text:
Day 751: My captors continue to torment me with bizarre dangling objects. They eat lavish meals in my presence while I am forced to subsist on dry cereal. The only thing that keeps me going is the hope of eventual escape -- that, and the satisfaction I get from occasionally ruining some piece of their furniture.

I fear I may be going insane. Yesterday, I ate a houseplant. Tomorrow I may eat another.


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text:
Search the Buddy Board

Key Word

Buddy Board > looking for buddies.
terry, brighton.
posted : August 18, 2013 Post subject: looking for buddies.
Hello there, paid aow diver 28 dives, based brighton.. own kit, tank transport, looking for buddy/buddies for regular weekend dives.. inland sites, stoney, chepstow, vobster, wraysbury, divers cove.. easy going, aged 43, and looking for good safe divers.. to have fun and get wet.

posted : August 19, 2013 Post subject: looking for buddies.
Hi Terry - I`m looking to dive this weekend
to cheapstow or stoney cove - another buddy might join but is not confirmed yet.

my email

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text:
Michael Gove – 2012 Speech at Brighton College

Below is the text of the speech made by the Secretary of State for Education, Michael Gove, at Brighton College on 10th May 2012.

Thank you for that kind introduction.

And thank you Richard [Cairns] for inviting me here today.

It is one of the many pleasures of being Education Secretary that I get to visit outstanding schools ever week – and am constantly impressed by the amazing work of so many inspirational teachers.

We have thousands of superb state schools – some of the very best in the world.

And we have hundreds of superlative independent schools – collectively the best independent schools sector in the world.

And given the quality of the competition, it is a wonderful accolade for Brighton College to be named UK Independent School of the year.

Wonderful, but not surprising.

Because those of us who know Richard (Cairns) recognise that he is one of the most visionary leaders in education today…

Brighton College’s improvement in the last few years has been breathtaking.

Moving from 147th in the Sunday Times league tables in 2006, to 18th this year; the highest-ranking coeducational school in the country, described by the judges as “one of the powerhouses of the independent sector.”

And Richard has done what every school leader determined to secure excellence should do.

He’s been a curriculum innovator.

He’s introduced Mandarin Chinese as a compulsory subject until Year 9.

And he’s made narrative history, locational geography and the great canon of English literature compelling for a new generation of students with a wonderfully inspiring introduction into the glories of our island story.

He recognises that nothing matters more than improving the quality of teaching.

Over the last six years, Brighton College has aggressively recruited, and generously remunerated, talented individuals from a range of backgrounds, in order to boast, in Richard’s words, “the best teachers in the land”.

He’s been ambitious to spread excellence beyond his own school.

Richard has expanded Brighton College’s reach by taking over other schools, enabling hundreds more children to benefit from Brighton’s unique and award-winning recipe for success.

And, above all, Richard has combined an unflinching focus on academic standards with a deeply held social mission.

As well as expanding scholarship access to this school Richard is leading a consortium of independent schools which are sponsoring a new free school in Newham – the London Academy of Excellence – which will help the poorest students make it to our best universities.

Curriculum innovation, investment in great teaching, spreading excellence beyond just one school, demanding higher academic standards, pursuing a social mission to help the most disadvantaged.

These virtues – which Brighton College embodies – are the virtues which mark out the best in our education system – and they demonstrate that there is enormous public benefit in a healthy and progressively-led independent school sector.

The glittering prizes in gilded hands

But, fan as I am of the virtues nurtured here, I can’t help reflecting on some other facts about our society which the excellence of the education offered in our independent schools underlines.

It is remarkable how many of the positions of wealth, influence, celebrity and power in our society are held by individuals who were privately educated.

Around the Cabinet table – a majority – including myself – were privately educated.

Around the Shadow Cabinet table the Deputy Leader, the Shadow Chancellor, the Shadow Business Secretary, the Shadow Olympics Secretary, the Shadow Welsh Secretary and the Shadow Secretary of State for International Development were all educated at independent schools.

On the bench of our supreme court, in the precincts of the bar, in our medical schools and university science faculties, at the helm of FTSE 100 companies and in the boardrooms of our banks, independent schools are – how can I best put this – handsomely represented.

You might hear some argue that these peaks have been scaled by older alumni of our great independent schools – and things have changed for younger generations.

But I fear that is not so.

Take sport – where by definition the biggest names are in their teens, twenties and thirties.

As Ed Smith, the Tonbridge-educated former England player, and current Times journalist, points out in his wonderful new book “Luck”:

Twenty-five years ago, of the 13 players who represented England on a tour of Pakistan, only one had been to a private school. In contrast, over two thirds of the current team are privately educated. You’re 20 times more likely to go on and play for England if you go to private school rather than state school.

The composition of the England rugby union team and the British Olympic team reveal the same trend.

Of those members of England’s first 15 born in England, more than half were privately educated.

And again, half the UK’s gold medallists at the last Olympics were privately educated, compared with seven per cent of the population.

It’s not just in sport that the new young stars all have old school ties.

It’s in Hollywood, Broadway and on our TV screens.

Hugh Laurie, Dominic West, Damian Lewis, Tom Hiddleston and Eddie Redmayne – all old Etonians.

One almost feels sorry for Benedict Cumberbatch – a lowly Harrovian – and Dan Stevens – heir to Downton Abbey and old boy of Tonbridge – is practically a street urchin in comparison.

If acting is increasingly a stage for public school talent one might have thought that at least comedy or music would be an alternative platform for outsiders.

But then –

Armando Iannucci, David Baddiel, Michael McIntyre, Jack Whitehall, Miles Jupp, Armstrong from Armstrong and Miller and Mitchell from Mitchell and Webb were all privately educated.

2010’s Mercury Music Prize was a battle between privately educated Laura Marling and privately-educated Marcus Mumford.

And from Chris Martin of Coldplay to Tom Chaplin of Keane – popular music is populated by public school boys.

Indeed when Keane were playing last Sunday on the Andrew Marr show everyone in that studio – the band, the presenter and the other guests – Lib Dem peer Matthew Oakeshott, Radio 3 Presenter Clemency Burton-Hill and Sarah Sands, editor of the London Evening Standard – were all privately educated.

Indeed it’s in the media that the public school stranglehold is strongest.

The Chairman of the BBC and its Director-General are public school boys.

And it’s not just the Evening Standard which has a privately-educated editor.

My old paper The Times is edited by an old boy of St Pauls and its sister paper the Sunday Times by an old Bedfordian.

The new editor of the Mail on Sunday is an old Etonian, the editor of the Financial Times is an old Alleynian and the editor of the Guardian is an Old Cranleighan.

Indeed the Guardian has been edited by privately educated men for the last 60 years…

But then many of our most prominent contemporary radical and activist writers are also privately educated.

George Monbiot of the Guardian was at Stowe, Seumas Milne of the Guardian was at Winchester and perhaps the most radical new voice of all –Laurie Penny of the Independent – was educated here at Brighton College.

Now I record these achievements not because I wish to either decry the individuals concerned or criticise the schools they attended. Far from it.

It is undeniable that the individuals I have named are hugely talented and the schools they attended are premier league institutions.

But the sheer scale, the breadth and the depth, of private school dominance of our society points to a deep problem in our country – one we all acknowledge but have still failed to tackle with anything like the radicalism required.

The scars of inequality run deep

We live in a profoundly unequal society.

More than almost any developed nation ours is a country in which your parentage dictates your progress.

Those who are born poor are more likely to stay poor and those who inherit privilege are more likely to pass on privilege in England than in any comparable county.

For those of us who believe in social justice this stratification and segregation are morally indefensible.

And for those of us who want to see greater economic efficiency it is a pointless squandering of our greatest asset – our children – to have so many from poorer backgrounds manifestly not achieving their potential.

When more Etonians make it to Oxbridge than boys and girls on benefit then we know we are not making the most of all our nation’s talents.

When hundreds of primary schools allow children to leave not able to read, write or add up properly we know we are indulging in a form of national self-harm so profound as to be disabling.

Even when disadvantaged children attend schools which perform well overall, they continue to lag behind their wealthier, luckier peers.

At Key Stage one – age 7 – the gap between pupils eligible for free school meals and their peers is already 11 percentage points in maths.

At Key Stage two 58 per cent of pupils known to be eligible for free school meals achieved the expected level in both English and mathematics compared with 78 per cent of all other pupils.

Then at GCSE – while results go up every year there remains a stubborn and unchanging gap in achievement between the number of disadvantaged pupils who achieved five A* to C GCSEs (including maths and English), and the rest of the population.

Look at the number securing GCSEs in the subjects which the best universities and employers value and the picture is even bleaker.

17 per cent of pupils achieved the English Baccalaureate – good GCSES in English, Maths, the sciences, a language and a humanities subject – in 2010, but only 8 per cent of pupils eligible for free school meals even took the exams – and only 4 per cent of children eligible for free school meals actually achieved it.

Pupils from deprived backgrounds are less than half as likely to go on to study at university as their peers.  A recent study by the Sutton Trust indicated that the majority of state secondary school teachers would not encourage gifted students to apply to Oxford and Cambridge. One in five of teachers polled said they would “never” encourage their brightest pupils to apply to Oxbridge – something which I doubt very strongly any teacher in the independent sector would say.

All around us, other countries are narrowing and even eradicating the attainment gap.

Deprived pupils in Hong Kong and Shanghai, who struggle with challenges far greater and more debilitating than any we know here, achieve as highly as their English peers from the most comfortable homes.

Only 24 per cent of disadvantaged students in the UK perform better than expected compared with 76 per cent in Shanghai, 72 per cent in Hong Kong and 46 per cent in Finland.

The OECD average is 31 per cent – putting the UK well behind countries like Poland, Greece, Slovenia, Mexico and Chile when it comes to making opportunity more equal.

But the tide is being turned

Despite the evidence that other nations are closing the gap between rich and poor through great state schooling, some in this country still argue that pupil achievement is overwhelmingly dictated by socio-economic factors.

They say that deprivation means destiny – that schools are essentially impotent in the face of overwhelming force of circumstance. And that we can’t expect children to succeed if they have been born into poverty, disability or disadvantage.

I simply don’t accept that.

Not just because other countries show us what can be done.

But because I believe such fatalism in the face of circumstance is a profoundly reactionary doctrine – it denies the possibility of progress through human action, it says to all those driven by idealism to enter the classroom that they are simply spectators in a pageant of futility.

And I am encouraged in my conviction by the knowledge that I am not alone – there are a growing number of schools proving that deprivation need not be destiny – that with the right teaching and the right values they can outperform everyone’s expectations.

As Dr Kevan Collins, Chief Executive of the Education Endowment Foundation, wrote recently in the Times Educational Supplement: “the real myth is the idea that a school where pupils eligible for free school meals do well must be a one-off, or have only a handful of disadvantaged students.”

On the contrary there are more than 440 secondary schools across the country – one in nine – where the average GCSE points score is higher for disadvantaged pupils than it is for all pupils.

These schools are scattered all over the country, and all over the spectrum of disadvantage.

Some have a higher than average proportion of children with special needs, some have a higher than average number eligible for free school meals, some have a higher than average number who don’t have English as a first language – and yet they all outperform schools with much more favoured intakes in much wealthier areas.

What they share is an unwavering, unapologetic focus on standards. Led by inspirational heads and teachers, every day, these schools are proving the pessimists and fatalists wrong.

They show us all that there need be no difference in performance – none whatsoever – between pupils from disadvantaged backgrounds and those from wealthier homes.

They show us that a difficult start in life can be overcome, with hard work and good teaching.

And that it is entirely possible for children to break free of the bonds of poverty and disadvantage, transforming a deprived start into a bright future.

If we want more children to enjoy these advantages and opportunities, we have to look at what characterises these successful schools.

And the most important lessons will not come as a surprise to you here – the schools which close the attainment gap – like Pimlico Academy, Lampton Academy, the Harris Academy Merton, Wembley High Technology College, Haberdasher’s Askes Hatcham College, Paddington Academy, Burlington Danes Academy, Mossbourne Community Academy, St Marylebone Church of England School and Brighton College’s own partner school Kingsford Community School – do what Brighton College does.

They demand high academic standards from every student – with Kingsford introducing all its students to Mandarin, and Burlington Danes ranking students in order by every subject every term to encourage a culture of excellence.

They are curriculum innovators with Mossbourne delivering intensive support for students who arrive with poor literacy and Pimlico developing a new core knowledge curriculum modelled on America’s best.

They recruit the best teachers – with schools like the Harris Academies training their own.

They operate outside their own four walls with Lampton Academy leading the Challenge partnership – a school improvement chain working across the country.

And they are all characterised by a sense of burning social mission – with free school meal pupils performing better than their peers in Wembley High and Pimlico.

Our reform programme is intended to ensure the virtues which characterise those schools are embedded across the school system. And we start with a relentless focus on overcoming disadvantage.

Intervention in the earliest years

We are acting across every stage of a child’s life to erode disadvantages of birth and background.

– With 15 hours of free education for the poorest two-year-olds,

– A progress check on all children between two and three,

– 15 hours of free education for all three- and four-year-olds,

– Better qualified staff in nurseries and other Early Years settings,

– A more rigorous Foundation Stage curriculum with more emphasis on literacy and numeracy.

Opening the joy of reading for every child

And – one of the most important interventions of all – starting next month – a check on every six-year-old to make sure they’re on track to read effortlessly.

Given that one in six eleven-year-olds is still struggling with reading when they leave primary school we are determined to drive up standards in the crucial skill of early reading.

If children can’t learn to read, they can’t read to learn. We are determined to help all children to become fluent and enthusiastic readers, with the life-changing skill of turning words on the page into images, information and ideas.

In a few weeks’ time, six-year-olds across the country will be checked to see how well they’ve mastered phonics – the method of teaching reading which has been proven to be most successful with all children, and particularly those from disadvantaged homes.

We have been clear that the results for the reading check will not be published in league tables, although schools will be required to tell parents their own child’s results – as parents have welcomed.

But last summer’s pilot saw only 32 per cent of children reaching the level which their teachers decided was appropriate – fewer than a third. By monitoring pupil progress at an early stage, the check will help teachers to identify those who need extra help and ensure that they don’t fall behind – indeed, almost half of schools in the pilot said the check identified pupils with reading difficulties of which they were not previously aware.

We’ve offered match-funding to help schools buy high-quality systematic synthetic phonics resources and training from a new, approved catalogue. Phonics and reading are becoming a key part of the new Ofsted inspection framework, with Ofsted inspectors listening to weaker readers as part of every primary school inspection.

From September, a thorough understanding of the teaching of systematic synthetic phonics will be prioritised in teacher training and required for all teachers of early reading.

And we’re introducing a reading competition to encourage all children to read widely and well, instilling the habit of regular reading for pleasure at an early age. Shockingly, a survey by the National Literacy Trust last year showed that a third of children do not own a single book, while two in five pupils in England never read for enjoyment.

The pace never slackens

We will ensure progress is maintained.

We have introduced a tough new primary school floor standard – meaning that a school will fall below the floor when fewer than 60 per cent of pupils achieve the ‘basics’ standard in both English and mathematics and fewer pupils than average make the expected levels of progress between Key Stage 1 and Key Stage 2.

At the moment, there are 1310 primaries below this floor – mostly those in poorer areas.

200 of the worst performing primary schools will convert to academy status with a strong sponsor, reopening in 2012.  And we’re aiming for academy status for hundreds more primary schools that have been below the floor for the last three years, ensuring all children get the high quality education they have a right to expect.

And for those schools which are stuck in mediocrity a tough new inspections framework will ensure they are held accountable for a failure to get children making progress.

There’s been some criticism recently of the new inspections framework and the new chief inspector.

I’ve listened to that criticism – I’ve considered carefully the arguments made – and I have to say on reflection – it’s misdirected at best, mischievous at worst.

Sir Michael Wilshaw is a visionary school leader who has spent his career in the state sector and has achieved amazing results for children from the poorest homes – when his critics achieve results like him, then I’ll believe their arguments carry the same weight as his experience.

He is determined to improve inspection, drive up standards, encourage great teaching and celebrate good leadership – he deserves the backing of everyone who wants children to succeed – and I shall do everything to ensure that whatever he wants – he gets.

Higher expectations for all

Because the whole point of education is to engage in a restless reach for self-improvement – and all too often, children have been let down by a failure to ensure they are stretched to the utmost.

That’s why we are increasing the number of specialist maths teachers, including prioritising places on primary ITT courses in 2012/13 that offer specialisms in mathematics.

And why we have accepted Lord Bew’s recommendation to assess spelling, punctuation, grammar and vocabulary as part of the writing test at Key Stage 2.

And at secondary:

We’ve introduced the English Baccalaureate to encourage more pupils to study the essential, core academic subjects prized by universities and employers.

In 2011, there were over 150 maintained mainstream schools where not a single pupil – not one – was entered for all the EBacc subjects. I would hazard a guess that it would be hard to find more than a few private schools which would say the same.

In a world where disadvantaged children are all too often barred from elite universities because they don’t know or aren’t told which qualifications they will need, the EBacc’s unequivocal statement of priority is the single greatest aid we have in widening access to elite universities.

And I’m delighted to say that we’re already seeing numbers climbing. From 23 per cent of pupils entering the EBacc combination of subjects in 2011, the proportion has climbed to 47 per cent in 2013 – and hopefully will continue on this upward trajectory, higher and steeper still.

Time spent on teaching history, geography and modern languages has risen by 10 per cent. In 2011 there were around 3400 more teachers teaching in these subjects and an increase of 23,000 teaching hours on the previous year. In languages, for example, the number of pupils set to sit language GCSEs next year has increased by 22 per cent to 52 per cent.

Highly able pupils attending the most disadvantaged schools are also 10 times more likely to take a vocational qualification than those in wealthier areas.

Building on the Wolf Review, we’re making sure that vocational qualifications up to 16 are rigorous and well-respected – and ensuring that vocational qualifications after 16 offer students a high-quality route into employment or further study. Qualifications must be externally assessed and must enable progression to a wide range of study and employment opportunities.

Vocational qualifications are hugely important, and will continue to be so – so we are working hard to ensure that they are just as ambitious and useful as academic courses.

At A Level, Ofqual admits that more than a decade of “persistent grade inflation” which was “impossible to justify” has undermined A levels and GCSEs, we’ve invited top academics and university lecturers to get involved in raising standards and making examinations more rigorous.

And we’ve allowed further education lecturers into schools to share their expertise and experience with as wide a pool of students as possible.

And to ensure the money is there to help accelerate progress in closing that gap, we’ve introduced the Pupil Premium to support disadvantaged pupils, allowing schools to decide how funding is used to answer their pupils’ needs.

Independent schools succeed because leaders give a clear and consistent message about the values of their institution – and every message the Prime Minister and Deputy Prime Minister send to the school system is about one thing – making opportunity more equal.

But independent schools also succeed because as well as setting high expectations – and sending a clear message about values – they encourage professionals to take responsibility for what happens in their classrooms – to innovate in pursuit of excellence.

Freedom to concentrate on what matters

And that’s why we’ve given all schools greater freedoms to meet the standards we expect.

Greater freedoms over the school day, week and year; freedom from excessive, centrally-generated bureaucracy and overwhelming government guidance; freedom to decide who to hire, to get involved in ITT and to devise their own CPD; and greater autonomy in tackling  poor pupil behaviour, taking a sensible approach to exclusions and keeping order in the classroom.

And, of course, we’ve invited schools to gain greater independence within the state sector by becoming academies.

Already, over half of all secondary schools are open or in the process of opening as academies, teaching over one and a half million children. During March more than 140 schools applied for academy status (the highest rate since May last year) and every month, now, more primaries than secondaries are applying to convert.

In some parts of the country, more than half of all secondary schools are now academies. In some local areas, it’s almost every secondary school.

And these freedoms are already making a difference.

Evidence shows that sponsored academies are improving at twice the rate of other schools, and have been doing so for a decade.

Across the whole Academies programme, rigorous research from the National Audit Office has shown that the attainment rate for FSM pupils in academies improved by 8.3 percentage points between 2009 and 2010 – almost double the national improvement rate for FSM pupils, 4.6 percentage points.

In other words, the best academies are driving up standards for those children who have the worst start in life almost twice as quickly as other schools. And they’re doing it by giving great heads in the state system the freedom you have in the independent sector – to concentrate on education not bureaucracy.

To take one minor but telling example: one head recently told my Department that since becoming an academy his senior staff have saved 43 days a year previously spent in “irrelevant” local authority meetings.

As well as converting and sponsored academies, Free Schools are being established and driving social mobility, particularly in areas where deprivation is high and parents are crying out for new schools – brilliant centres of innovation like King’s Science Academy Bradford, The London Academy of Excellence, West London Free School and Norwich Free School.

Evidence from America has shown that new schools can bring dramatic improvements in school standards, especially schools for poorer children in poor areas.

And true to form, over a third of the 2011 Free School openers are located in the 20 per cent most deprived areas of the country – half in the 30 per cent most deprived areas.

Although it is too early to confirm, the majority of the groups seeking to open a Free School in 2012 or later have proposed sites which are in the 50 per cent most deprived areas of the country.

Beyond all these structural changes, we’re concentrating on the staff who bring schools to life.

The importance of teaching

Richard’s single-minded focus on high-quality teaching at Brighton was rightly singled out by Sunday Times judges as one of the factors in this school’s meteoric success.

And the recent report on social mobility from the all-party-parliamentary group found that teacher quality is not only the number one factor in educational outcomes, it’s the number one factor in narrowing the gap between rich and poor.

One study from the US found that effective teaching can make a difference of a whole additional year of progress to poor pupils.

Yet schools where more than 20 per cent of pupils are eligible for free school meals are more likely to be rated worse in their teaching, and their teachers are less likely to have come from an outstanding teacher training institution.

Through the new network of 200 Teaching Schools and over 600 National Leaders of Education, we’re giving the teaching profession far greater autonomy over school improvement, recruitment, ITT and CPD, nurturing talent in the next generation of teachers and sharing best practice between schools.

We’ve already designated 1000 Specialist Leaders of Education, testament to the prodigious teaching and leadership talent already working in schools today, and we’re providing incentives for the brightest and best graduates to enter the classroom.

We’re targeting these incentives particularly at the crucial subjects of Maths and Sciences – all the more important when more than half of newly qualified maths teachers don’t have a degree in maths.

Nothing, but nothing, is more important than the quality of teaching.

As you will appreciate, this Government is neither idle nor complacent in the face of the inequality which scars our society.

And that is because we know that progress – for individuals or society – is not a matter of laissez-faire but leadership.

And because we recognise that Governments must take sides in debates – we must be for aspiration, ambition, hard work and excellence – for success based on merit and a celebration of those who do succeed.

How will we know if we’ve succeeded – well success may be decided by events far beyond this parliament – will we, for example, ever see a comprehensive boy or girl ever edit the Guardian? Perhaps not in my lifetime…

But – seriously – we know we are making progress when we hear the opposition from vested interests – from those in trade unions who put adults interests before children’s, from those in local Government who put protecting their power before fulfilling children’s potential, from those who have acquiesced in a culture of low expectations who resist any form of accountability for failure.

That opposition is out there – entrenched, organised, vocal and determined – and it is hoping we in the Coalition Government fail – but if we fail then so do thousands more of our poorest children – and we cannot let that happen.


text:
Patrick McLoughlin – 2013 Speech on Rail Privatisation

Patrick McLoughlin
Patrick McLoughlin

Below is the text of the speech made by the Secretary of State for Transport, Patrick McLoughlin, on rail privatisation. The speech was made on 12th November 2013 at the European Rail Congress.

Thanks for that introduction.

It’s a pleasure to join you today.

This is an industry with an increasingly international – indeed global – outlook.

So it’s great to welcome delegates and speakers from across Europe to London for this inaugural European Rail Congress.

It is fitting that the subject of my speech this afternoon is “rail growth through competition.”

Because the UK railway was privatised almost exactly 20 years ago.

In fact the Railways Act came into effect on November 5 1993, breaking up the state-run British Rail, and transforming the face of our railway for ever.

Nobody back then could have predicted the extraordinary changes that have taken place over the subsequent 2 decades.

So today I want to reflect on the UK’s experience of privatisation.

On the many benefits that it’s brought to us as a country.

But I also want to talk about the challenges we’ve faced.

And the lessons we’ve learnt along the way.

Let me start by taking you back to the late 1980s.

I was a junior transport minister in Margaret Thatcher’s last government.

And I remember what our railway was like under a single, publicly-owned operator.

Rail was an industry in decline.

In fact it had been declining since the motorways were built in the 1950s and ‘60s.

The infrastructure was in need of urgent attention.

Reliability was poor.

And like other monolithic state institutions, British Rail had a culture that hampered rather than encouraged innovation.

It’s true that public subsidy under British Rail was comparatively low, but that reflected underinvestment in tracks and trains, rather than an efficient and sustainable business model.

We knew things could be better.

Because we’d already successfully sold off other utilities, like British Aerospace, British Gas, and Rolls-Royce.

Introducing competition.

Improving performance.

Widening share-holding.

And reducing the burden on the taxpayer.

It was against this background that we privatised the railway.

But expectations weren’t high.

Rail travel had dwindled to such an extent that most people thought the private train operators would manage a decline in both passenger and freight traffic.

How wrong they were.

Privatisation sparked a railway renaissance.

Since 1993, passenger journeys have doubled in the UK to a level not seen since the 1920s.

On a network roughly the same size as 15 years ago, today our railway is running 4,000 more services a day.

And rail freight has grown by 60%.

Revenue is up more than £3 billion since privatisation, almost all of it due to higher passenger numbers rather than fare rises

Safety levels are at an all time high.

Punctuality is at near record levels.

And passenger satisfaction is up by 10% over the past decade.

None of this would have happened without privatisation.

Without competition.

Without franchises investing in better services.

Without an industry structure promoting accountability and incentivising growth.

Yet the job is far from over.

We still face some considerable challenges – challenges that must be met if we’re to build on the achievements of the past 20 years.

The first is: how to meet rising demand.

Because we didn’t just inherit a record public deficit in 2010 – we also inherited an infrastructure deficit.

Our main intercity network was built to serve a Victorian economy, not a 21st century one.

Historic underinvestment left the railway ill-prepared to meet soaring demand – which was triggered not just by privatisation, but also by 15 years of subsequent economic growth.

By 2010, the railway was in need of urgent investment, both in the short term, and in the longer term, to achieve a step change in capacity.

We therefore embarked on an unprecedented rail modernisation programme.

Between 2014 and 2019, infrastructure operator Network Rail will spend over £38 billion running and expanding our railway.

Improvements include an extra 140,000 seats on peak services by the end of the decade.

A major electrification programme.

A multi-billion pound deal to replace intercity rolling stock.

And a new high capacity railway for London and the south east called Crossrail.

But even this ambitious package of improvements will not provide us with the space we need to grow.

Major routes like the West Coast line will be overwhelmed by 2025 if we fail to act.

So we are currently taking a Bill through Parliament to deliver HS2 – a new high speed rail network for the UK.

With construction due to start in 2017, HS2 will connect London with Birmingham, Manchester and Leeds.

It will boost capacity by almost 20,000 seats an hour.

And it will slash journey times between 8 of our 10 biggest cities.

HS2 will free up space on the existing network for more commuter services and freight.

It will give customers more choice about how to travel.

And it will make our railway more competitive.

And that brings me onto the second major challenge.

Getting down costs.

By 2010, our railway was the most expensive in Europe.

At a time when we faced the largest public deficit in UK history, and when we made a commitment to tackle waste and profligacy across government, reducing the cost of the railway became an urgent priority.

We’ve made good progress.

The rail subsidy for England and Wales fell from £4 billion in 2009 to 2010 to £3.2 billion in 2011 to 2012.

We’ve tasked the industry to make savings of £3.5 billion a year.

And we’ve put a lid on expensive fare rises.

This is just the start.

There is still a long way to go before we hit our cost saving targets, and before we can achieve our goal of ending above-inflation fare increases.

Turning round the performance of such a huge industry is a big job.

But it’s one we are determined to finish.

The final big challenge is modernising the railway for the customer.

Fares and ticketing, for example, is still complex and impenetrable.

So we’ve recently completed a major review of the fares and ticketing system.

By making it simpler and more user-friendly, more people will travel by rail, and they’ll also have a much better experience.

So we’re trialling a flexible ticketing system which will meet the needs of individual travellers.

Ultimately, we would like to see passengers use smartcards for use across the network, and on different types of transport.

Operators are investing in better stations, better trains and better facilities.

But to improve the railway for passengers, we’re also encouraging them to collaborate more closely with Network Rail.

One operator, South West Trains, has joined with Network Rail to create a single management team responsible for both trains and track.

This kind of joined-up working isn’t bad for competition.

Neither is it an end to the market.

It’s an example of how to make things work.

And how to respond to the needs of passengers.

There are enormous gains to be made from aligning objectives, so that different parts of the industry do what they do best for the benefit of passengers – whether it’s selling tickets, running signals or fixing track.

So 20 years on, what have we learnt from privatisation?

Well, we’ve learnt that it can transform the fortunes of the railway.

Turning decline into growth.

Boosting revenue, and passenger satisfaction.

But we’ve also learnt that growth must be managed in a sustainable and responsible way.

We failed as a country to plan for growth.

To look beyond our immediate needs and build for the future.

And to keep a close control of costs.

Now we’re sorting out these problems, our railway is in a better position than it has been for decades.

Franchising might still be criticised by those who want to turn backwards.

Who haven’t learnt any lessons from the past.

But now we’ve got a structure that’s working.

Encouraging innovation through competition.

Allowing the private sector to do what it does best.

But also collaborating for the benefit of the customer.

And building the capacity we need to grow.

Rail privatisation has made Britain a better country.

But if we heed the lessons I’ve talked about today, then we can look forward to an even brighter future.

Thank you.


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In November Underfall Yard Volunteers and staff were updated by Bristol City Council’s Docks Engineer Ian Johnson on his plans for the Harbour in 2019 and beyond. Following Ian’s talk, volunteers were invited to ask questions about water management in the Harbour. During a wide-ranging and fascinating session many interesting points were highlighted.

Ian Johnson Talk Nov 2018

Docks Engineer Ian Johnson addresses Underfall Yard volunteers.

Plans for 2019

  • Since it was last dredged in 2015 the Harbour has acquired 62,000 cubic metres of silt which has created some shallow areas.
  • Water injection dredging will be used to clear the silt. This will involve injecting water at low pressure into the silt to create a slurry. Since there is a current through the Harbour the slurry will flow towards the Entrance Locks and the deep sluice at the Underfall Yard, from where it will be released at low tide and washed out to sea.
  • 2019 will see the commencement of the most detailed survey of the Harbour’s walls, bed and depth ever undertaken. Much of the data collected will be made available to the public.
  • Redcliffe Bascule Bridge is the only Bridge on the Harbour that lifts rather than swings and investigations are underway to get it working again.

Water Management

  • Often overlooked, Netham Weir is critical as it controls the height of the water in the Floating Harbour.
  • The River Frome reacts very quickly to heavy rain. The Environment Agency operate an interceptor in Eastville (beside Ikea’s carpark) which is crucial to stop Bristol from flooding.
  • The hydraulic machinery that operates the Entrance Locks sits on concrete plinths that are calculated to offer protection from the anticipated ‘100-year flood’.

  • After some forty years of post-industrial redevelopment, the Harbour is now ecologically ‘clean’. Bristol’s cormorants (and the fish they eat) are good evidence of this.
  • The Harbour becomes less salty as one moves away from the Cumberland Basin. This can be seen in the different species of fish found at different parts of the Harbour.

We are very grateful to Ian for sharing his expertise and knowledge with us and illuminating the essential work carried out by his team from the Underfall Yard.

Underfall Yard has many volunteering opportunities in several different roles from explaining the Yard and the Harbour to visitors to helping repair historic machinery in our workshop. Please see here for more information.


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CLAY JENKINSON: The Jefferson Watch — Have You Looked Around, Mr. Jefferson?

John Adams believed three things that drive an utopian like Jefferson nuts. First, he believed that aristocracy will always be with us in one form or another. In Europe, this works by hereditary emoluments and privileges. The Duke of Northumberland is always the father of the next Duke of Northumberland and the son of the last one, downhill forever through history, together with vast estates, whole sections of London, and thousands of retainers.

In the United States, with its constitutional prohibition on titles of nobility, you perhaps cannot be called the Duke of Something-or-Other, but you can be a Rockefeller, a Mellon, a Carnegie, a Kennedy, a Bush, or for that matter a Kardashian, a Vanderbilt or a Clooney.

Adams understood that this kind of aristocracy — in which certain families somehow accumulated vast amounts of property and power — is simply a fact of life. You can rail against it until you go hoarse in the throat, but the only sensible thing to do is to get used to it and try to turn their enormous power toward philanthropic ends, the Rockefeller Foundation or the Pew Memorial Trust.

You have to keep a tight vigilance on these families, Adams believed. He thought, though we don’t, that the best place for them with the United States Senate.

The second of Adams’ foundational beliefs was that you can never build a republic in which everyone is equal. You can try, you can reshuffle all the property and divvy it up equally among the whole population. But it won’t work. Give it a few years in a free and equalitarian society, and you’ll find that a handful of individuals once again own most of the country and most of the wealth, that a large mass of people in a middling condition will exist, all wanting more, and then there will be a significant class of poor people who either barely keep their heads above water or wind up being wards of the state or the parish or some other entity.

After all of this redistribution in the name of social equality, the new rich may not be precisely the same as the old rich, though probably they will, but the new rich will hold most of the wealth and they will forget their beginnings and lord it over everyone else. They will expect, and they will get, special privileges in the society. They will mark off playgrounds for themselves that regular people cannot afford — because they lack the money, are not admitted to the exclusive clubs, don’t wear the proper clothing, don’t speak with the correct English accent.

The third and perhaps most important of Adams’ fundamental principles is that the central human impulse is not to sympathy or justice or generosity or love of truth. It’s not to gratitude or benevolence or philanthropy. In Adam’s world, the central human impulse, the dynamo right at the center of your personality, is a rage for distinction.

You want to be the captain of the football team, or at least the captain of the chess club. You want to be the greatest warrior in Afghanistan or at least the best in your neighborhood at the video game “Call of Duty.” You want to be the prettiest girl in your graduating class or at least the prettiest at your 30th reunion. You want to be tallest guy on the team, highest scorer on the team, the only one on the team named to the All-Academic All-Stars. You want to be the youngest full partner of the law firm or youngest tenured professor in southeast central Arkansas state college, or the richest man in Broken Bow, Neb., or the guy at the sports bar who knows the most NFL trivia or — even better — the one who met Michael Jordan at a celebrity golf tournament at Tahoe. Class president or class clown. The one who got into Harvard or the one who was expelled for turning loose twenty rattlesnakes at the homecoming dance.

Whatever it takes to have distinction, preferably a unique distinction. I actually knew a guy in high school who, at beer parties, would eventually be talked into going outside and trying to urinate over the top of the garage. I’m not joking. He occasionally could accomplish this tremendous feat of sheer human athleticism and will, and we celebrated him for it, as if he had cracked the DNA code or run the three-minute mile. So far as I know that was all that he could do — his sole distinction in life — and, of course, it was not for all markets, not for church suppers or a one man Broadway show. And, if you think about the nature of the male prostate gland, he’s probably lucky now if he can pee over the lip of his toilet, but at all-class reunions people (by which I mean men who never grew up) gather around him, even now, as if he were the Joe Namath of competitive peeing.

John Adams said this was the central human impulse — this rage for distinction. Think about this in your own life. Where is your distinction from the herd — now numbering 340 million rival human beings in America alone? What do you have or do that marks you as remarkable, or perhaps unique? Is it your pineapple upside-down cake, or the size of your … hot tub? Is it the time share you have at Cabo? Is it the quality of your tube-type stereo system?

John Adams says you may not be willing to admit it (though you probably are all too willing to admit it), but there is something, some talent, some access, some achievement, some birthright or purchase that gives you a sense of competitive advantage, whether you can roll your eyes all the back into your head or flop your ears to play the national anthem in Morse code. Somewhere in your story, says John Adams, you hang your competitive hat on that distinction.

These Adams propositions — that aristocrats will always be with us, that equality is a lovely fairy tale and that the rage for distinction is at the center of all human endeavor — were designed to confound dreamers like Thomas Jefferson. For Jefferson believed that we could at the very least replace the pseudo-Aristocracy (individuals born into wealth and privilege) with what he called Natural Aristocracy, and we would call meritocracy.

Jefferson believed that we could distribute the fruits of life more equitably than in any previous civilization in the history of the world, and we could perpetuate that essential equality by enlightened redistributive laws (equal inheritance to all children, for example), and, of course, by buying a “Louisiana Purchase” now and then. And he believed that the central human impulses were actually those of sympathy, benevolence, generosity and friendship.

To which John Adams would say, “Have you looked around lately, Mr. Jefferson?” Or as he actually did say once, “No doubt you was fast asleep in philosophical tranquility,” Mr. Jefferson, while the American expression of the French Revolution roiled through the streets of Philadelphia in 1793.

Yes, I would like to be the greatest Thomas Jefferson scholar. I would like to be the Muse of the Little Missouri River Valley in the Badlands of North Dakota. I would like to write the best book ever written about Lewis and Clark. I would like to be “the” North Dakota, for what little that may be worth to you who live in better states. And though my days of garage peeing contests are long over, I would like now to be able to get through the night without having to get up to pee. There’s my rage for distinction, indeed.

One thought on “CLAY JENKINSON: The Jefferson Watch — Have You Looked Around, Mr. Jefferson?”

  • Katherine Tweed May 12, 2018 at 2:03 pm

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Welcome to Unified Wholesale Grocers

"Uniting the Indendent Retailer"

Unified Wholesale Grocers was formed to serve the needs of Boutique and Small independent supermarkets, NSA, convenient stores and the bodega community of stores in the southern geographical area of Florida. We mainly serve Florida’s Gold Coast, Palm Beach, Broward, Miami- Dade and Monroe Counties.

Unified Wholesale Grocers represents a new approach to serving the growing needs of the Boutique and Small independent supermarkets, NSA, convenience and bodega stores in the southern region of Florida. Unified has been designed to carry an extensive line of groceries priced most competitively to help keep its customer base in a position to grow and prosper utilizing its available funds to its greatest advantage. “We Help Smaller Stores Get Bigger”

Unified Wholesale Grocers modern distribution center maintains a 24/7 operation allowing its customers to keep a most fluid operation with the least amount of investment to maintain a full proper mix of products.

Unified Wholesale Grocers has a current customer base of over 700 active accounts and is constantly searching to extend this group of outlets. Unified maintains its own professional Buying Department and its own Sales Department.

See our featured story in Today's Grocer:
todaysgrocer.com (Volume 56, No. 10, Page 4).

Contact Us

337 N Bryan Rd
Dania Beach, FL 33004

Phone: (954) 720-4446
Fax: (954) 720-4404
( Hablamos Espanol )


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Back to All Events

Master the IRONMAN Canada Course 2015

Thursday Jul 23, 2015 – Sunday Jul 26, 2015

Hosted by Four Season Resort Whistler & UPRISE Performance, BC Canada. Preview the IRONMAN Canada course and receive VIP access to the registration, bike drop and more.

Become a master of the course before the race begins.

All current or potential competitors are invited to participate in our high value, low cost IRONMAN Canada "Master the Course" program. Our expertise will be used to provide you with unprecedented pre-race course access to save you time; and prepare you both mentally, and tactically.

Athletes during our recent IRONMAN Canada course preview.

You deserve everything that will help deliver your best results this year and we have the tools for you. It's a rare treatment to be found during the final training stages of your IRONMAN Canada race. As far as mental preparation goes, this is critical. It's time to elevate your game.

Hosted at Four Seasons Resort Whistler, the Master the IRONMAN Canada course will address all your pre-race preparation needs.

  • All local transportation. Tour all three stages and use our local knowledge.
  • Professional bike handling and assembly.
  • Express packet pick up and bike drop off
  • In Transit Education Sessions: Nutrition 101 & 102, Transition planning
  • UPRISE Gift Bag with some of UPRISE tested/proven fuel products

Pricing: $350 per person for the duration of the schedule.


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Home Alarm Systems

A security system is only useful if it is properly installed, maintained, and used consistently. At Urban Alarm, we offer flexible and complete solutions for your specific needs. We can install a new system in your home or take over the monitoring of the one already in place. We use the best practices in the industry to ensure that you have a cost-effective, reliable, and easy-to-use solution for your security needs.

At Urban Alarm, we provide security alarm system installation in existing homes as well as new construction homes. Typically, for new construction homes, we install hardwired security system systems. Wireless systems are commonly used for retrofitting a system in existing homes.

Features and Benefits of Residential Alarm Systems

  • No long-term monitoring contracts: we keep our customers because they are happy with the service, not because they are locked into a long-term contract.
  • High quality product: the alarm systems installed by Urban Alarm use equipment that is widely considered to be of the highest quality and is mostly manufactured in the United States.
  • Variety of solutions: we offer more options for monitoring communications than any other alarm company in the region.Some examples are: phone line, internet, cellular, and SNAP Radio. In most new installations, we recommend monitoring with at least two communication paths.
  • Convenience: our mobile applications allow you to manage your alarm system through your mobile phone or a web browser. Capabilities include basic arming and disarming of the system, as well as user management, schedule management, and more.
  • Trust: all staff are employees and have background checks. We do not send subcontractors into your home.
  • Mobile Patrol: our Mobile Community Patrol is available to check your house, respond to alarms, and provide various concierge services. Urban Alarm is the only alarm company in Washington DC with a mobile patrol.

Typical Applications of Alarm Systems

A basic alarm system will cover all of your entry doors and ground-accessible windows. As a second line of detection, it will also include several interior motion sensors. A more comprehensive alarm system will cover all windows with sensors so as to detect if doors and windows are opened, as well as if glass panes are broken.

Systems will have one or more “keypads” in areas where you may want to arm or disarm the system or simply check its status. Other common controls include panic buttons and environmental sensors (for monitoring combustible gas, water, and/or temperature sensors).

During consultations, we will discuss your specific property and concerns you may have. Upon review, we will present various options and make specific recommendations to meet your needs.

Urban Alarm Monitoring Service

Urban Alarm offers more options for alarm system monitoring than any other alarm company in the Washington DC region. Each option has its advantages.

In most cases we recommend alarm monitoring via IP (i.e. Internet), with backup monitoring via Cellular or SNAP Radio. This approach offers the speed and performance of the Internet with the reliability of two pathways. SNAP Radio (where available) offers one of the most reliable options in the industry.

Our monitoring centers give you Total Peace of Mind because they:

  • Are Underwriters Laboratories, Inc. (UL) Listed as a result of meeting the industry standards for burglary and fire protective signaling
  • Are Members of the National Burglar & Fire Alarm Association (NBFAA) and the Security Industry Association (SIA), which aid in staying current on new technological advances
  • Employ the latest in telephone technology so calls are quick and dependable
  • Utilize two generators for extended power backup during adverse conditions
  • Operate two computer systems, each, for alarm processing and backup
  • Have Quality Assurance Teams monitor calls to ensure accurate and professional service

Frequently Asked Questions

Urban Alarm Residential Security Technology Parterns


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We are a peopleOne people . . . . When we sink, we become a revolutionary proletariat, the subordinate officers of a revolutionary party; when we rise, there rises also our terrible power of the purse.

Theodore Herzl, A Jewish State, pp. 5, 23.

The Historic Basis of Jewish Imperialism

A great unloosening of speech with reference to the Jewish Question and the Jewish program for world power has occurred in this country since the beginning of this series of articles. It is now possible to pronounce the word Jew in a perfectly serious discussion, without timidity, or without intimidation. Heretofore that has been regarded as the special prerogative of the Jewish publicists themselves and they have used the name exclusively in well-organized and favorable propaganda. They can oust portions of Shakespeare from the public schools on the ground that the Jews are offended; they can demand the removal of one of Sargents paintings from the Boston Library because it represents the Synagogue in a decline. But when anything emanates from the Gentile side which indicates that the Gentile is also conscious of the Jew, then the charge of prejudice is instantly and strongly made. The effect of that in this country has been a ban on speech which has had few parallels in our history. Recently at a banquet a speaker used the term Jews in reference to the actions of a group of Jewish bankers. A Jewish guest leaped to his feet demanding to know if the speaker considered it American to single out a race that way. The speaker replied, I do, sir, and received the approval of the audience. In that particular part of the country, business mens tongues had been tied for years by the unwritten law that Jews must never by singled out as Jews.

No one would have predicted a year ago that a newspaper like the Chicago Tribune could have convinced itself that it was good newspaper policy to print in the first column of its first page a copyrighted article on the Jewish program for world rule, printing the word Jew in large letters in its headline, and abstaining from editorial retouching of the word Jew in the body of the article. The usual plan is to do what an eastern newspaper did when dealing with the same subject: wherever the term international Jew occurred in the article which it printed, it was retouched to financiers.

The Chicago Tribune, however, on Saturday, June 19, 1920, printed in the first column of the first page a cable dispatch from John Clayton, its special correspondent, under the heading: Trotsky Leads Jew-Radicals to World Rule. Bolshevism Only a Tool for His Scheme.

The first paragraph reads as follows:

For the last two years army intelligence officers, members of the various secret service organizations of the Entente, have been bringing in reports of a world revolutionary movement other than Bolshevism. At first these reports confused the two, but latterly the lines they have taken have begun to be more and more clear.

As previously stated in THE DEARBORN INDEPENDENT, our own secret service is one of these, though there is reason to believe that because of the influence of Jews upon the government these investigations were not pursued with the persistency that might otherwise have been given them. However, we know from Jewish sources, not to mention any other, that the Department of Justice of the United States was at one time interested enough to make inquiries.

What the Tribune writer does in the above paragraph is to show that this interest has been sustained for two years by officials of the Entente, a fact which ought to be borne in mind by those who declare that the whole matter is of German instigation. The emergence of the Jewish Question into American thought was immediately met by a statement from Jewish sources that it was a German importation, and that the anti-Semitism which flowed over Germany and resulted in cleaning out the overwhelming Jewish revolutionary influences from the new German Government, was only a trick to throw the blame for the defeat of Germany on the Jews. American rabbis are even now unitedly preaching that history shows that every great war is followed by a new attack on the Jews. It is undoubtedly a fact that every war newly opens the peoples eyes to the power which international Jewish financiers exert with reference to warand it would seem that such a fact is worthy of a better explanation than that of prejudice. However, as the Tribune article shows, and as all the facts confirm, the interest is not confined to the German side; indeed, it is not even strongest there. It is the various secret service organizations of the Entente that have been most active in the matter.

The second paragraph further distinguishes between Bolshevism and Jewish imperialism:

Bolshevism aims at the overthrow of existing society and the establishment of an international brotherhood of men who work with their hands as rulers of the world. The second movement aims for the establishment of a new racial domination of the world. So far as the British, French and our own departments inquiry have been able to trace, the moving spirits in the second scheme are Jewish radicals.

Other statements in the article are:

Within the ranks of communism is a group of this party, but it does not stop there. To its leaders, communism is only an incident.

(This will recall the statement of Lord Eustace Percy, quoted last week from the Canadian Jewish ChronicleNot because the Jew cares for the positive side of radical philosophy, not because he desires to be a partaker in Gentile nationalism or Gentile democracy, but because no existing Gentile system of government is anything but distasteful to him.)

They are ready to use the Islamic revolt, hatred by the central empires for England, Japans designs on India, and commercial rivalry between America and Japan.

As any movement of world revolution must be, this is primarily anti-Anglo-Saxon.

The organization of the world Jewish-radical movement has been perfected in almost every land.

The aims of the Jewish-radical party have nothing of altruism behind them beyond liberation of their own race.

It will be conceded that these are rather startling statements. If they were found in a propagandist publication of no responsibility, the average reader might pass them by as preposterous, so little does the average reader know of the secret influences which shape his life and frame his problems. But appearing in a great newspaper, they must receive a different evaluation.

Nor did the Tribune stop at the news article. On June 21, 1920, an editorial appeared entitled World Mischief. The editorial is evidently an effort to prevent possible misunderstanding of what the news article was driving at.

The Jewish phase of the movement, he asserts, aims at a new racial domination of the world . . .

The Tribune also says that while it is perhaps natural for the Jews of other countries to be engaged in this world mischief, the Jews of England and the United States are loyal nationalists and conservative upholders of the national traditions. It were well if this were true. Perhaps it is true of tens of thousands of Jews as individuals; it certainly is not true of those internationalists who pull the strings of all the governments and who during the last six tragic years have been meddling with world affairs in a way which must soon be plainly told. The unfortunate circumstance is that all the American and English Jews must for a time feel a distress which no one desires them to feel, which everyone would do much to save them from, but which seems inevitable until the whole story is told and until the mass of the Jews themselves cut off from their name and support some who now receive their deepest homage.

It is worth while observing the contrasts and similarities between the Gentile and Jewish reaction to this alleged movement to establish a Jewish imperialism over the world. Jewish publicists first deny it without qualification. It is all false, all a lie, all hatched up by enemies of the Jews in order to stir up hatred and murder. As the evidence accumulates, the Jewish tone changes: Well, suppose it is true, the publicists say; is it any wonder that the poor oppressed Jews, driven to madness through their sufferings, should dream dreams of overthrowing their enemies and placing themselves in the seat of authority?

The Gentile mind, confronted with the statement, says: Yes, but they are Russian Jews. Dont mind them. American Jews are all right. They would never be taken in by anything like that. Going a little deeper into the subject, the Gentile mind is forced to admit the existence of some kind of a subversive world movement, the power of which has shaken even this country, and that the moving spirits in it are revolutionary Jews. And then the tendency from that point forward is either to fall in with the theory that the movement is really Jewish in its origin, agitation, execution and purpose, or to set up the theory that it is a world movement undoubtedly, but only incidentally Jewish. The end of both Jewish and Gentile reaction is an admission that something answering to the movement charged actually exists.

For example, the Christian Science Monitor, whose standard as a newspaper no one will question, has this to say in a lengthy editorial on the subject:

In spite of this, it would be a tremendous mistake to conclude that the Jewish peril, given another name and atmosphere, does not exist. It might, indeed, be renamed, out of one of the grandest of the books of the Old Testament, the terror by night, for it is, essentially, the Psalmists concept of the forces of mental evil at which, consciously or unconsciously, Professor Nilus is aiming. In other words, that a secret international political organization exists, working unremittingly by means of its Bureau of Psychology, though the world which should be awake to it is entirely asleep to it, is, to the man who can read the signs of the times, a thing unquestionable.

The Monitor gives warning against prejudice and disregard of the laws of evidence which is exceedingly timely and is, indeed, the desire of anyone who has ever undertaken to deal with this subject, but too often it is a disregard of facts and not of evidence that makes the difficulty. It is safe to say that most of the prejudice today is against the facts, it has not been caused by them.

There are two preconceptions to be guarded against in making an approach to this question. One is that the Jewish imperialistic program, if such a thing exists, is of recent origin. Upon the mere mention of such a program, Gentiles are likely to think that it was formulated last week, or last year, or within recent time. That need not be the case at all, and in Jewish matters it is very likely not to be the case. It is very easy to see how, if the program were to be formulated today, it would be wholly different from the one which is to be considered. The kind of program that would be made today indeed exists too, but it is not to be compared in extent and profundity with that which has existed for a very long time. Perfect constitutions of invisible governments are not the creations of secret conventions; they are the accumulated thought and experience of centuries. Moreover, no matter how prone a modern generation may be to disregard such things, the mere fact that they may have existed as a secret racial ideal for centuries is a powerful argument for their respectable acceptance, if not active execution, by the generation that now is. There is no idea deeper in Judaism than that Jews constitute a Chosen People and that their future is to be more glorious than their past. A large part of the Christian world accepts that, too, and it may well be true, but in a moral universe it cannot come to pass by the methods which have been and are being used.

But to mention the ancient lineage of the idea of the Chosen People is merely to suggest that of all the programs that may have gathered round it to assist its full historical realization, it is not strange that there should be one very old one to which the wisest minds of Israel have contributed their best of mind and heart to insure its success. That there is such a plan has been the belief of many deep delvers in the hidden things of the world, and that such a plan has at times had its dress rehearsals, so to speak, on a limited stage, as if in preparation for its grand finale on the universal stage, is another belief held by men at whose knowledge it is impossible to cavil.

So, then, it may be that we are dealing with something for which present-day Jews, even the more important internationalists, are not originally responsible. It may have come to them as part of their ancient Jewish inheritance. Certainly, if it were a mere modern thing, hastily conceived and thrown together after the modern fashion, it could be expected to disappear in the same era which saw it born.

Another preconception to be guarded against is that every Jew one meets has secret knowledge of this program. That is not the case. With the general idea of the ultimate triumph of Israel every Jew who has retained contact with his people is familiar, but with the special plans which for centuries have existed in formulated form for the attainment of that triumph, the average Jew is no more familiar than anyone elseno more so than was the average German with the secret plans of the Pan-Germanic party whose ideas started and guided the recent war. The average Jew enters into the plans of the secret group just to this extent, except in specially selected cases: It is perfectly understood that the consummation of the Jewish triumph will not be distasteful to any Jew, and if the methods to be used toward the end are a bit violent, every Jew can be depended upon to see in that violence a very insufficient retribution visited upon the Gentile world for the sufferings which it has caused the sons of Judah throughout the centuries.

Still, with even these preconceptions guarded against, there is no escape from the conclusion that if such a program of Jewish world imperialism exists today, it must exist with the cognizance and active support of certain individuals, and that these groups of individuals must have somewhere an official head.

This is, perhaps, the one point at which more investigators stop than at any other. The idea of a Jewish autocrat is too strange for the mind which has not been much in contact with the main question. And yet there is no race which more instinctively supports autocracy than does the Jewish race, no race which more craves and respects position. It is their sense of the value of position that explains the main course their activities take. The Jew is primarily a money-maker for the reason that up to this time money is the only means he knows by which to gain position. The Jews who have gained position for any other reason are comparatively few. This is not a Gentile gibe; it is the position of a famous Anglo-Jewish physician, Dr. Barnard Von Oven, who wrote: All other means of distinction are denied him; he must rise by wealth, or not at all. And if, as he well knows, to insure wealth will be to insure rank, respect and attention in society, does the blame rest with him who endeavors to acquire wealth for the distinction which it will purchase, or with that society which so readily bows down to the shrine of Mammon?

The Jew is not averse to kings, only to the state of things which prevents a Jewish king. The future autocrat of the world is to be a Jewish king, sitting upon the throne of David, so ancient prophecies and the documents of the imperialistic program agree.

Is such a king in the world now? If not, the men who could choose a king are in the world. There has been no king of the Jews since before the Christian Era, but until about the eleventh century there were Princes of the Exile, those who represented the headship of the Jews who were dispersed through the nations. They were and still are called exilarchs, or Princes of the Exile. They were attended by the wise men of Israel, they held court, they gave the law to their people. They lived abroad wherever their circumstances or convenience dictated, in Christian or Mohammedan countries. Whether the office was discontinued with the last publicly known exilarch or merely disappeared from the surface of history, whether today it is entirely abandoned or exists in another form, are questions which must wait. That there are offices of world jurisdiction held by Jews is well known. That there are world organizations of Jewsorganizations, that is, within the very strong solidarity of the Jewish nation itselfis well known. That there is world unity on certain Jewish activities, defensive and offensive, is well known. There is nothing in the condition or thought of the Jews which would render the existence today of an exilarch distasteful to them; indeed, the thought would be very comfortable.

The Jewish Encyclopedia remarks: Curiously enough, the exilarchs are still mentioned in the Sabbath services of the Ashkenazim ritual * * * The Jews of the Sephardic ritual have not preserved this anachronism, nor was it retained in most of the Reform synagogues of the nineteenth century.

Is there, then, a Jewish Sanhedrin?a governing or counseling body of Jews who take oversight of the affairs of their people throughout the world?

The Jewish Sanhedrin was a most interesting institution. Its origin and method of constitution are obscure. It consisted of 71 members, with the president, and performed the functions of a political senate. There is nothing to show whence the Sanhedrin derived its authority. It was not an elective body. It was not democratic. It was not representative. It was not responsible to the people. In these qualities, it was typically Jewish. The Sanhedrin was chosen by the prince or priest, not with the purpose of safeguarding the peoples interest, but to assist the ruler in the work of administration. It was thus assembled by call, or it was self-perpetuating, calling its own members. The arrangement seems to have been that well-known device by which an aristocracy can maintain itself in power whatever the political construction of the nation may be. The Jewish Encyclopedia says: The Sanhedrin, which was entirely aristocratic in character, probably assumed its own authority, since it was composed of members of the most influential families of the nobility and priesthood.

This body was flanked by a similar body, which governed the religious interests of the nation, the members being drawn apparently from classes nearer the common people.

The Sanhedrin exercised authority not only over the Jews of Palestine, but wherever they were scattered throughout the world. As a senate exercising direct political authority, it ceased with the downfall of the Jewish State in the year 70, but there are indications of its continuance as an advisory body down to the fourth century.

In 1806, in order to satisfy the mind of Napoleon upon some questions which had arisen concerning the Jews, an Assembly of Notables was called, whose membership consisted of prominent Jews of France. They, in turn, to bring the sanction of all Jewry to the answers which they should give Napoleon, convoked the Sanhedrin. The Sanhedrin assembled in Paris on February 9, 1807. It followed the prescribed ancient forms; it was comprised of Jews from all parts of Europe; it was assembled to put the whole authority of Jewry behind any compact the French Jews may have been able to make with Napoleon.

In putting forth its decisions, this Sanhedrin of 1807 declared that it was in all respects like the ancient Sanhedrin, a legal assembly vested with power of passing ordinances in order to promote the welfare of Israel.

The significance of these facts is this: Whatever the leaders of the Jews may do today in the way of maintaining the policy and constitution of Israel, would not constitute a new departure. It would not signify a new attitude. It would not be evidence of a new plan.

It would be entirely natural, Jewish solidarity being what it is, that the Sanhedrin should still be continued. The ancient Sanhedrin appears to have had a group of ten who were somewhat exalted in importance above the rest; it would be perfectly natural if the leaders of the Jews were today divided into committees, by countries or by objects.

There are always being held, year by year, world meetings of the principal Jews of all lands. They come together whenever called, to the disregard of everything else. Great judges from the high courts of the various countries, international financiers, Jewish orators of the liberal type who have the ear of the Gentiles, political maneuverers from all the parties represented in the world, they assemble wherever they will, and the subjects of their deliberations are made known only to the extent they will. It is not to be supposed that all of the attendants on these conventions are members of the inner circle. The list of delegates will show scores of persons with whom no one would associate Lord Reading and Judge Brandeis. If the modern Sanhedrin meets, and it would be the most natural thing in the world if it should, we may be sure it meets within the closed circle of those persons which the Jewish aristocracy of money, intellect and power approves.

The machinery of a Jewish world government exists ready-made. The Jew is convinced that he has the best religion, the best morality, the best method of education, the best social standards, the best ideal of government. He would not have to go outside the circle of that which he considers best to get anything which he may need to advance the welfare of his people, or to execute any program which may have to do with the outside world.

It is the ancient machinery that the international Jew uses in all those activities which he permits the world to see in part. There are gatherings of the financial, political and intellectual chief rulers of the Jews. These gatherings are announced for one or another thingsometimes. Sometimes there is a gathering of Jews in a world capital, with no announced purpose. They all appear in one city, confer and depart.

Whether there is a recognized head to all of this is yet to be disclosed. There can be little doubt, however, as to the existence of what may be called a foreign policy, that is, a definite point of view and plan of action with reference to the Gentile world. The Jew feels that he is in the midst of enemies, but he also feels that he is a member of a peopleone people. He must have some policy with regard to the outer world. He cannot help but consider present conditions, he cannot consider them without being stirred to speculate upon what the outcome must be, and he cannot speculate on the outcome without in some manner endeavoring to make it as he would like it to be.

The invisible government of the Jews, its attitude toward the Gentile world, its policy with regard to the future, are not, then, the abnormal things that some would make them appear. Given the Jewish position, they are of all things most natural. Jewish existence in this world is not such as woos the Jew into sleepy contentment; it is such as stirs him into organization against future contingencies and into programs which may shape those contingencies to the benefit of his race. That there should be a Sanhedrin of the Jews, a world body of the leading men of all countries; that there should even be an exilarch, a visible and recognized head of the Sanhedrin, mystically foreshadowing the autocrat to come; that there should even be a world program, just as every government has its foreign policy, are not strange, uncanny suppositions. They grow normally out of the situation itself.

And it is also natural that not every Jew should know this. The Sanhedrin always was the aristocracy, and would be today. When rabbis cry from their pulpits that they know nothing about this thing, they are doubtless telling the truth. What the international Jew depends upon is the likelihood of every Jew approving that which brings power and prestige to his people. At any rate, it is well enough known that however little the ordinary Jewish leader may have been told about world programs, he regards with the greatest respect and confidence the very men who must put these programs through, if these exist at all.

The twenty-fourth Protocol of the Learned Elders of Zion has this to say:

Now I will discuss the manner in which the roots of the house of King David will penetrate to the deepest strata of the earth. This dynasty, even to this day, has given the power of controlling world affairs to our wise men, the educational directors of all human thought.

This would indicate, if reliable, that, as the Protocol goes on to recite, the Autocrat himself has not appeared, but the dynasty, or the Davidic line in which he must appear, have entrusted the work of preparing for him to the Wise Men of Zion. These wise men are represented not only as preparing those who exercise rulership over Judaisms affairs, but also as framing and influencing the worlds thought toward ends which shall be propitious to these plans. Whatever may be hidden in the program, it is certain that its execution or the effects of its execution cannot be hidden. Therefore, it may be possible to find in the outer world the clues which, traced back to their source, reveal the existence of a program, whose promise for the world, good or bad, ought to be widely known.

[THE DEARBORN INDEPENDENT, issue of 17 July 1920]


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NJOSC: Muegge is Solid Gold

COLORADO SPRINGS, Colo. (April 7, 2011)

The National Junior Olympic Shooting Championships (NJOSC) Men’s 10m Air Rifle final was a heated battle to the final shot. Samuel Muegge (Boling, Texas), a freshman at Jacksonville State, entered his first air rifle final ever and walked away a champion. Muegge fired 1180 match points to lead by two-points headed into the final. With an even 100 points in the final, Muegge fended off Michael Matthews (Atlanta, Ga.) by just two-tenths of a point with 1280 total points. With just one shot left, Matthews and Muegge were just a breath away, especially since Matthews had been shooting deep-tens. Matthews, a freshman at the United States Military Academy, narrowly missed Muegge with a 9.7 final shot. He finished with 1279.8 total points (1178 + 101.8). Matthews and bronze medalist Max Burkhardt (Denver, Colo.) both shot a final of 101.8 points. Burkhardt, a senior at Denver East High School, had a strong showing with 1274.8 total points (1173 + 101.8). Assistant National Rifle Coach Marcus Raab awarded both Muegge and Matthews spots on the National Junior Rifle Team for their outstanding performances.

Tyler Rico (Tucson, Ariz.) won the J2 category with 1165 total points. Rico finished eighth overall with 100.1 points in the final for 1265.1 total points. The silver medalist was Soren Butler (Casselton, N.D.) with 1161 total points. He was followed by Tim Sherry (Highlands Ranch, Colo.) with 1157 points.

In the J3 category, the gold medalist was Jason Spaude of Saginaw, Mich., with 1133 points. William Anti of Colorado Springs finished second with 1128 points. Finally, Andrew Dudley (Lyons, Ore.) finished with 1092 points for the bronze medal.

For complete results, please visit the Match Results Page. Men’s rifle competition continues tomorrow with relays in Men’s 50m Rifle Three Position. Finals will be held Sunday, April 10 at 4:30PM MST.


text:
Manual Iiyama E1902S

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