available vector control practices. Questionnaires were prepared in English and verbally translated into the local language (Kikuyu) during interview time. Field assistants were selected from each study village and were centrally trained for two days on questionnaire administration techniques. Pre-testing was done in a non-study village and adjustments were made accordingly before final administration. Two focus group discussions (FGD) (one for men and the other for women) were held in each village in order to gather more descriptive information on people's knowledge, attitudes and vector control practices both at household and community level. The participants of the discussion consisted of an age-representative sample of men and women from each village. The questionnaire was administered after explaining purpose of the study and criteria used to select each respondent. Informed verbal and written consents were obtained from the participants and the local administration after going through the required study protocols. Confidentiality of information was maintained throughout the study period.

Data management and analysis

Data was entered and processed using Statistical Package for Social Science (SPSS) version 11.5 and MS Excel. Association between dependent and independent variables were measured by use of Chi-square test.

Socio-demographic characteristics of the respondents

In total, 368 households were successfully interviewed. They consisted of 127 (34.5%) males and 241 (65.5%) female respondents. Their ages ranged from 18 to 92 years, with median age of 39 years. Most of the respondents were protestants and formed 54.9% of the total sample followed by catholic (43.8%). Sixty-five percent (65%) of the respondents were married, 17.1% widowed, 8.2% single and 6.3% were separated at the time of interview. In terms of occupation, 74.5% of them were farmers, 7.3% in self business, 4.9% in formal employment and 13.3% in other minor occupations like casual labour. Forty percent (40%) of the respondents had only completed primary school education and 18.2% had dropped out at primary school level, 19.8% had informal education. There was a significant difference in the level of education of the respondents between the four study villages (χ2 = 38.3; df 18; P = 0.004).

Perceived causes of malaria

Mosquito bite was mentioned to be the main cause of malaria by 95% of the respondents. Other non-biological causes mentioned by some respondents were; long rains/being rained on (12.5%), which had a significant difference between the four villages (χ2 = 24.336; df 3; P = 0.000), stagnant water (16%), dirty home surroundings (4.6%), wet and cold conditions (10.6%), eating raw of food/mangoes (5.2%) and taking of dirty or polluted water (4.1%). Significantly, more males (10.5%) compared to females (2.5%) believed that malaria could also be caused by eating raw food/mangoes (χ2 = 10.19; df 1; P = 0.001). There was no significant difference in the responses between different levels of education of the respondents (Table 1).
Table 1

Perceived causes of malaria

Perceived cause

(n = 368)

χ2 Test

Working in the sun

Long rains/Being rained on

Wet and cold condition

Working in rice paddies

Mosquito bite

Eating raw foods/mangoes

Evil spirit/Demons/Witchcraft

Taking dirty/Polluted water

From another person with malaria

Stagnant water

Dirty home surroundings/Environment

Don't know

Problems caused by mosquitoes

In total, 98% of the respondents said that mosquitoes caused trouble in one way or another to their households. Mosquitoes were reported to cause trouble by their nuisance bites by 75.3% of the respondents, while disease transmission was rated second by 64.4% of the respondents. The biting nuisance of the vector was elaborated during the FGDs, where the participants said the vectors bite through the clothes.

Knowledge of vector-breeding habitats

Presumably as a result of their personal experience with the vector over a longer period of time, 83% of the respondents were aware of at least a major breeding habitat. Mosquito breeding sites mentioned were stagnant water found in swamps, rice paddies, water canals, hoof prints, tyre tracks and ponds. Other mentioned breeding places were: vegetation outside houses (51%), rubbish/pit latrines (16%), and animal pens (11%). There was no significant difference among the responses between the four villages (χ 9.938; df 6; P = 0.127) and also between gender of the respondents (χ2 = 0.901; df 2; P = 6.37). A small proportion (2%) of the respondents was not aware of the major breeding sites of the vector in the area (Table 2). Nights (81%) and evenings (43%) were the most reported peak biting time for the mosquitoes in the study area.
Table 2

Knowledge of vector breeding habitats

Breeding places

n = 366

χ2 Test

In stagnant water

In vegetations outside the house

In rice paddies

In water canals

In animal pens

Rubbish Pits/Latrines/Cess pits

In dark places

Don't know

Malaria vector control practices

Personal protection methods applied

Seventy-five per cent (75%) of the respondents reported to own at least a bed net during the time of interview. Of these, 62% were insecticide-treated and the remaining 38% were untreated. Use of treated bed nets varied significantly between different socio-demographic profiles, including gender (χ2 = 4.254; df 1; P = 0.039), level of education (χ2 = 33.622; df 6; P = 0.000), marital status (χ2 = 19.593; df 3; P = 0.000) and occupation (χ2 = 7.955; df 3; P = 0.047). Use of insecticide sprays was reported by 7.1% of respondents. Among those who reported use of the method during interview time included, 4.4% of the farmers, 3.7% of business people, and 27.8% of the respondents in formal employment. There was a significant difference in use of insecticide sprays among different occupational groups (χ2 = 23.023; df 3; P = 0.000) and also between the four villages (χ2 = 7.159; df 3; P = 0.067). In total, screening of windows and doors was reported to be in use by 3% of the respondents who happened to be from two villages, Ciagi-ini and Mbui-njeru. Seventeen percent (17%) of respondents acknowledged lighting fire and mosquito coils for personal protection against mosquito bites at night. This consisted of 17.2% of the farmers, 25.9% of the business people, 33.3% of those with formal employment and 8.2% of respondents with other minor occupations like casual labours. Application of fires and mosquito coils among different occupational groups showed significance variation between the four study villages (χ2 = 45.276; df 3; P = 0.000). Traditional methods (burning of cow dung and local herbs) were used by 7.9% of the respondents. They were reported in small percentages in the study area but with a significant variation in their use between the four villages (Table 3).
Table 3

Personal protection methods applied at household level

χ2 Test

Untreated mosquito net

Treated Mosquito net

Insecticide spray

Preventive medicine

Screen windows & doors

Light fire/Coils

Skin repellents

Traditional methods

Reasons for non-use of available personal protection methods

Despite malaria being reported as one of the most frequently occurring diseases in the area, most respondents could not apply regularly some of the available personal protection methods. Unaffordability (67.7%) was the main reason cited for regularly non-use. Other reasons given for regular non-use were; side effects (26.6%), lack of effectiveness (21.5%), low mosquito density and lack of application know how with 6.5% each, (n = 368). Reasons cited for non-use varied depending on the type of the practice. Practices, which most respondents said they could not afford to apply regularly were; use of treated nets (91.7%), use of; insecticide sprays (50%) and use of skin repellents (36%). The socio-economic issue was clarified during FGDs. It was emphasized that household had other daily responsibilities like paying school fees and feeding the family in addition to protecting the household against other common diseases. Other reasons cited included lack of effectiveness of some practices like untreated nets (59.7%) and side effects of some methods like use of fire/coils (50%) and traditional methods like burning local herbs and cow dung (78.6%). Traditional methods like use of cow dung and burning of local herbs were reported to have side effects ranging from respiratory/breathing problems, eye irritation, coughing, colds and flu. Cow dung was said to releases too much smokes in the house, leaving everything in the house smelling smoke.

Environmental management practices

Both household and community level environmental managements practices were reported. Among the reported practices at household level included; clearing household refuse/proper waste disposal (26.9%), draining/leveling of breeding sites around houses (13.6%), clearing of vegetations in canals (0.5%) and clearing of bushes and vegetations around houses (45.7%; Fig 2). Community level environmental management practices reported were; levelling and draining areas of stagnant water (4.3%), clearing vegetations in water canals (0.3%) and destruction of discarded water receptacles in the village (1.1%).
Figure 2
Figure 2

Environmental management practices at household level.

Reasons for non-application of environmental management

Lack of time was the most cited response for regular non-application of environmental management practices both at household and community level (56.3%). Other responses cited for non-use were the presence of low mosquito densities (13.4%) and lack of effectiveness (9%). Methods that most users said they could not apply regularly at household level due to lack of time were levelling/draining breeding sites (77.4%) and clearing of vegetations in canals (66.7%). Similarly, at community level, levelling/draining stagnant water pools (50%) and clearing of vegetations in water canals (66.7%) were the most cited measures which majority of respondents said they could not get time to regularly apply. Low mosquito density was the sole reason given for not regularly destroying discarded receptacles by the applicants.

Results from this cross-sectional study showed that mosquitoes were recognised to be important vectors of malaria in Mwea. It was noted that 95% of the respondents recognized the role of mosquitoes in malaria transmission. However, most respondents (74%) reported that the vector caused most trouble to their family by its biting nuisance. This was confirmed during focus group discussions (FGDs), when the participants reported that it was difficult to sleep comfortably at night without a bednet. Similar observations have been made in other studies in different parts of the world where the nuisance role of the mosquito have been cited as the main reason making most households spend money on personal protection measures [13, 14]. Such an attitude of linking the vector with its biting nuisance among the residents could negatively influence the choice, use and sustainability of an intervention measure aimed at controlling malaria. This is because, the intervention could be perceived to be geared towards eliminating mosquitoes as a biting nuisance, but not necessarily aimed at reducing the suffering resulting from malaria morbidity and mortality.

Apparently, as result of their long personal experience with the nuisance biting behaviour of mosquitoes most respondents in Mwea were familiar with the vector ecology and behaviour. The role played by stagnant water in mosquito breeding was recognized by most respondents, however, some respondents did not know where the vector breeds while others mentioned sites which were not specifically related to water (e.g. in vegetations outside the house) and it was not clear whether these were thought to be the breeding or hiding places. A good knowledge and understanding of the breeding habitats of the malaria vector among the residents forms an important background in decision-making process [15]. Both traditional and orthodox methods of controlling mosquitoes were used in the study area. However, environmental management practices were not in high use both at household and community level. Overall, only 7% of the respondents participated in environmental management at community level. This low percentage of involvement depicted the level of active community participation and social relationship in organized community efforts in malaria control practices in Mwea. This was justified during one of the FGDs, where the participants contrasted current situation with what used to be some years back when the public health officers and local administration used to enforce measures of environmental management, sanitation and overall health education, which were aimed at general hygiene. It was a clear indication that people cooperated with such practices because they were enforced by the administration and feared legal action. They perceived the enforcement as a government policy that had to be obeyed without any question. Therefore, without legal enforcement, community were unwilling to participate. However, if well formulated and implemented, community participation in vector control can have a significant and sustainable impact on vector density. This is rarely achieved because most interventions are vertically structured indicating that community members are not involved in the design and implementation stages. Communities can easily be motivated by linking the programmes to income generating activities, which are socially, culturally and economically appropriate [16, 18].

The role played by housing design and screening of windows, doors and eaves in mitigating malaria transmission was less mentioned. In most tropical rural areas, where malaria is endemic, Mwea included, housing is epitomized by flimsy, open-walled structures, overcrowding, poor ventilation, open eaves coupled with little protection from insects that spread diseases like malaria. The unscreened windows and eaves provide easy access for the vectors of human malaria [1921]. Improving the design of these traditional dwellings could significantly reduce the number of infective bites, resulting into reduced disease transmission in the study area. During the Focus Group Discussions, traditional methods were said to be partially effective in driving away mosquitoes in all the study villages, participants said that when the smoke went off, the mosquitoes 'rushed on again'. Though the efficacy of traditional methods has not been elucidated, their use for personal protection can be a valuable investment. They can be applied in situations where other protective measures are impractical particularly for people who work outdoors at night when the insect-biting rate is high, and when people sleep outside to flood rice paddies, water horticultural crops or guard rice crops during harvesting time. They can also be used indoors in combination with other personal protection methods especially in the early evening before people retire to bed or the early morning before sunrise when people are not protected by other methods like bednets [2224].

For any vector control intervention to be sustainable in the community, it has to be technically, economically and socially sound [24]. This implies that it must be effective, affordable, acceptable and compatible with the local customs attitudes and beliefs. Generally, people opt to choose actions that are less expensive, save, simple and easier to administer [25]. In Mwea, unaffordability (socio-economic status) was the main reason for not using regularly some of the available vector control interventions like treated mosquito net, insecticide spray and lighting of coils in Mwea. During FGDs in one of the non-irrigated village (Murinduko), which was relatively poorer socio-economically, it was revealed that insecticide-treated bed nets were unaffordable and their ownership and use was viewed to be a preserve for the rich. Large-scale rice cultivation provides farmers with disposable incomes which they invest in personal protection measures such as insecticide-treated bed nets, resulting into reduction in malaria incidences as a result of better protection against anthropophilic mosquitoes [26]. In most cases, what may appear affordable to the outside through socio-economic based measurement (e.g. household income, house design, among others) might not be affordable to many households. During the focus group discussion, it was recognized that households have many competing needs (e.g. food and education) and tradeoffs. Therefore, households without sustainable money upfront may result to other perceived less expensive traditional methods like burning local herbs, cow dung, and wood fires, which actually may not be effective in the long run.

Another reason given for regular non-use was lack of effectiveness. Contrary to epidemiological or scientific indicators of effectiveness as described by Lengeler and Snow [27], local people mostly determines the effectiveness of a vector control intervention by its immediate or noticeable potential in either reducing adult mosquito population, stopping the nuisance biting or reducing the breeding habitats. Failure to satisfy the above conditions, the intervention would be deemed ineffective and this can make community support either to wane or develop negative perception. This implies that for vector control interventions to be sustainable they must be effective, affordable, acceptable and compatible with the local customs attitudes and beliefs. For Mwea people, untreated bed nets were ineffective in reducing the nuisance biting. This was the main reason given for their reported non-use by most respondents. Comparatively, treated bed nets were said to offer better protection against mosquito bites in all the four study villages. This was through its killing and excito-repellent effects of pyrethroids which cause the mosquitoes to leave rooms for the outdoors, resulting to observed reduction in indoor biting [28, 29]. Traditional methods and environmental management practices were said to be partially effective in reducing man-vector contact. Practically, environmental management practices are normally not very effective by themselves and they need to be integrated with other control measures. This is because they do not have immediate effect in reducing the number of biting vectors and may take several days or weeks before reduction in their numbers can be achieved or appreciated. They have significant impact only if they cover relatively high proportions of breeding sites within vector flight range and large proportion of community members actively participate. Besides being not well known, greater part of the respondents said that they never had time to apply most of the environmental management practice both at household and community level. In conclusion, this study has provided a number of relevant information, which needs to be considered and integrated into the design and implementation of malaria control strategies. This should ensures that interventions are sustainable, culturally appropriate and economically feasible both at individual and community level.

The authors would like to thank the people of Mwea for their tireless contribution, patience and active participation during the study period. We also appreciate the contribution of Mr Peter Barasa and Mr James Wauna during data collection activities in the field and also Mr Stephen Muchoki for his contribution in data entry and preliminary analysis. Equally important were the contributions made by the field research assistants who participated in this research. We appreciate the financial support received from IDRC/SIMA for the study.

Authors’ Affiliations

International Centre of Insect Physiology and Ecology (ICIPE), Nairobi, Kenya
Jomo Kenyatta University of Agriculture and Technology, Nairobi, Kenya
International Water Management Institute (IWMI), Nairobi, Kenya
Department of Community Health, University of Nairobi, Nairobi, Kenya
College of Agriculture and Veterinary Science, University of Nairobi, Nairobi, Kenya
Department of Pathology, School of Pure and Applied Sciences, Kenyatta University, Nairobi, Kenya
International Water Management Institute (IWMI), Pretoria, South Africa

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text:
Who We Are

The Idea

ManaGi team consists of a group of people with academic qualifications and professional experience in fields like Economics, Business Management, Marketing, e-commerce, and web and content management. Their initiative for the creation of ManaGi aspires to become a platform for foundation and reinforcement of the of greek businesses and greek producers that innovate in producing and processing agricultural and livestock farming products.

ManaGi builds upon the idea of supply in retail and wholesale of carefully selected high-quality & nutritional value products from around Greece that are certified and adhere to quality and hygiene & safety standards (ISO, HAACP).
The founders of ManaGi are a young enthusiastic team with a common vision of a future build upon innovation and founded on mutual respect, trust and a united front.

Panagiotis Chatzilazaridis – CEO (founder)

Born in Thessaloniki in 1988 and grew up in Zakynthos and Pyrgos, Elis.
Graduated from Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, department of Physics.
Worked for Mediterranean Deli (Utrecht / Holland) where he got first-hand experience with e-marketing tools and logistics management.
Thereafter, served as the Head of Exports for Mandrakis Extra Virgin Olive Oil (Pyrgos, Greece) .
Got involved in the design and production of an experimental bespoke hydroponic garden in collaboration with Nikolaos Syrigmis, an Associate Professor of the Agricultural University of Athens.
Additionally, worked as musician and singer, and established and directed his own music scene at “Tetrastoiho” in Pyrgos.
Languages: Greek (Native), English, German and Spanish

Grigorios Koutsouflianos – Managing Director

Born in Naousa Imathias in 1987.
Graduated from the Economic Science faculty of the Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, and obtained his Master degree, MSc in Business Economics, Economics of Management & Organization, from the University of Amsterdam.
Worked for Lightspeed Research B.V, both in Amsterdam and London, a marketing research company, where he got to apply the economic principles and theories but also witness first-hand the way modern organisations functions and how they are structured.
Worked for an Accounting firm in Naousa and is a member of the Economic Chamber of commerce of Imathia.
Languages: Greek (Native), English.

Apostolis Giantsidis – Logistics Manager (co-founder)

Born in Messorahe, Serres and grew up in Serres.
Graduated from the Economic Science faculty of Aristotle University and obtained his masters degree in (MSc) Urban, Port and Transport Economics, from Erasmus School of Economics, University of Rotterdam.
Worked for Wrist Ship Supply in Rotterdam as Head of Sales for South Europe region where he also participated in their 2-year graduate scheme programme both in Rotterdam and Aalborg (Denmark) at the company’s Headquarters.
Upon completing the programme, he got promoted to Sales Manager and was placed at the company’s headquarters in Houston U.S. where he was responsible for sales for the Gulf of Mexico region.
Returned to Greece in 2016 and established his own company, import and wholesale of drinks.
Languages: Greek (Native), English.

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