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Progressive Democrats

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Progressive Democrats
An Páirtí Daonlathach
Founder/Leader Desmond O'Malley
Founded 21 December 1985 (1985-12-21)
Dissolved 20 November 2009 (20 November 2009)
Headquarters 25 South Frederick Street, Dublin 2
Youth wing Young Progressive Democrats
Ideology Conservative liberalism
Classical liberalism
Political position Centre-right[1][2][3][4]
European affiliation European Liberal Democrat and Reform Party
International affiliation Liberal International
European Parliament group LDR (1989–1994)
Colours Green, Dark blue

The Progressive Democrats (Irish: An Páirtí Daonlathach, literally The Democratic Party, PDs) was a conservative-liberal[5][6] political party in the Republic of Ireland.

Launched on 21 December 1985 by Desmond O'Malley and other politicians who had split from Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael, the Progressive Democrats took liberal positions on divorce, contraception, and other social issues. The party also supported economic liberalisation, advocating measures such as lower taxation, fiscal conservatism, privatisation, and welfare reform. It enjoyed an impressive début at the 1987 general election, winning 14 seats in Dáil Éireann and capturing almost 12 per cent of the popular vote to temporarily surpass the Labour Party as Ireland's third-largest political party.

Although the Progressive Democrats never again won more than 10 seats in the Dáil, they formed coalition governments with Fianna Fáil during the 26th Dáil (1989–92), the 28th Dáil (1997–2002), the 29th Dáil (2002–07) and the 30th Dail (2007–09). These successive years as the government's junior coalition partner gave the party an influence on Irish politics and economics disproportionate to its small size. In particular, the party has been credited with shaping the low-tax, pro-business environment that contributed to Ireland's Celtic Tiger economic boom during the 1990s and 2000s,[7] as well as blamed for contributing to the subsequent Irish financial and economic crisis.[8]

On 8 November 2008 the party began the process of disbanding, and was formally dissolved on 20 November 2009.[9][10] The two Progressive Democrat politicians elected to the 30th Dáil, Mary Harney and Noel Grealish, continued to support the government as independent TDs, and Mary Harney also continued as Minister for Health and Children.

The party was a member of the European Liberal Democrat and Reform Party (ELDR). Its youth wing was the Young Progressive Democrats.

The party was founded in 1985 by Desmond O'Malley, a former senior minister in Fianna Fáil governments under Jack Lynch and Charles Haughey. O'Malley was a strong opponent of Haughey and was involved in a number of leadership heaves against Haughey, who was popular and controversial in equal measure. O'Malley had lost the Fianna Fáil whip in the Dáil in 1984 because of his support for the New Ireland Forum report and was finally expelled from Fianna Fáil early in 1985 for "conduct unbecoming" a member when he refused to support Fianna Fáil's opposition to the introduction of contraception.

O'Malley joined with Fianna Fáil members Mary Harney, Bobby Molloy and Pearse Wyse, Fine Gael TD Michael Keating and former Fine Gael activist Michael McDowell to set up the new party. The breakaways were dissatisfied with the policies of existing parties, which they viewed as being insufficiently liberal, both economically and on social issues such as divorce and contraception. In Ireland in 1985, when personal income above £7,300 per annum was taxed at 60 percent, the country's national debt was 104 percent of GDP, unemployment was 17.3 percent, the Progressive Democrats' liberal reformist agenda was considered especially radical.

McDowell suggested a number of names for the party, including New Democrats, New Republic, National Party, Radical Party; Progressive Democrats was not among his suggestions.[11] O'Malley declared that the party ought to be pro-enterprise, in favour of economic participation by all, liberal and pluralist, hostile to institutional dependency, favourable to incentives, pro self-reliance, deregulating where possible, anti-monopoly and pro-competition, low-key on nationalism, stressing "real republican" values rather than "nationalistic myths".[11]

In the 1987 general election the new party won 14 seats and 11.9% of the vote, becoming the third-largest party in the Dáil. The Progressive Democrats formed the second-largest opposition party under difficult circumstances. The minority Fianna Fáil government introduced some of the economic reforms that the Progressive Democrats had recommended. Fianna Fáil was however largely supported by Fine Gael where the economy was concerned, and so the Progressive Democrats had difficulty being effective in opposition.

After the 1989 election the party had only six seats but formed a coalition government with Fianna Fáil, with Charles Haughey as Taoiseach, which was the first time Fianna Fáil entered coalition. PD leader Desmond O'Malley served as Minister for Industry and Commerce.

When a scandal broke surrounding Tánaiste (deputy prime minister) Brian Lenihan Snr's role in pressuring President Patrick Hillery not to allow then-Taoiseach Garret FitzGerald to dissolve the Dáil in 1982. The Progressive Democrats gave Haughey an ultimatum--unless Lenihan was sacked from cabinet, they would pull out of the coalition and support a no-confidence motion in the government. Haughey tried to force Lenihan to resign, and sacked him when he refused. Haughey was replaced in February 1992 by Albert Reynolds, and O'Malley retained his cabinet post.

After the collapse of Reynolds' first administration later in 1992, O'Malley retired from the leadership of the party. Following the 1992 general election, John Dardis (Agricultural Panel) and Cathy Honan (Industrial and Commercial Panel) were elected to Seanad Éireann as part of an election pact with their politically polar opposites Democratic Left.[12] Mary Harney became the new leader after a bitter electoral contest with Pat Cox who later left the party. Harney was the first woman to lead any of the major Irish political parties. Harney served as Tánaiste (deputy prime minister) from May 1997 until September 2006 after a return to government in coalition with Fianna Fáil.

In the 2002 general election the party defied expectations by doubling its Dáil seats to eight, although its share of the vote declined slightly to 4%. In total the Progressive Democrats participated in coalition governments four times, on each occasion with Fianna Fáil (1989–1992; 1997–2002; 2002–2007; 2007–2009), and also with the Green Party from 2007–2009.

In 2005 Michael McDowell publicly took a firmly anti-republican position and named Gerry Adams, Martin McGuinness and Martin Ferris as members of the IRA Army Council. The convention in Irish politics at this time was not to accuse Sinn Fein politicians of being members of the Army Council, in doing so McDowell broke with convention. He said that until the IRA disbanded Sinn Fein could not be involved in government, North or South.[11]

On 7 September 2006 Mary Harney announced that she was stepping down as leader of the Progressive Democrats. She expressed a wish to stay on as Minister for Health.[13] On 10 September, Michael McDowell was elected unopposed as Party Leader, having been nominated by Tom Parlon and that nomination being seconded by Liz O'Donnell.[14] Liz O'Donnell became Deputy Leader and Tom Parlon became Party President.

The 2007 general election was a disastrous one for the party. The Progressive Democrats lost six of their eight seats in the 166-seat Dáil. Among those to lose their seats were party leader Michael McDowell, deputy leader Liz O'Donnell and party president Tom Parlon.[15] McDowell retired from public life after he lost his seat, and Mary Harney was asked by the party chairman to resume the role of party leader.[16] The following month, Tom Parlon announced that he was also leaving public life and would take up the position of Director General of the Irish Construction Industry Federation.[17]

A committee headed by former Senator John Dardis recommended in September 2007 that the role of leader be taken on by a senator or councillor (although the party rules then required that the position must be held by a TD).[18] A meeting of the party's General Council on 16 February 2008 changed the rules to allow any senator, councillor or any party member with the support of 20 other members to stand for the party's leadership[19] and on 17 April, Senator Ciarán Cannon was elected leader, defeating fellow Senator Fiona O'Malley.[20]

The party's two remaining TDs, Mary Harney and Noel Grealish, entered into coalition government with Fianna Fáil and the Green Party in the 30th Dáil. The party never recovered from this electoral collapse. On 8 November 2008, with all parliamentary members and founder Desmond O'Malley united in the opinion that the party was no longer politically viable, delegates to a special conference in Mullingar voted by 201 votes to 161 to bring the Progressive Democrats to an end.[21] In January 2009 the party was still operating and in receipt of state funding,[22] including a Party Leader's Allowance paid to Minister Mary Harney,[23] but had ceased to receive funding by the following June. The archives of the Progressive Democrats party were presented to University College Dublin on 10 June 2009.[24] At least 20 former Progressive Democrats councillors won seats on county, city and town councils at the 2009 local elections. Some were elected as Fine Gael candidates, some as Fianna Fáil and others as independents.[24]

At the 2011 general election 11 former Progressive Democrats members stood as candidates for the Dáil in a country-wide spread of constituencies. Subsequently, three former PD members were elected. Mary Mitchell O'Connor (PD Councillor 2004–08) was elected in Dún Laoghaire for Fine Gael, Ciarán Cannon (PD Senator 2007–09 / party leader 2008–09) was elected in Galway East for the same party, while Noel Grealish (PD TD 2002–09 / caretaker party leader 2009) was re-elected as an independent TD for Galway West. Several ex-PD members stood for election to Seanad Éireann in 2011. The only successful candidature was that of Councillor Cait Keane (FG), who had served on South Dublin County Council for the PDs between 1991 and 2008, and had stood for election in the Dublin South-Central constituency for the PDs in 1992, 1994 and 1997.

Ideology and policies[edit]

The Progressive Democrats were described as conservative-liberal,[5][6][25] liberal,[26][27][28] and classical liberal.[29]

The party's economic policies were based on economic liberalism. They supported the freedom of private enterprise and the lowering of taxes. They generally favoured privatisation; for example, they supported the privatisation of the previously state-owned airline Aer Lingus and communications company Telecom Éireann. They were also part of the break-up of airports company Aer Rianta and unsuccessfully lobbied for a private, competing second terminal in Dublin Airport. As acting PD leader and Minister for Health, Mary Harney was involved in the controversial extension of private-sector influence in health care. She pursued a policy of co-location of private hospitals on public hospital grounds and is seen as sympathetic to the privatisation of health insurance. However they opposed their coalition partner’s plans to privatise airports company Aer Rianta, on the grounds that a private monopoly would be worse than a public monopoly.[citation needed]

The party was a strong supporter of low taxation. As the Economic and Social Research Institute (ESRI) stated in 2002: "On balance, budgets over the past 10 to 20 years have been more favourable to high income groups than low income groups, but particularly so during periods of high growth".[30] While the party was in government since 1997, the lower rate of income tax fell from 26% to 20% and the upper rate from 48% to 41%.[31][32]

They supported low corporation tax because they believe it encouraged business growth and enabled private enterprise to be rewarded. The party often claimed these policies were in part responsible for the "Celtic Tiger" economy. Dermot McAleese, emeritus professor of economics at Trinity College, Dublin, says that the emergence of the Progressive Democrats in 1985 may have had a more positive influence on the economy than some recognise. He argues the Irish low-tax, pro-business economy is based in large part on Progressive Democrat policies. "They proved that there was a constituency for this, and they gave the intellectual power to it."[33]

The party leaders rejected the idea that they are ruled by ideology alone. Former party leader Michael McDowell has said that he sees liberalism as not being on the left-right spectrum as it is a mix of the ideals of both. Mary Harney, on becoming health minister said "I don't get my politics from any ideology, I get it from my experience and common sense".[citation needed] Yet Harney was a controversial minister who attempted to extend private influence in the health service and McDowell's campaign in the general election included particularly strong attacks on Irish left-wing parties.

Despite having in its ranks the openly gay Colm O'Gorman, the Progressive Democrats did not support same-sex marriage. Instead, they claimed to propose legislating for civil union; however attempts by the Labour Party to legislate for civil unions in the previous Dáil had been forestalled by PD Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform Michael McDowell, due to his insistence that non-sex relationships be recognised too. The Progressive Democrats again voted down the same bill in the current Dáil.[original research?]

Both Progressive Democrats and other commentators have suggested that the party had a greater influence on government policy since 1997 than might be expected from its size. This belief appears to have some basis – as of September 2004 the party controlled two of the most important cabinet positions (Justice and Health), despite having less than one-tenth of the seats of its coalition partner Fianna Fáil.

In a 2000 speech to the American Bar Association, the then party leader Mary Harney appeared to express a desire that Ireland become "closer to Boston than Berlin",[34] adopting US free-market models for economic development, health, education, and other services rather than European Continental models because she believed that the continental countries (such as Germany and France), while having more equality had bad economies and high unemployment.

However, in the midst of the ongoing Irish financial crisis, many opponents began to question the legacy of the Progressive Democrats. In a review of the Department of Finance Robert Wright, a Canadian economist, singled out the policies of the PD's and Fianna Fáil's 2002 election manifestos as contributing significantly to the 2008 property market crash.[8]

General election results[edit]

Election Seats won ± Position First Pref votes % Government Leader
14 / 166
Increase14 Increase3rd 210,583 11.8% Opposition Desmond O'Malley
6 / 166
Decrease8 Decrease5th 91,013 5.5% Coalition (FF-PD) Desmond O'Malley
10 / 166
Increase4 Increase4th 80,787 4.7% Opposition Desmond O'Malley
4 / 166
Decrease6 Steady4th 83,765 4.7% Coalition (FF-PD) Mary Harney
8 / 166
Increase4 Steady4th 73,628 4.0% Coalition (FF-PD) Mary Harney
2 / 166
Decrease6 Decrease6th 56,396 2.73% Coalition (FF-GP-PD) Michael McDowell

Deputy Leader[edit]

See also[edit]

  1. ^ J. Timo Weishaupt (2011). From the Manpower Revolution to the Activation Paradigm: Explaining Institutional Continuity and Change in an Integrating Europe. Amsterdam University Press. p. 138. ISBN 978-90-8964-252-3.
  2. ^ Karin Gilland (2013). "Ireland: neutrality and the International use of force". In Philip Everts; Pierangelo Isernia. Public Opinion and the International Use of Force. Routledge. p. 138. ISBN 978-1-134-60217-9.
  3. ^ Arch Puddington; Aili Piano; Katrina Neubauer, eds. (30 September 2009). Freedom in the World 2009: The Annual Survey of Political Rights & Civil Liberties. Rowman & Littlefield. p. 356. ISBN 978-1-4422-0122-4.
  4. ^ Liam Leonard; Iosif Botetzagias (2011). Sustainable Politics and the Crisis of the Peripheries: Ireland and Greece. Emerald Group Publishing. p. 38. ISBN 978-0-85724-761-2.
  5. ^ a b Kerstin Hamann; John Kelly (2010). Parties, Elections, and Policy Reforms in Western Europe: Voting for Social Pacts. Routledge. p. 1982. ISBN 978-1-136-94986-9.
  6. ^ a b Hans Slomp (2011). Europe, a Political Profile: An American Companion to European Politics. ABC-CLIO. p. 333. ISBN 978-0-313-39181-1.
  7. ^ "Shaping the politics that spawned the Celtic Tiger". Irish Independent. 8 September 2006.
  8. ^ a b Creaton, Siobhan (24 February 2011). "FF-PD policy to blame for economic ills, claims report". Irish Independent.
  9. ^ "Formal winding-up of PDs delayed for legal reasons". The Irish Times. 28 February 2009. Retrieved 28 February 2009.
  10. ^ "Electoral Acts 1992 and 2001 – Register of Political Parties" (PDF). Iris Oifigiúil. 20 November 2009. Retrieved 12 January 2010.
  11. ^ a b c Collins, Stephen (2005). Breaking the Mould: How the PDs changed Irish politics. Dublin: Gill & Macmillan. p. 226. ISBN 978 07171 4166 1.
  12. ^ Chapter 10 The Subterranean Election of the Seanad Michael Gallagher and Liam Weeks UCC
  13. ^ "Harney steps down as leader of PDs". RTÉ News. 7 September 2006. Retrieved 16 February 2008.
  14. ^ "Michael McDowell confirmed as Progressive Democrats Party Leader". Progressive Democrats website. 11 September 2006. Archived from the original on 20 November 2007. Retrieved 16 February 2008.
  15. ^ "McDowell quits amid chaotic election for PDs". RTÉ News. 25 May 2007. Retrieved 16 February 2008.
  16. ^ "Mary Harney asked to resume PD leadership". RTÉ News. 27 May 2007. Retrieved 27 May 2007. The Chairman of the Progressive Democrats, Peter Wyer, has asked Mary Harney to assume the functions and responsibilities of party leader until the formation of the next Government.
  17. ^ "Parlon quits PDs for construction industry job". RTÉ News. 10 July 2007. Retrieved 16 February 2008.
  18. ^ Boyes, Nicola (28 September 2007). "PDs set to broaden leadership criteria". The Irish Times. Retrieved 16 February 2008.
  19. ^ "PDs change leadership rules". RTÉ News. 16 February 2008. Retrieved 16 February 2008.
  20. ^ "Senator Ciaran Cannon is the new leader of the Progressive Democrats". Progressive Democrats. 17 April 2008. Archived from the original on 3 March 2016. Retrieved 17 April 2008.
  21. ^ "PDs vote to wind up political party". RTÉ News. 8 November 2008. Archived from the original on 11 December 2008. Retrieved 8 November 2008.
  22. ^ Coleman, Shane (11 January 2009). "A wind-up? PDs continue to receive state funding". Sunday Tribune. Retrieved 19 January 2009. [permanent dead link]
  23. ^ "Parties get €13.7m in State funding". The Irish Times. 26 June 2009. Retrieved 26 June 2009.
  24. ^ a b "PDs to donate all archives of party's history to UCD". The Irish Times. 10 June 2009. Retrieved 10 June 2009.
  25. ^ Geoffrey K. Roberts; Patricia Hogwood (2013). The Politics Today Companion to West European Politics. Manchester University Press. p. 188. ISBN 978-1-84779-032-3.
  26. ^ Joe Wallace; Michelle O'Sullivan (2003). "Institutional Protection for Vulnerable Workers: Lessons from the Twentieth Century". In Frank Reid; Anil Verma. Trade and Labour Protection: Can the Two be Made to Work Together?. Presses Université Laval. p. 153. ISBN 978-2-7637-8031-3.
  27. ^ Vít Hloušek; Lubomír Kopecek (2013). Origin, Ideology and Transformation of Political Parties: East-Central and Western Europe Compared. Ashgate Publishing, Ltd. p. 72. ISBN 978-1-4094-9977-0.
  28. ^ Claire Annesley, ed. (2013). Political and Economic Dictionary of Western Europe. Routledge. p. 278. ISBN 978-1-135-35547-0.
  29. ^ Tom O'Connor; Anthony O'Halloran; Seamus Pattison (2008). Politics in a Changing Ireland 1960-2007: A Tribute to Seamus Pattison. Institute of Public Administration. p. 26. ISBN 978-1-904541-69-1.
  30. ^ 'The distributive impact of budgetary policy: A medium term view' Tim Callan, Mary Keeney, John Walsh, ESRI Dublin, 2002.
  31. ^ "Budget 1997". Revenue Commissioners. Archived from the original on 17 May 2007. Retrieved 19 May 2007.
  32. ^ "Budget 2007". Revenue Commissioners. Archived from the original on 28 September 2007. Retrieved 19 May 2007.
  33. ^ The Irish Times, 31 December 2004
  34. ^ "Remarks by Tánaiste, Mary Harney at a Meeting of the American Bar Association in the Law Society of Ireland, Blackhall Place, Dublin on Friday 21 July 2000" (Press release). Department of Enterprise, Trade and Employment. 24 September 2001. Archived from the original on 4 May 2007. Retrieved 19 May 2007. As Irish people our relationships with the United States and the European Union are complex. Geographically we are closer to Berlin than Boston. Spiritually we are probably a lot closer to Boston than Berlin.

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Borodovskii, Vasilii

Borodovskii, Vasilii Andreevich

Born Feb. 20 (Mar. 4), 1874 in the village of Berezhniany, Smolensk Province; died Jan. 28 (Feb. 10), 1914, in St. Petersburg. One of the first Russian radiochemists.

Borodovskii graduated from the University of Iur’ev (modern Tartu) in 1902, whereupon he became an assistant there and lectured on radioactivity (1907). Working in the laboratory of J. J. Thomson and E. Rutherford (1908–10), he prepared a master’s dissertation on the theme “Absorption of Beta Radiation of Radium” (Iur’ev, 1910), which he defended at Moscow University (1911). Using an original methodology in the experiment, Borodovskii demonstrated that the absorption of beta radiation by liquids and solid bodies is an additive property of matter and that the absorption of beta radiation by a unit of mass of a chemical element is directly proportional to the cube root of its atomic mass. This dependence, known as Borodovskii’s law, like the law of Dulong and Petit, permits the determination of the order of magnitude of the atomic mass of the elements. From 1912, Borodovskii directed the chemical laboratory of the Main Board of Weights and Measures, where he continued the research started in Iur’ev on the radioactive residues obtained when extracting uranium from tyuyamunite ores, thus discovering their radium content. (In 1921, V. G. Khlopin and I. Ia. Bashilov obtained the first Soviet radium preparation from this same material.)

Zaitseya, L. L. “V. A. Borodovskii i ego raboty po radioaktivnosti.” Voprosy istorii estestvoznaniia i tekhniki, 1956, issue 2, pp. 124–37.
Zaitseva, L. L. “Novye materialy o zhizni i nauchnoi deiatel’nosti V. A. Borodovskogo.” Voprosy istorii estestvoznaniia i tekhniki, 1960, issue 10, pp. 93–100.


text:
Etruscan civilization

(redirected from Etrusci)

Etruscan civilization,

highest civilization in Italy before the rise of Rome. The core of the territory of the Etruscans, known as Etruria to the Latins, was northwest of the Tiber River, now in modern TuscanyTuscany
, Ital. Toscana, region (1991 pop. 3,538,619), 8,876 sq mi (22,989 sq km), N central Italy, bordering on the Tyrrhenian Sea in the west and including the Tuscan Archipelago.
..... Click the link for more information.
 and part of UmbriaUmbria
, region (1991 pop. 811,831), 3,265 sq mi (8,456 sq km), central Italy. Perugia is the capital of the landlocked region, which is divided into the provinces of Perugia and Terni (named for their capitals).
..... Click the link for more information.
. The Latins called the people Etrusci or Tusci, and the Greeks called them Tyrrhenoi [whence Tyrrhenian Sea]; they called themselves Rasenna.

There are three theories that seek to explain the obscure origin of the Etruscans. Their language and culture differed markedly from that of other ancient peoples of the Italian peninsula at the time—Villanovans, Umbrians, and Picenes. As a result, many scholars long upheld the tradition of HerodotusHerodotus
, 484?–425? B.C., Greek historian, called the Father of History, b. Halicarnassus, Asia Minor. Only scant knowledge of his life can be gleaned from his writings and from references to him by later writings, notably the Suda.
..... Click the link for more information.
 that the Etruscans migrated to Italy from LydiaLydia,
ancient country, W Asia Minor, N of Caria and S of Mysia (now NW Turkey). The tyrant Gyges was the founder of the Mermnadae dynasty, which lasted from c.700 B.C. to 550 B.C.
..... Click the link for more information.
 in the 12th cent. B.C. to escape a severe famine. Other scholars have argued that the Etruscans are an ancient people, indigenous to Italy, whose customs are merely distinct from other Italian peoples. The third theory—that the Etruscans came down from the north through the Alpine passes—has been largely discredited. Genetic studies in the early 21st cent. have shown similarities between the modern Tuscans and their cattle and people and cattle found in the Middle East.

Rise and Fall

Regardless of the obscurity of their origins, it is clear that a distinctive Etruscan culture evolved about the 8th cent. B.C., developed rapidly during the 7th cent., achieved its peak of power and wealth during the 6th cent., and declined during the 5th and 4th cent. Etruria had no centralized government, but rather comprised a loose confederation of city-states. Important centers were Clusium (modern Chiusi), Tarquinii (modern Tarquinia), Caere (modern Cerveteri), Veii (modern Veio), Volterra, Vetulonia, Perusia (modern Perugia), and Volsinii (modern Orvieto).

The political domination of the Etruscans was at its height c.500 B.C., a time in which they had consolidated the Umbrian cities and had occupied a large part of Latium. During this period the Etruscans were a great maritime power and established colonies on Corsica, Elba, Sardinia, the Balearic Islands, and on the coast of Spain. In the late 6th cent. a mutual agreement between Etruria and Carthage, with whom Etruria had allied itself against the Greeks c.535 B.C., restricted Etruscan trade, and by the late 5th cent. their sea power had come to an end.

The Romans, whose culture had been greatly influenced by the Etruscans (the TarquinTarquin
[Etruscan,=lord], in Roman tradition, an Etruscan family that ruled Rome. According to the historian Livy, when the rule of the Bacchiadae in Corinth was overthrown (c.657 B.C.
..... Click the link for more information.
 rulers of Rome were Etruscans), were distrustful of Etruscan power. The Etruscans had occuped Rome itself from c.616 B.C., but in c.510 B.C. they were driven out by the Romans. In the early 4th cent., after Etruria had been weakened by Gallic invasions, the Romans attempted to beat the Etruscans back. Beginning with Veii (c.396 B.C.) one Etruscan city after another fell to the Romans, and civil war further weakened Etruscan power. In the wars of the 3d cent., in which Rome defeated Carthage, the Etruscans provided support against their former allies. During the Social War (90–88 B.C.) of SullaSulla, Lucius Cornelius
, 138 B.C.–78 B.C., Roman general. At the height of his career he assumed the name Felix. He served under Marius in Africa and became consul in 88 B.C., when Mithradates VI of Pontus was overrunning Roman territory in the east.
..... Click the link for more information.
 and MariusMarius, Caius
, c.157 B.C.–86 B.C., Roman general. A plebeian, he became tribune (119 B.C.) and praetor (115 B.C.) and was seven times consul. He served under Scipio Africanus Minor at Numantia and under Quintus Metellus against Jugurtha.
..... Click the link for more information.
 the remaining Etruscan families allied themselves with Marius, and in 88 B.C. Sulla eradicated the last traces of Etruscan independence.

Etruscan Culture

Much of the actual work in Etruria was done by the native population, who were subject to, though probably not slaves of, their conquerors; the nobility of Etruscan birth formed an exclusive caste. Women had an unusually high status compared to the ancient Greeks and Romans. Etruscan wealth and power were in part based upon their knowledge of ironworking and their exploitation of iron deposits that were abundant in Etruria. Etruscan artEtruscan art
, the art of the inhabitants of ancient Etruria, which, by the 8th cent. B.C., incorporated the area in Italy from Salerno to the Tiber River (see Etruscan civilization). Archaeologists have been unable to trace the precise development of Etruscan art.
..... Click the link for more information.
, which largely consisted of sculpture in clay and metal, fresco tomb paintings, and fine pottery, had some of its origins in Greek and Eastern arts and was extremely influential on the art of the Romans. Fond of music, games, and racing, the Etruscans introduced the chariot into Italy. They were also highly religious. Seeking to impose order on nature, they established strict laws to govern the relations between people and gods. Lacking the scientific rationalism of the Greeks, they tried to prolong the lives of the dead by decorating their tombs like houses. While religion is perhaps the best-known aspect of Etruscan civilization, even it remains quite enigmatic.

The Etruscan language also presents difficulties to the scholar. It can be easily read (the alphabet is of Greek extraction, and the sound value of the signs is known), but, with the exception of only a few words, the vocabulary is not understood. Although the language seems to contain both Indo-European and non-Indo-European elements as well as traces of ancient Mediterranean tongues, it cannot be classified into any known group of languages. Etruscan is known from some 10,000 epigraphic records dating from the 7th cent. B.C. to the 1st cent. A.D.; most are brief and repetitious dedications. One of the mysteries of Etruscan civilization is why the written record is so sparse and why the Romans wrote almost nothing about the Etruscan language or its literature.

See M. Pallottino, The Etruscans (tr. 1955); O. W. von Vacano, The Etruscans in the Ancient World (tr. 1960, repr. 1965); E. Richardson, The Etruscans: Their Art and Civilization (1976); M. Grant, The Etruscans (1981); E. MacNamara, Everyday Life of the Etruscans (1987); S. Haynes, Etruscan Civilization: A Cultural History (2000); M. Torelli, Etruscans (2001).


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The terms and price of booking are determined by the duration of stay. Please, choose the dates

Five guests

from 58 $

Hotel reviews Apartamento deluxe

Hotel facilities

  • Free parking
  • Non-smoking rooms
  • Family rooms
  • Lift
  • Soundproof rooms
  • Heating
  • Air conditioning
Cleaning services
  • Laundry
Internet Services
  • Internet services
  • Free WiFi
Common areas
  • Sun terrace
  • Outdoor furniture
Pool and wellness
  • Beachfront
  • Private parking
  • WiFi available in all areas
  • Parking garage
  • Beach

Hotel info

Located in Durrës, within 900 metres of Port of Durres, Apartamento deluxe offers accommodation with air conditioning. The property features sea views and is 6 km from Rock of Kavaje and 2.2 km from Durres Amphiteatre.

This 1-bedroom apartment comes with a kitchen, a seating area, and a satellite flat-screen TV. The apartment also offers a bathroom with a bidet and a shower.

The apartment offers a sun terrace.

The nearest airport is Tirana International Mother Teresa Airport, 23 km from Apartamento deluxe.

Important information

Important information
Please inform Apartamento deluxe in advance of your expected arrival time. You can use the Special Requests box when booking, or contact the property directly with the contact details provided in your confirmation. This property will not accommodate hen, stag or similar parties.
Room amount
Internet Services
Internet services, WiFi, Free WiFi
22 Rruga Pavaresia 22
Check in/out
Check-in from 10:00 until 14:00
Check-out from 07:30 until 08:30
Hotel's languages
  •  Italian
Accepted credit cards

No credit cards accepted, only cash

How to book hotel Apartamento deluxe

1. Choose the preferred dates of staying
2. Filling reservation form
3. Immediate number reservation
4. Getting supporting documents
5. Payment for booking to hotel

Nearby points

  • Tirana International Airport Nene Tereza23.4 km
This section presents detailed information about the hotel Apartamento deluxe located in Durrës: photo of rooms, rates, amenities, etc. On the website you can choose and book favourite room of Apartamento deluxe without a fee.
It is the responsibility of the hotel chain and/or the individual property to ensure the accuracy of the photos displayed.


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IPU CET Important Dates 2019
The important dates of IPU CET 2019 will help candidates to know when the events like commencement of application process, release of admit card, announcement of result etc will take place. Not only this, this article will help in keeping a tab on all the important dates related to IPU CET 2019.
IPU CET 2017 to be conducted on April 23; applications available till Mar 28
IPU CET 2017 will be conducted on April 23 by Guru Gobind Singh Indraprastha University (GGSIPU), while the result will be declared on May 9.
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For Beginners and the never ending redundant questions

~ Elite 1000 Member ~
May 10, 2013
Laredo, Texas
Thread starter #1
I am continuing to edit this post as thoughts and responses are posted.

There are two types of beginners in my opinion, informed beginners and give me everything on a plate beginners. Hand Engraving, at times requires one to think outside the box, critical thinking, how do I hold a cup for engraving is an example, I would first see what I can think up, what contraption could I make to hold the cup, if I saw it did not work, I would then search the forum, not only creating one set of words but several if not many set of search words, many times a result title does not even come close to what I was requesting but the result is not always in the title (don't judge a book by its title/cover) read the thread you'll be surprised in what you find.

When you read a thread don't just read the first post, read the whole thing, are there times its just small talk that goes of topic, yes, but if you don't you might just miss the one piece of valuable information you were looking for.

You'll be surprised how old threads contain throves of valuable information, you will learn that Sam has a site called where even more helpful information is found.

How to help with a search by: Roger Bleile (an example this post by roger is found further down in this thread you would never know it unless you read the whole thing)

Roger Bleile "One of the difficulties of searching the site is not knowing what to search for because the beginner does not know the names of tools or styles of ornament, etc. I suggest that each beginner visit the engraving glossary to familiarize yourself with the field. If a person surfs through the whole site they will see pictures and explanations that will answer lots of questions and provide a starting point to search for more information.

Roger Bleile's International, Illustrated Glossary of Hand-Engraving Terminology: "

Thank you Roger

I started from the first thread ever posted, and worked my way to the most recent, yes I did, I learned stuff that I had no idea, that one day I would recall, and it would help me on my current endeavor, there are many valuable post from engravers that have moved on to a better place, and others that just don't partake in the forum any longer, recommendations from Master Engravers and others, wisdom that has been handed down for centuries, its all here.

Please buy the Mr. Glasser's dvd from GRS its only 39.99, become an informed beginner I beg you, not a hand it to me on the plate beginner and you will go far.

Ok there are questions that are asked over and over again and have been answered in many different ways by many, in a world where we get instant gratification, netflix, youtube and whatever else you can think it has created us to expect to have things now and not later.

Hand Engraving is anything but, it takes a lifetime to master, it takes hundred if not thousands of hours of practice, reading and when you think your done you read the same book for example 4 or 5 times because as you learn you realize that the book contains more useful information.

One of the most asked question is how can I start without spending large amounts of money? Can it be done? Yes Does it take longer to learn? YEESSS but we want gratification now don't we? IF you want to learn how to engrave with a nail it can be done and here is proof.

Cheapest way to go.

But im sure most will cringe at that route, I don't want to take years to learn to sharpen different geometries, and other learning curves that come with this method or hammer and chisel. Do not get me wrong some of the best work has been done this way look at Mr. Weldon Lister amazing work done with hammer and chisel.

If your stuck on Hammer and Chisel I recommend these dvd's I own all three and they are worth every penny expensive for a dvd yes, but they are extremely cheap if you consider the valuable information you will learn, it can shave years from the learning curve. I speak of non other than Mr. Lynton Mckenzie. (Just an FYI you can also find each dvd sold individually)

You may have many questions on what engraving setup to buy (probably looking for the cheapest) Do your self a favor don't buy cheap Chinese knockoffs. Think about your profession would you recommend a cheap tool or program for example, of course not. When it comes to tools only the best will do, unless you like to struggle. In my experience the three main systems are (in no particular order) Lindsay, GRS, and Enset. Each can produce masterful work in the right hands.

Cost: unless you stick to the nail and make your own tools needed for hammer an chisel (it can be done), things will get expensive there is not two ways about it. Tools, DVD's, fixtures, vises, classes and so on are expensive in the engraving world, (that's just the way it is). Either save your money to buy tools or just stick to the nail. We all have payments, children, situations, to learn engraving is a WANT not a need. You want something you save your money.

When I started I purchased this dvd it helps explain the several methods to engrave and the price is right. Others may have different opinions but this one is mine. Although he uses older air assisted pieces the gist is there. Yes, the shipping is expensive (you'll see) but if your not willing to spend on this simple dvd. Engraving might not be for you.

There are books/dvd's that are considered a must to have, again opinions may vary but here are my basic must haves.

Sharpening (a must, then comes the tools needed to achieve it)

The expersts guide to Sharpening by Sam Alfano.

And Learn to Draw scrollwork by Sam Alfano

I would also recommend Lee Griffiths

Art & Design Fundamentals by Lee Griffiths

Both book and dvd (don't be cheap)

See what I mean price total is adding up.

There are many more quality dvd's to buy these are just the tip of the iceberg.

Books dont get me started on books, you thought you spent to much money in college for books, well you'll spend as much on engraving books, but here is a oldy but goody.

The Art of Engraving by Mr. Meek

wooahhhhh hold on you havent purchased any tools yet and what is our total now?

Your best bet is to find someone local and try out their tools, maybe an apprenticeship you never know.

But here on the forum your best tool, the tool you should master is the "Search button

found here

I mean to offend no one, its just in my opinion this is the nature of the art of hand engraving it takes years to get even proficient and it costs money to have your "wants"

Now go make good use of your search button and enjoy the ride.

Start with Tool list for beginners (its in the tip archive)

If finding someone locally does not work out GRS, they have classes for beginners, check them out, classes fill up quickly, New classes are posted December 1st of every year. If a class is full get on the waiting list, either someone cancels and if there's enough demand a second class can maybe opened.

There are other class options just search on Google.

Remember the best way to learn is a one on one class (ask all you want your paying for the time, might as well ask), this would be ideal, but as you'll find out quickly its also expensive, information on here is free, there are few places that I know of where highly qualified and probably some of the best in the world reach out and help, but new guys and gals have to (help yourselves so the pros can help you) thats all.

There are few times that I notice the top notch guys answering the redundant questions (if you do what is recommended it would generate a greater response) and some questions concerning three systems mentioned, like which one is better will also get you no where, they all can do the same thing, they all end up costing around the same when the cost is totaled. (unless you get a great deal on a used one, so save up your cash)

Remember time is money, all of the pros on here dedicate their precious free time to help us the new generation, so lets help them by posting some meaningful questions after we have exhausted our research.

Here is a challenge for beginners: Find and old thread that helped you learn something, bring back that thread from the dead, post in that thread (it will now be the most recent), its what I used to do, it not only helped me but others that are learning.

Latest posts


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missing miss black rock city contestants!

Exchange camp ideas, find places to perform, announce your events, etc.
User avatar
Posts: 94
Joined: Fri May 21, 2004 10:05 am
Location: SF > new york > SF

missing miss black rock city contestants!

Post by MBRC » Fri Oct 08, 2004 11:42 am

hello nice burner type people.

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also looking for miss sarcastic of toronto.

would love to include info ont hem for the post pageant report we are creating for the web. stay tuned!
Miss Black Rock City - The Self-Proclaimed Beauty Queen

Posts: 3
Joined: Mon Oct 11, 2004 12:19 pm
Location: Austin, Texas

Post by MaryJ_KOS » Mon Oct 11, 2004 12:30 pm

ta-da! Miss Slack Harder here...you can email me at: versionmary@yahoo.com

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User avatar
Posts: 14
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Post by jeannius » Wed Oct 20, 2004 9:47 pm

Hey Miss Black Rock City!!

I was at all the pageants this year, as my friend was Miss Burnstream Court...You were/are HILARIOUS!

I have lots of pics from the events, posted here,

Scroll through there are some from the Prelims, some from the Miss Illumination night AND of course some from the pageant!

Looking forward to seeing your project!!

User avatar
Posts: 241
Joined: Tue Sep 02, 2003 12:22 pm
Location: Los Angeles

Post by Gothalot » Fri Nov 05, 2004 1:47 pm

I know that the Black Rock Gazette covered the event. I dont recall the reporter and or his photog but you can find out from the publisher. Email durgy@burningman.com.

He will be able to get you the details.

-Gothalot / BRG Picture Editor

Return to “2004 Camps, Art & Activities”


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ERIC Number: ED441701
Record Type: RIE
Publication Date: 2000-Apr
Pages: 8
Abstractor: N/A
Reference Count: N/A
Using Models of Science To Critically Evaluate Scientific Arguments: A Look at Students, Science Education, and the Popular Media.
Brem, Sarah K.
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Publication Type: Reports - Research; Speeches/Meeting Papers
Education Level: N/A
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Language: English
Sponsor: National Science Foundation, Washington, DC.
Authoring Institution: N/A
Note: Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Educational Research Association (New Orleans, LA, April 24-28, 2000).


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Eric Schmidt wound up at Google by compromise. In 1998, cofounders Larry Page and Sergey Brin had made a promise to the two venture-capital firms that funded them—they would hire an experienced CEO to manage the company once it began to take off. But two years later they were hedging, insisting they could scale Google to a global power by themselves. VC John Doerr convinced them to keep interviewing potential leaders. None clicked until they met Schmidt, who not only had been a skilled executive at Sun Microsystems and CEO of Novell but was a respected computer scientist. Best of all, he’d been to Burning Man!

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A good example of this give and take came over the issue of whether Google should create its own internet browser, which Page and Brin began urging in 2001. Schmidt considered the browser wars of the 1990s (where Microsoft used market power to vanquish rival Netscape) to be one of the defining experiences of his career. He urged them to hold off, fearing Microsoft’s wrath. Eventually, the founders convinced him that Google was in a position to create a superior product no matter what Microsoft did. So in 2008, Google introduced Chrome with the CEO’s blessing. “One of the rules about the new generation is they don’t fight the old guys’ wars,” Schmidt told me at the time. Indeed, the Chrome browser—the project led by a young executive named Sundar Pichai, now Google’s CEO—is now the world’s most popular, and a pillar of the company’s power.

After a decade as CEO, not long after Google’s 2010 retreat from China, Schmidt turned over the CEO role to Page, who has run Google and then Alphabet more as the undisputed decider than as one of a ruling troika. But because Page assiduously avoids press interviews—and pretty much any other encounters that require him to suffer fools—it fell to Schmidt to globetrot and argue Google’s case as its de facto “ambassador.” More recently, he’s been doing less of that. He was active in Hillary Clinton’s presidential campaign (not exactly an asset in Trumpland), and has been a strident voice for technology reform in the Defense Department. He is a former head and still a backer of the New America Foundation, a liberal DC think tank (where his influence is not as deftly employed as it was at Google—the foundation recently booted out a team whose research was critical of Alphabet’s power, eroding its credibility). And as NPR listeners know from sponsor soundbites before their favorite shows, Schmidt oversees a philanthropic foundation.

According to a source, Schmidt and Page have been discussing his resignation as chair for months, leading to his formal resignation on Monday, as reported to the SEC. “In recent years, I’ve been spending a lot of my time on science and technology issues, and philanthropy, and I plan to expand that work,” Schmidt said in a statement Thursday. (Because Schmidt has been connected with women outside his marriage, some have wondered whether his departure is a #metoo kind of thing, but the fact that Alphabet is keeping him both as an employee and board member suggests not.)

It’s somewhat ironic that Schmidt is taking a reduced role at Alphabet as the company fights antitrust charges in the US and Europe that are reminiscent of those brought against his old nemesis, Microsoft. But that’s weird proof of his legacy. Sixteen years ago he took the reigns of a company with a few hundred employees and a minimal bottom line, and helped grow it to a behemoth with a market cap of nearly three quarters of a trillion dollars—and an impact so outsized that regulators feel it must be curbed.

Whatever his next act is, it won’t top that. “For me personally, this is it—this is the Super Bowl,” he once told me of his Google role. And he’s got a $14 billion ring to prove it.


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Example research essay topic: Second Degree Murder Criminal Justice System - 4,294 words

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Whenever the word death penalty comes up, extremists from both sides of the spectrum begin to wildly express their opinions. One side says deterrence, the other side says theres a potential of executing an innocent man. One says justice, retribution, and punishment, the other side says execution is murder. However, all arguments aside, the best way and the only way to truly make a rational decision about capital punishment is to examine the purpose of our criminal justice system. Once the purpose of the criminal justice system is established, one must find out the purpose of capital punishment. This paper will show that the purpose of capital punishment is consistent with and embodies the purpose of the criminal justice system.

Then, this paper will determine whether or not the present form of the death penalty is fulfilling its purpose, and what could be changed to make the death penalty more efficient and effective. The first question that must be faced is, What is the purpose of the criminal justice system and does the death penalty help to fulfill that purpose? In The Law, Frederic Bastiat says that humans have inalienable rights that existed outside of and before government. These rights are life, liberty, and property. He contends that the only legitimate purpose of government is to protect these rights. When one person inflicts on another's rights or takes advantage of another person, he is plundering.

Bastiat asks, When, then, does plunder stop? It stops when it becomes more painful and more dangerous than labor. It is evident, then that the proper purpose of law is to use the power of its collective force to stop this fatal tendency to plunder instead of work. All the measures of the law should protect property and punish plunder, (Bastiat 24 - 26).

People will plunder, take advantage of others, and commit crimes as long as it is in their best interest to do so. The purpose our entire criminal justice system is to protect the rights of life, liberty, and property for all its citizens. To do this, the criminal justice system needs to make plunder more painful and more dangerous than labor. In other words, the punishment for crime must be harsh enough to deter potential criminals. Under this mindset, the death penalty makes perfect sense.

Here is a punishment that truly makes the criminal pay for his crime, stops the criminal from committing future crimes, and deters other criminals from committing the same crime. The purpose of the death penalty is to protect the right of Americans to live. If the purpose of the death penalty is to protect the lives of Americans, then the people that it is supposed to protect should be the focal point. In considering the death penalty and its merits and faults one cannot lose sight of the victims.

These corpses are the people who have been, are being, and will be killed because our justice system is not working perfectly. In considering the death penalty these innocent individuals must never be forgotten. Millions of innocent men and women have already been slain, and thousands are killed every year. According to Time Magazine, in the United States more than 2, 000, 000 people are beaten, knifed, shot or otherwise assaulted each year, 23, 000 fatally (Toufexis 53).

In any discussion of the death penalty, one must remember that there are two sets of lives to be considered. Far too much emphasis is usually placed on the convicted murderer who is being executed, and the victim who has been killed is all but forgotten. Joseph Stalin once stated, One death is a tragedy, but a million deaths are statistics, (Lowe 6). Once a murderer is caught and convicted, justice seems to demand that he at least be prevented from murdering someone else. After all, if the law is set up to protect our right to live, it seems as though it should be able to keep convicted murderers from murdering again. Amazingly, our criminal justice system is not even achieving this goal.

The average prison sentence for murder is less than six years (Jacobs 80). Six percent of the young adults paroled since 1978 that were convicted of murder were arrested for murder again within six years of their release (? Justice for All? 3). This means that six percent of all murderers were caught, convicted, sent to prison, released, and they murdered again. At least six percent of all murders could have been prevented had the murderer been executed the first time around. In North Carolina in 1995, 750 people were murdered (?

Crime Statistics? 1) By stopping repeat murderers at least forty-five lives could have been saved in 1995 in North Carolina alone. Every year, approximately the same number of people would not die if an effective form of the death penalty were in place. One example of the benefit of the death penalty is what happened in India in the 1800 s. When Great Britain was beginning to colonize India, there was a religion known as the Thuggee religion. These Thuggees were probably the most violent, dangerous, and brutal gang of thieves ever. They killed literally thousands of people (mostly foreigners) and stole their money.

In fact, one of the requirements of this cult was that each member had to murder at least one person every year. The British jumped to action to curb the problem by speedy arrests and executions. Thousands of Thuggees were executed. After a few years, the leader of the Thuggees was captured and executed.

During his trial, it was found that he had murdered 931 people. In 1883, the British had completely solved the problem by executing the last known Thuggee (Lowe 3). Often opponents will argue that some criminals are so deranged, so fearless, so assured that they will not be caught that they will murder no matter what the penalty is. If this was true of anyone, it was true of the Thuggees. Yet, the fact is often ignored that the death penalty can have a tremendous effect simply by eliminating those hideous murderers who will murder no matter what the penalty is. No one can count the number of lives that were saved after all the Thuggees were executed.

Opponents of the death penalty sometimes contend that repeat murderers are rare. Yet, if six percent of all murders can be stopped, and forty-five lives can be saved every year just in North Carolina alone, who wants to be responsible for the forty-five unnecessary deaths that occur each year because our government does not take care of the murderers the first time around? The death penalty can save lives by stopping repeat murderers, but does it deter murder? Opponents of the death penalty argue that there is no deterrent effect. However, there are a number of studies that indicate that the contrary is true. A study by W.

Bailey of the period from 1967 - 68 showed a deterrent effect in twenty-seven states (? Justice For All? 5). A later study by him showed a deterrent effect in twenty-five states (? Justice For All? 5). During the moratorium on Capital punishment in the United States, murder increased by one hundred percent (? Justice For All? 5).

A review of the fourteen nations who abolished the death penalty showed that the murder rate increased by seven percent from the five-year pre-abolition period to the five-year post-abolition period (? Justice For All? 5). Since 1990, Harris County, a single county in Texas has had more executions than any other state in the United States. During the period between 1990 and 1995, Harris County has had a forty-eight percent drop in crime, the greatest decrease in the United States. In Harris County, the highest homicide rate was in 1981, one year before the death penalty was reinstated in Texas (? Justice For All? 6).

All of these studies indicate that implementation of the death penalty correlates with a drop in the homicide rate. A study by Stephen K. Layton at University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill showed that each execution deters an average of eighteen murders (Lowe 1). By increasing the use of the death penalty, thousands of lives could be saved. In Utah, there have been five executions since 1977. During the year following each execution, there was a significant drop-off in the homicide rate (Lowe 1 - 2).

Criminologist Steven Stack recently found that after a widely publicized execution, there was a drop in the homicide rate. He found this drop to be more significant with whites than with blacks (Morin 1). An appropriate analogy was when Has Barshay said, ? The death penalty is a warning, just like a lighthouse throwing beams out to sea.

We hear about shipwrecks, but we do not hear about the ships the lighthouse guides safely on their way. We do not have proof of the number of ships it saves, but we do not tear the lighthouse down, ? (? Justice For All? 5). Although the death penalty is a deterrent, it is not nearly as strong a deterrent as it would be were it implemented more often. The deterrence theory states that in order for a crime to be deterred, justice must be swift, severe, and certain. With numerous appeals, the death penalty is not swift.

In fact, the average amount of time spent on death row before being executed is ten years (Jacobs 77). In addition, between 1977 and the present, the execution rate per murder is. 055 percent (Morin 2). In other words for every 1800 murders, only one person is executed. Thus, the death penalty is not certain either. In fact, most murderers can rest assured that more than likely they will not be put to death. The death penalty is severe.

If it were altered so that it became swift and certain, there would be a significant drop-off in the homicide rate. People have a natural fear of death. It is a common trait of man that we think about the consequences before we act. If not consciously, we still think about them subconsciously. Imagine for a minute what the world would be like if every time a murderer killed someone, he died instantaneously. More than likely, there would be an extremely low homicide rate.

Of course, it is impossible to make that a reality, but our government can make justice much more swift, severe, and certain than it already is if we simply increase the use of capital punishment and change the laws so that it is faster and has a shorter appeals process. The death penalty is important because the lives of thousands of potential victims who are at stake. Given the benefits of capital punishment, it is hard to imagine why anyone would be against it, but there are several arguments against the death sentence that need to be addressed. Opponents of the death penalty point out that there is a possibility of wrongly executing an innocent man.

Of course, there is a possibility of wrongly sending an innocent man to prison, or wrongly fining an innocent man, but they contend that because of the finality and severity of the death penalty, the consequences of wrongly executing an innocent person are much more unjust. There has never been any proof of an innocent man being executed, although there are some studies that show in a few cases, there is a possibility that someone was wrongly executed (? Justice For All? 2). One of the most often quoted studies of innocent men being executed is the Bedau-Radlet Study. It is the most comprehensive study ever done in this area and has found twenty-two cases where the defendant may have been wrongly executed.

This study is very controversial and many studies such as Markman and Casual, found the studys methodology so flawed that in at least twelve of those cases there was substantial evidence of guilt and no evidence of innocence. In the other eleven cases, the Bedau-Radlet study placed almost no weight on the jurys verdict, and the evidence available only proved that the case was questionable, not that the defendant was actually innocent (? Justice For All? 2). Another point to be made is that our judicial system takes many precautions to ensure that the rights of the innocent are protected. In order to understand this, one must look at the complex process required to convict someone of first-degree murder and get him sentenced to death. First a person is arrested and given an attorney.

Evidence must be presented proving beyond a reasonable doubt that the defendant committed first-degree murder. The defendant must have been in a clear state of mind. After a five to six week trial, the defendant goes on to a second trial to decide whether or not he deserves the death penalty. Again, a full trial is held.

Defense presents evidence on why this murderer does not deserve to die. After this occurs and the murderer is sentenced to die, his case is automatically appealed to the state Supreme Court. After that, he may file a number of different appeals. Finally, about ten years later, after every legal attempt and delay tactic has been exhausted, the murderer is executed. As should be evident from this complex process, every reasonable precaution is taken to ensure that no innocent man is executed. Although it is very unlikely that an innocent person would be executed, the question arises about whether the execution of an innocent man is a strong enough argument to abolish the death penalty.

Before deciding, one must remember the lives that the death penalty saves. Repeat murderers are eliminated, and potential murderers are deterred. As mentioned earlier, one must consider the victims as well as the defendant. Is it worth it to lose forty-five innocent lives so that no innocent person is executed?

Wesley Lowe states the matter well when he says, As for the penal system accidentally executing an innocent person, I must point out that in this imperfect world, citizens are required to take certain risks in exchange for relative safety, (Lowe 5). We risk dying in automobile accidents for the convenience of using a car. This practice is considered acceptable. Risking the possibility that someone might be wrongly executed is worth it to save the lives of thousands of innocent people who might be the next victims of murder.

A second argument against the death penalty is discrimination. Eighty-two percent of all murder victims are white and thirteen percent are black. This is about a 6: 1 ratio. Opponents of the death penalty, such as the NAACP, argue that the system values white lives more than black lives. If this is true, one has to wonder why whites represent fifty-five percent of those executed and blacks thirty-nine percent, (Jacobs 68) when blacks have committed forty-nine percent of all murders, and whites thirty-nine percent from 1976 - 1994 (?

Justice For All? 6) Successful prosecutions depend on the nature of the crime and not the race of the victim. The reason that whites are overwhelmingly the victims in death row cases is that whites are overwhelmingly the victims in capital crimes. In McClesky v. Zant, the court ruled that the death penalty was not racist in its application. The death penalty is not racist and does not violate the cruel and unusual punishment clause. However, even if the death penalty were racist, the solution is to fix the discrimination not to end the punishment.

Ernest van den Haag wrote, If and when discrimination occurs it should be corrected. Not, however, by letting the guilty blacks escape the death penalty because guilty whites do, but by making sure that the guilty white offenders suffer it as the guilty blacks do. Discrimination must be abolished by abolishing discrimination not by abolishing penalties. However, even if this cannot be done, I do not see any good reason to let any guilty murderer escape his penalty. It does happen in the administration of criminal justice that one person gets away with murder and another is executed. Yet the fact that one gets away with it is no reason to let another one escape, ' (Lowe 5).

One of the problems with the death penalty right now is since it is so rarely used it almost seems arbitrary. The proposal set forth later in this paper makes the death penalty the standard punishment for murder and removes the loopholes. This proposal would make a racist application of the death penalty nearly impossible. If the death penalty were to be the standard punishment for murder, and the rules deciding who received the death penalty were tightened, the death penalty would apply equally to the people of all races. On more moral grounds, opponents of the death penalty will contend that execution is the same as murder. They will argue that using the death penalty to stop murder is like fighting fire with fire, and that executing the criminal makes the state no better than the murderer himself.

A number of analogies can be drawn to discredit this argument. If execution is murder, then certainly killing someone in a war is murder. Thus, our country should not fight in any more wars. At once, the reader realizes that this proposition is ridiculous. Although wars are not good and killing people is a tragedy, sometimes they are necessary to protect the rights of a group of people.

The death penalty is necessary to protect a persons right to live. Is arresting someone for a crime the same as kidnapping someone? Is confiscation of property to pay a debt the same as theft (? Justice For All? 1)?

In the same way, executing someone is not murder; it is punishment inflicted by society on a deserving criminal. In order to understand what form capital punishment is in now we will consider the history and constitutionality of the death penalty. Since the founding of our country, the death penalty has had its place in American society. In its original form, death was the mandatory punishment for a number of crimes, including murder. As time passed, a small minority of people began to disagree with the death penalty. Although most Americans still supported it, sometimes these people would end up on juries for capital cases, and as a result, legislators began to notice that juries were less likely to convict when the death penalty was the automatic punishment.

This development lead to a weakening and changing of death penalty laws. Instead of mandatory death sentence, juries would decide what sentence to give. In addition, many crimes that had been punishable by death were taken off the list of capital crimes. Pretty soon, the death penalty became an optional punishment for first-degree murder. In 1971, in McGautha v. California and Crampton v.

Ohio, the Supreme Court ruled that states need not specify in statutes the factors to be considered by the jury in issuing the death penalty. This case also held that while bifurcated trials (trials with two stages) are preferred, they are not required (O? Brien 1100). Ironically, only one year later this ruling was overturned.

In 1972, in Furman v. Georgia, the Supreme Court ruled the death penalty unconstitutional in the way that it was being implemented. The eighth and fourteenth amendments were cited, especially regarding the due process and equal protection clauses (O? Brien 1101). The death penalty was declared unconstitutional because it was not being issued fairly or evenly.

The Supreme Court had ruled that the death penalty was cruel and unusual punishment in the way that it was being carried out. In order to reinstate the death penalty, the states had to have uniform standards and guidelines for the jury to use in determining the death penalty. After Furman v. Georgia, a few states set up mandatory death penalty statutes for certain crimes. However, in Woodson v. North Carolina, these laws were overturned.

Florida, Georgia, Texas, and twenty-two other states wrote new laws reinstating the death penalty with specific aggravating and mitigating circumstances (O? Brien 1101). Aggravating circumstances were reasons why the defendant should receive the death penalty. Mitigating circumstances were reasons why the defendant should not receive the death penalty. Lockett v. Ohio ruled that states may not limit the kinds of mitigating circumstances that juries can consider (O?

Brien 1102). The benefits of the death penalty will never be wholly realized unless it is carried out in a regular, consistent manner. Thus, on the consideration of these points, there are several problems with the death penalty as it is presently being implemented. The first problem with the death penalty is that second-degree murder isnt being punished adequately. Second-degree murder is murder.

It means that a criminal unlawfully, intentionally killed another person without reason, excuse, or provocation. Yet, right now, second-degree murder is a crime punishable by fifteen years in prison. If there are significant mitigating circumstances, the murderer could be sentenced to even less time, not to mention the fact that most criminals do not serve their full sentence anyway. A criminal justice system that allows convicted murderers out of prison after a few years does not stop repeat offenders and does not deter potential murderers from committing the same crime. Murder is classified into two degrees, yet it is essentially the same crime. The only difference between first and second-degree murder is that under first-degree murder, the prosecution must prove premeditation and deliberation.

Murder for first and second degree is unlawfully killing another human being with malice. If a murderer intends to kill someone, then kills him, it is hard for one to understand how premeditation and deliberation makes the crime any worse. If a murderer did not premeditate and deliberate on his murder, is the victim any less dead? Is the one who murdered him any less guilty? A second problem is that first-degree murder is hard to prove. Premeditation and deliberation must be proven in order for a murder to be classified as first-degree murder.

This may seem simple, but let us take a look at what the prosecution has to prove in order to convict the defendant of first-degree murder. First of all, premeditation means the act was thought out beforehand for some length of time, ? and second of all deliberation means? an intent to kill carried out in a cool state of blood, in furtherance of a fixed design for revenge or to accomplish an unlawful purpose and not under the influence of a violent passion, suddenly aroused by lawful or just cause or legal provocation, (? Justice For All? 2). Both elements are hard to prove because they involve the mind of the criminal, they have complex definitions, and they can usually only be proven by circumstantial evidence.

However, this is only the beginning of the complex legal maze that prosecutors must get through to get a conviction. Some other things prosecutors must consider in proving murder in the first degree are that defendants emotion must not have disturbed his faculties or reason, whether or not the killing occurred during the course of a quarrel or scuffle, previous hostile feelings and prior assaults, nature and number of wounds, unseemly conduct toward and concealment of the body, vicious and brutal slaying, whether or not the defendant consumed alcohol beforehand, and many other limiting factors. Due to the complicated process, a trial for first-degree murder lasts approximately six weeks. First-degree murder trials are long and expensive and the appeals process is long and expensive. According to the Attorney General? s Office, a capital case usually takes about six weeks and constitutes between 3, 000 5, 000 pages of court record (?

Death Penalty Statistics? 1). The trial itself is costly, but the court record has to be considered on every appeal made by attorneys on both sides, as well as by the appeals court and the judges involved. Because so many pages are involved, the appeals process takes several times the length that and appeals for a second-degree murder would. This is a major reason that murderers spend between ten years on death row before being executed (? Death Penalty Statistics? 2) The death penalty is an appropriate manner of punishment and serves a definite purpose. However in order to serve its purpose it must be adjusted and made more effective and efficient.

There is going to have to be less time spent in court as well as less time spent in a cement cubicle. The longer an inmate is locked away the more tax money is going into keeping them there. And to close my paper I leave you with this, So away with all the sentimental tosh and let us get on with the hanging, (Duff 54). Selected Bastiat, Frederic. The Law.

New York: The Foundation for Economic Education, Inc. 1853. 24 - 26. Crime statistics. North Carolina Attorney Generals Office. 1995. 1. Duff, Charles.

A Handbook on Hanging. Boston: Hale, Cushman, and Flint. 1929. 54 Death Penalty Statistics, North Carolina Attorney Generals Office. 1997. 2. Garner, Bryan A. Blacks Law Dictionary. St. Paul: West Publishing Company. 1996. ?

Justice For All? . Death Penalty and Sentencing Information in the United States. Internet. 6 Lowe, Wesley. Wesley Lowes Pro Death Penalty Webpage.

Internet. 1 - 6 Nancy Jacobs, Alison Landes, and Mark A. Siegel. Capital Punishment, Cruel and Unusual? Internet. 68, 77. OBrien, David M. Constitutional Law and Politics, Second Edition.

New York: W. W. Norton and Co. 1994. 1100 - 1102. Morin, Richard. 1995 World Almanac UNCONVENTIONAL WISDOM; New facts and hot stats from the social sciences.

The Washington Post. January 7, 1996. 1 Toufexis, Anastasia. Seeking the Roots of Violence. Time Magazine. 19 April 1993: 53.

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