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Julian (emperor)

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63rd Emperor of the Roman Empire
Portrait of Emperor Julian on a bronze coin from Antioch minted in 360–363
Reign Caesar: 6 November 355 – February 360.
Augustus: February 360 – 3 November 361.
Sole Augustus: 3 November 361 – 26 June 363
Predecessor Constantius II, cousin
Successor Jovian, general present at the time of his death
Born 331 or 332
Died 26 June 363 (aged 31 or 32)
Maranga, Mesopotamia
Burial Tarsus
Issue None known
Full name
Flavius Claudius Julianus (from birth to accession);
Flavius Claudius Julianus Caesar (as Caesar);
Flavius Claudius Julianus Augustus (as Augustus)
Dynasty Constantinian dynasty
Father Julius Constantius
Mother Basilina

Julian (Latin: Flavius Claudius Iulianus Augustus, Greek: Φλάβιος Κλαύδιος Ἰουλιανὸς Αὔγουστος;[1] 331/332[2]  – 26 June 363), also known as Julian the Apostate, was Roman Emperor from 361 to 363, as well as a notable philosopher and author in Greek.[3]

A member of the Constantinian dynasty, Julian became Caesar over the western provinces by order of Constantius II in 355 and in this role campaigned successfully against the Alamanni and Franks. Most notable was his crushing victory over the Alamanni in 357 at the Battle of Argentoratum despite being outnumbered. In 360 in Lutetia (Paris) he was proclaimed Augustus by his soldiers, sparking a civil war between Julian and Constantius. Before the two could face each other in battle, however, Constantius died, after naming Julian as his rightful successor. In 363, Julian embarked on an ambitious campaign against the Sassanid Empire. Though initially successful, Julian was mortally wounded in battle and died shortly thereafter.

Julian was a man of unusually complex character: he was "the military commander, the theosophist, the social reformer, and the man of letters".[4] He was the last non-Christian ruler of the Roman Empire, and it was his desire to bring the Empire back to its ancient Roman values in order to, as he saw it, save it from dissolution.[5] He purged the top-heavy state bureaucracy and attempted to revive traditional Roman religious practices at the cost of Christianity. His anti-Christian sentiment and promotion of Neoplatonic paganism caused him to be remembered as Julian the Apostate (Ἀποστάτης Apostates, "a person who has abandoned their religion, principles"[6]) by the church.[7] He was the last emperor of the Constantinian dynasty, the empire's first Christian dynasty.

Early life

Julian solidus, c. 361. The obverse shows a bearded Julian with an inscription, FL(AVIVS) CL(AVDIVS) IVLIANVS PP AVG (PP=Pater Patriae, "father of the nation"; AVG=Augustus). The reverse depicts an armed Roman soldier bearing a military standard in one hand and subduing a captive with the other, a reference to the military strength of the Roman Empire, and spells out VIRTVS EXERCITVS ROMANORVM, "the bravery/virtue of the Roman army". Under the soldier one reads SIRM indicating the coin was minted in Sirmium, the home of Constantine's family.

Flavius Claudius Julianus, born in May or June 332[8] or 331 in Constantinople, was the son of Julius Constantius (consul in 335), half brother of Emperor Constantine I, and his second wife, Basilina, a woman of Greek origin.[9][10] Both of his parents were Christians. His paternal grandparents were Western Roman Emperor Constantius Chlorus and his second wife, Flavia Maximiana Theodora. His maternal grandfather was Julius Julianus, praetorian prefect of the East under emperor Licinius from 315 to 324 and consul after 325.[11] The name of Julian's maternal grandmother is unknown.

In the turmoil after the death of Constantine in 337, in order to establish himself and his brothers, Julian's zealous Arian cousin Constantius II appears to have led a massacre of most of Julian's close relatives. Constantius II allegedly ordered the murders of many descendants from the second marriage of Constantius Chlorus and Theodora, leaving only Constantius and his brothers Constantine II and Constans I, and their cousins, Julian and Gallus (Julian's half-brother), as the surviving males related to Emperor Constantine. Constantius II, Constans I, and Constantine II were proclaimed joint emperors, each ruling a portion of Roman territory. Julian and Gallus were excluded from public life, were strictly guarded in their youth, and given a Christian education. They were likely saved by their youth and at the urging of the Empress Eusebia. If Julian's later writings are to be believed, Constantius would later be tormented with guilt at the massacre of 337.

Initially growing up in Bithynia, raised by his maternal grandmother, at the age of seven he was under the guardianship of Eusebius of Nicomedia, the semi-Arian Christian Bishop of Nicomedia, and taught by Mardonius, a Gothic eunuch, about whom Julian later wrote warmly. After Eusebius died in 342, both Julian and Gallus were exiled to the imperial estate of Macellum in Cappadocia. Here Julian met the Christian bishop George of Cappadocia, who lent him books from the classical tradition. At the age of 18, the exile was lifted and he dwelt briefly in Constantinople and Nicomedia.[12]

He became a lector, a minor office in the Christian church, and his later writings show a detailed knowledge of the Bible, likely acquired in his early life.[13] (Looking back on his life in 362, Julian wrote, in his thirty-first year, that he had spent twenty years in the way of Christianity and twelve in the true way, i.e., the way of Helios.)[14]

Julian studied Neoplatonism in Asia Minor in 351, at first under Aedesius, the philosopher, and then Neoplatonic theurgy from Aedesius' student, Maximus of Ephesus. He was summoned to Constantius' court in Mediolanum (Milan) in 354 and kept there for a year; in the summer and fall of 355, he was permitted to study in Athens. While there, Julian became acquainted with two men who later became both bishops and saints: Gregory of Nazianzus and Basil the Great. In the same period, Julian was also initiated into the Eleusinian Mysteries, which he would later try to restore.

Constantine II died in 340 when he attacked his brother Constans. Constans in turn fell in 350 in the war against the usurper Magnentius. This left Constantius II as the sole remaining emperor. In need of support, in 351 he made Julian's half-brother, Gallus, Caesar of the East, while Constantius II himself turned his attention westward to Magnentius, whom he defeated decisively that year. In 354 Gallus, who had imposed a rule of terror over the territories under his command, was executed. Julian was summoned to court, and held for a year, under suspicion of treasonable intrigue, first with his brother and then with Claudius Silvanus; he was cleared, in part because the Empress Eusebia intervened on his behalf, and he was sent to Athens. (Julian expresses his gratitude to the empress Eusebia in his third oration.)[15]

Caesar in Gaul

After dealing with the rebellions of Magnentius and Sylvanus, Constantius felt he needed a permanent representative in Gaul. In 355, Julian was summoned to appear before the emperor in Mediolanum and on 6 November was made Caesar of the West, marrying Constantius' sister, Helena. Constantius, after his experience with Gallus, intended his representative to be more a figurehead than an active participant in events, so he packed Julian off to Gaul with a small retinue and Constantius' prefects in Gaul would keep him in check. At first reluctant to trade his scholarly life for war and politics, he eventually took every opportunity to involve himself in the affairs of Gaul.[16] In the following years Julian learned how to lead and then run an army, through a series of campaigns against the Germanic tribes that had settled on both sides of the Rhine.

Campaigns against Germanic kingdoms

File:153 Julianus II-transparent.png
Julian in military dress. Despite having received no military education, Julian proved to be an able military commander, obtaining an important victory in Gaul and leading a Roman army under the walls of the Sassanid Empire's capital.

In 356 during his first campaign he led an army to the Rhine, engaged the inhabitants there and won back several towns that had fallen into Frankish hands, including Colonia Agrippina (Cologne). With success under his belt he withdrew for the winter to Gaul, distributing his forces to protect various towns, and choosing the small town of Senon near Verdun to await the spring.[17] This turned out to be a tactical error, for he was left with insufficient forces to defend himself when a large contingent of Franks besieged the town and Julian was virtually held captive there for several months, until his general Marcellus deigned to lift the siege. Relations between Julian and Marcellus seem to have been poor. Constantius accepted Julian's report of events and Marcellus was replaced as magister equitum by Severus.[18][19]

The following year saw a combined operation planned by Constantius to regain control of the Rhine from the Germanic peoples that had spilt across the river onto the west bank. From the south his magister peditum Barbatio was to come from Milan and amass forces at Augst (near the Rhine bend), then set off north with 25,000 soldiers; Julian with 13,000 troops would move east from Durocortorum (Rheims). However, while Julian was in transit, a group of Laeti attacked Lugdunum (Lyon) and Julian was delayed in order to deal with them. This left Barbatio unsupported and deep in Alamanni territory, so he felt obliged to withdraw, retracing his steps. Thus ended the coordinated operation against the Germanic peoples.[20][21]

With Barbatio safely out of the picture, King Chnodomarius led a confederation of Alamanni forces against Julian and Severus at the of Battle of Argentoratum. The Romans were heavily outnumbered[22] and during the heat of battle a group of 600 horsemen on the right wing deserted,[23] yet, taking full advantage of the limitations of the terrain, the Romans were overwhelmingly victorious. The enemy was routed and driven into the river. King Chnodomarius was captured and later sent to Constantius in Milan.[24][25] Ammianus, who was a participant in the battle, portrays Julian in charge of events on the battlefield[26] and describes how the soldiers, because of this success, acclaimed Julian attempting to make him Augustus, an acclamation he rejected, rebuking them. He later rewarded them for their valor.[27]

Rather than chase the routed enemy across the Rhine, Julian now proceeded to follow the Rhine north, the route he followed the previous year on his way back to Gaul. At Moguntiacum (Mainz), however, he crossed the Rhine in an expedition that penetrated deep into what is today Germany, and forced three local kingdoms to submit. This action showed the Alamanni that Rome was once again present and active in the area. On his way back to winter quarters in Paris he dealt with a band of Franks that had taken control of some abandoned forts along the Meuse River.[25][28]

In 358, Julian gained victories over the Salian Franks on the Lower Rhine, settling them in Toxandria in the Roman Empire, north of today's city of Tongeren, and over the Chamavi, who were expelled back to Hamaland.

Taxation and administration

At the end of 357 Julian, with the prestige of his victory over the Alamanni to give him confidence, prevented a tax increase by the Gallic praetorian prefect Florentius and personally took charge of the province of Belgica Secunda. This was Julian's first experience with civil administration, where his views were influenced by his liberal education in Greece. Properly it was a role that belonged to the praetorian prefect. However, Florentius and Julian often clashed over the administration of Gaul. Julian's first priority, as Caesar and nominal ranking commander in Gaul, was to drive out the barbarians who had breached the Rhine frontier. However, he sought to win over the support of the civil population, which was necessary for his operations in Gaul and also to show his largely Germanic army the benefits of Imperial rule. He therefore felt it was necessary to rebuild stable and peaceful conditions in the devastated cities and countryside. For this reason, Julian clashed with Florentius over the latter's support of tax increases, as mentioned above, and Florentius's own corruption in the bureaucracy.

Constantius attempted to maintain some modicum of control over his Caesar, which explains his removal of Julian's close adviser Saturninius Secundus Salutius from Gaul. His departure stimulated the writing of Julian's oration, "Consolation Upon the Departure of Salutius".[29]

Rebellion in Paris

19th century depiction of Julian being proclaimed Emperor in Paris at the Thermes de Cluny, standing on a shield in the Frankish manner, in February 360.

In the fourth year of Julian's stay in Gaul, the Sassanid Emperor, Shapur II, invaded Mesopotamia and took the city of Amida after a 73-day siege. In February 360, Constantius II ordered more than half of Julian's Gallic troops to his eastern army, the order by-passing Julian and going directly to the military commanders. Although Julian at first attempted to expedite the order, it provoked an insurrection by troops of the Petulantes, who had no desire to leave Gaul. According to the historian Zosimus, the army officers were those responsible for distributing an anonymous tract[30] expressing complaints against Constantius as well as fearing for Julian's ultimate fate. Notably absent at the time was the prefect Florentius, who was usually never far from Julian's side, though now he was kept busy organizing supplies in Vienne and away from any strife that the order could cause. Julian would later blame him for the arrival of the order from Constantius.[31] Ammianus Marcellinus even suggested that the fear of Julian gaining more popularity than himself caused Constantius to send the order on the urging of Florentius.[32]

The troops proclaimed Julian Augustus in Paris, and this in turn led to a very swift military effort to secure or win the allegiance of others. Although the full details are unclear, there is evidence to suggest that Julian may have at least partially stimulated the insurrection. If so, he went back to business as usual in Gaul, for, from June to August of that year, Julian led a successful campaign against the Attuarian Franks.[33][34] In November, Julian began openly using the title Augustus, even issuing coins with the title, sometimes with Constantius, sometimes without. He celebrated his fifth year in Gaul with a big show of games.[35]

In the spring of 361, Julian led his army into the territory of the Alamanni, where he captured their king, Vadomarius. Julian claimed that Vadomarius had been in league with Constantius, encouraging him to raid the borders of Raetia.[36] Julian then divided his forces, sending one column to Raetia, one to northern Italy and the third he led down the Danube on boats. His forces claimed control of Illyricum and his general, Nevitta, secured the pass of Succi into Thrace. He was now well out of his comfort zone and on the road to civil war.[37] (Julian would state in late November that he set off down this road "because, having been declared a public enemy, I meant to frighten him [Constantius] merely, and that our quarrel should result in intercourse on more friendly terms..."[38])

However, in June, forces loyal to Constantius captured the city of Aquileia on the north Adriatic coast, an event which threatened to cut Julian off from the rest of his forces, while Constantius's troops marched towards him from the east. Aquileia was subsequently besieged by 23,000 men loyal to Julian.[39] All Julian could do was sit it out in Naissus, the city of Constantine's birth, waiting for news and writing letters to various cities in Greece justifying his actions (of which only the letter to the Athenians has survived in its entirety).[40] Civil war was avoided only by the death on November 3 of Constantius, who, in his last will, is alleged by some sources to have recognized Julian as his rightful successor.

The new emperor and his administration

The Church of the Holy Apostles, where Julian brought Constantius II to be buried.

On December 11, 361, Julian entered Constantinople as sole emperor and, despite his rejection of Christianity, his first political act was to preside over Constantius' Christian burial, escorting the body to the Church of the Apostles, where it was placed alongside that of Constantine.[41] This act was a demonstration of his lawful right to the throne.[42] He is also now thought to have been responsible for the building of Santa Costanza on a Christian site just outside Rome as a mausoleum for his wife Helena and sister-in-law Constantina.[43]

The new Emperor rejected the style of administration of his immediate predecessors. He blamed Constantine for the state of the administration and for having abandoned the traditions of the past. He made no attempt to restore the tetrarchal system begun under Diocletian. Nor did he seek to rule as an absolute autocrat. His own philosophic notions led him to idealize the reigns of Hadrian and Marcus Aurelius. In his first panegyric to Constantius, Julian described the ideal ruler as being essentially primus inter pares ("first among equals"), operating under the same laws as his subjects. While in Constantinople therefore it was not strange to see Julian frequently active in the Senate, participating in debates and making speeches, placing himself at the level of the other members of the Senate.[44]

He viewed the royal court of his predecessors as inefficient, corrupt, and expensive. Thousands of servants, eunuchs, and superfluous officials were therefore summarily dismissed. He set up the Chalcedon tribunal to deal with the corruption of the previous administration under the supervision of magister militum Arbitio. Several high-ranking officials under Constantius including the chamberlain Eusebius were found guilty and executed. (Julian was conspicuously absent from the proceedings, perhaps signaling his displeasure at their necessity.)[45] He continually sought to reduce what he saw as a burdensome and corrupt bureaucracy within the Imperial administration whether it involved civic officials, the secret agents, or the imperial post service.

Another effect of Julian's political philosophy was that the authority of the cities was expanded at the expense of the imperial bureaucracy as Julian sought to reduce direct imperial involvement in urban affairs. For example, city land owned by the imperial government was returned to the cities, city council members were compelled to resume civic authority, often against their will, and the tribute in gold by the cities called the aurum coronarium was made voluntary rather than a compulsory tax. Additionally, arrears of land taxes were cancelled.[46] This was a key reform reducing the power of corrupt imperial officials, as the unpaid taxes on land were often hard to calculate or higher than the value of the land itself. Forgiving back taxes both made Julian more popular and allowed him to increase collections of current taxes.

While he ceded much of the authority of the imperial government to the cities, Julian also took more direct control himself. For example, new taxes and corvées had to be approved by him directly rather than left to the judgement of the bureaucratic apparatus. Julian certainly had a clear idea of what he wanted Roman society to be, both in political as well as religious terms. The terrible and violent dislocation of the 3rd century meant that the Eastern Mediterranean had become the economic locus of the Empire. If the cities were treated as relatively autonomous local administrative areas, it would simplify the problems of imperial administration, which as far as Julian was concerned, should be focused on the administration of the law and defense of the empire's vast frontiers.

In replacing Constantius's political and civil appointees, Julian drew heavily from the intellectual and professional classes, or kept reliable holdovers, such as the rhetorician Themistius. His choice of consuls for the year 362 was more controversial. One was the very acceptable Claudius Mamertinus, previously the Praetorian prefect of Illyricum. The other, more surprising choice was Nevitta, Julian's trusted Frankish general. This latter appointment made overt the fact that an emperor's authority depended on the power of the army. Julian's choice of Nevitta appears to have been aimed at maintaining the support of the Western army which had acclaimed him.

Clash with the Antiochenes

After five months of dealings at the capital, Julian left Constantinople in May and moved to Antioch, arriving in mid-July and staying there for nine months before launching his fateful campaign against Persia in March 363. Antioch was a city favored by splendid temples along with a famous oracle of Apollo in nearby Daphne, which may have been cause for him choosing to reside there. It had also been used in the past as a staging place for amassing troops, a purpose which Julian intended to follow.[47]

His arrival on 18 July was well received by the Antiochenes, though it coincided with the celebration of the Adonia, a festival which marked the death of Adonis, so there was wailing and moaning in the streets—not a good omen for an arrival.[48][49]

Julian soon discovered that wealthy merchants were causing food problems, apparently by hoarding food and selling it at high prices. He hoped that the curia would deal with the issue for the situation was headed for a famine. When the curia did nothing, he spoke to the city's leading citizens, trying to persuade them to take action. Thinking that they would do the job, he turned his attention to religious matters.[49]

He tried to resurrect the ancient oracular spring of Castalia at the temple of Apollo at Daphne. After being advised that the bones of 3rd-century bishop Babylas were suppressing the god, he made a public-relations mistake in ordering the removal of the bones from the vicinity of the temple. The result was a massive Christian procession. Shortly after that, when the temple was destroyed by fire, Julian suspected the Christians and ordered stricter investigations than usual. He also shut up the chief Christian church of the city, before the investigations proved that the fire was the result of an accident.[50][51]

When the curia still took no substantial action in regards to the food shortage, Julian intervened, fixing the prices for grain and importing more from Egypt. Then landholders refused to sell theirs, claiming that the harvest was so bad that they had to be compensated with fair prices. Julian accused them of price gouging and forced them to sell. Various parts of Libanius' orations may suggest that both sides were justified to some extent[52][53] while Ammianus blames Julian for "a mere thirst for popularity".[54]

Julian's ascetic lifestyle was not popular either, since his subjects were accustomed to the idea of an all-powerful Emperor who placed himself well above them. Nor did he improve his dignity with his own participation in the ceremonial of bloody sacrifices.[55] As David S. Potter says:

They expected a man who was both removed from them by the awesome spectacle of imperial power, and would validate their interests and desires by sharing them from his Olympian height (...) He was supposed to be interested in what interested his people, and he was supposed to be dignified. He was not supposed to leap up and show his appreciation for a panegyric that it was delivered, as Julian had done on January 3, when Libanius was speaking, and ignore the chariot races.[56]

He then tried to address public criticism and mocking of him by issuing a satire ostensibly on himself, called Misopogon or "Beard Hater". There he blames the people of Antioch for preferring that their ruler have his virtues in the face rather than in the soul.

Even Julian's intellectual friends and fellow pagans were of a divided mind about this habit of talking to his subjects on an equal footing: Ammianus Marcellinus saw in that only the foolish vanity of someone "excessively anxious for empty distinction", whose "desire for popularity often led him to converse with unworthy persons".[57]

On leaving Antioch he appointed Alexander of Heliopolis as governor, a violent and cruel man whom the Antiochene Libanius, a friend of the emperor, admits on first thought was a "dishonourable" appointment. Julian himself described the man as "undeserving" of the position, but appropriate "for the avaricious and rebellious people of Antioch".[58]

The Persian campaign

Julian's rise to Augustus was the result of military insurrection eased by Constantius's sudden death. This meant that, while he could count on the wholehearted support of the Western army which had aided his rise, the Eastern army was an unknown quantity originally loyal to the Emperor he had risen against, and he had tried to woo it through the Chalcedon Tribunal. However, to solidify his position in the eyes of the eastern army, he needed to lead its soldiers to victory and a campaign against the Sassanid Persians offered such an opportunity.

An audacious plan was formulated whose goal was to lay siege on the Sassanid capital city of Ctesiphon and definitively secure the eastern border. Yet the full motivation for this ambitious operation is, at best, unclear. There was no direct necessity for an invasion, as the Sassanids sent envoys in the hope of settling matters peacefully. Julian rejected this offer.[59] Ammianus states that Julian longed for revenge on the Persians and that a certain desire for combat and glory also played a role in his decision to go to war.[60]

Illustration from The Fall of Princes by John Lydgate (which is a translation of De Casibus Virorum Illustribus by Giovanni Boccaccio) depicting "the skyn of Julyan". There is no evidence that Julian's corpse was skinned and displayed, and it is likely that the illustrator simply confused the fate of Julian's body with that of Emperor Valerian.

Into enemy territory

On 5 March 363, despite a series of omens against the campaign, Julian departed from Antioch with about 65,000–83,000,[61][62] or 80,000–90,000 men,[63] and headed north toward the Euphrates. En route he was met by embassies from various small powers offering assistance, none of which he accepted. He did order the Armenian king Arsaces to muster an army and await instructions.[64] He crossed the Euphrates near Hierapolis and moved eastward to Carrhae, giving the impression that his chosen route into Persian territory was down the Tigris.[65] For this reason it seems he sent a force of 30,000 soldiers under Procopius and Sebastianus further eastward to devastate Media in conjunction with Armenian forces.[66] This was where two earlier Roman campaigns had concentrated and where the main Persian forces were soon directed.[67] Julian's strategy lay elsewhere, however. He had had a fleet built of over 1,000 ships at Samosata in order to supply his army for a march down the Euphrates and of 50 pontoon ships to facilitate river crossings. Procopius and the Armenians would march down the Tigris to meet Julian near Ctesiphon.[66] Julian's ultimate aim seems to have been "regime change" by replacing king Shapur II with his brother Hormisdas.[67][68]

After feigning a march further eastward, Julian's army turned south to Circesium at the confluence of the Abora (Khabur) and the Euphrates arriving at the beginning of April.[66] Passing Dura on April 6, the army made good progress, bypassing towns after negotiations or besieging those which chose to oppose him. At the end of April the Romans captured the fortress of Pirisabora, which guarded the canal approach from the Euphrates to Ctesiphon on the Tigris.[69] As the army marched toward the Persian capital, the Sassanids broke the dikes which crossed the land, turning it into marshland, slowing the progress of the Roman army.[70]

By mid-May, the army had reached the vicinity of the heavily fortified Persian capital, Ctesiphon, where Julian partially unloaded some of the fleet and had his troops ferried across the Tigris by night.[71] The Romans gained a tactical victory over the Persians before the gates of the city, driving them back into the city.[72] However, the Persian capital was not taken, the main Persian army was still at large and approaching, while the Romans lacked a clear strategic objective.[73] In the council of war which followed, Julian's generals persuaded him not to mount a siege against the city, given the impregnability of its defenses and the fact that Shapur would soon arrive with a large force.[74] Julian not wanting to give up what he had gained and probably still hoping for the arrival of the column under Procopius and Sebastianus, set off east into the Persian interior, ordering the destruction of the fleet.[72] This proved to be a hasty decision, for they were on the wrong side of the Tigris with no clear means of retreat and the Persians had begun to harass them from a distance, burning any food in the Romans' path. A second council of war on 16 June 363 decided that the best course of action was to lead the army back to the safety of Roman borders, not through Mesopotamia, but northward to Corduene.[75][76]

Sassanian relief of the investiture of Ardashir II showing Mithra, Shapur II and Ahura Mazda above a defeated Julian, lying prostrate
Detail of the fallen Julian

During the withdrawal, Julian's forces suffered several attacks from Sassanid forces.[76] In one such engagement on 26 June 363, the indecisive Battle of Samarra near Maranga, Julian was wounded when the Sassanid army raided his column. In the haste of pursuing the retreating enemy, Julian chose speed rather than caution, taking only his sword and leaving his coat of mail.[77] He received a wound from a spear that reportedly pierced the lower lobe of his liver, the peritoneum and intestines. The wound was not immediately deadly. Julian was treated by his personal physician, Oribasius of Pergamum, who seems to have made every attempt to treat the wound. This probably included the irrigation of the wound with a dark wine, and a procedure known as gastrorrhaphy, the suturing of the damaged intestine. On the third day a major hemorrhage occurred and the emperor died during the night.[78][79] As Julian wished, his body was buried outside Tarsus, though it was later removed to Constantinople.[80]

In 364, Libanius stated that Julian was assassinated by a Christian who was one of his own soldiers;[81] this charge is not corroborated by Ammianus Marcellinus or other contemporary historians. John Malalas reports that the supposed assassination was commanded by Basil of Caesarea.[82] Fourteen years later, Libanius said that Julian was killed by a Saracen (Lakhmid) and this may have been confirmed by Julian's doctor Oribasius who, having examined the wound, said that it was from a spear used by a group of Lakhmid auxiliaries in Persian service.[83] Later Christian historians propagated the tradition that Julian was killed by Saint Mercurius.[84] Julian was succeeded by the short-lived Emperor Jovian who reestablished Christianity's privileged position throughout the Empire.

Libanius says in his epitaph of the deceased emperor (18.304) that "I have mentioned representations (of Julian); many cities have set him beside the images of the gods and honour him as they do the gods. Already a blessing has been besought of him in prayer, and it was not in vain. To such an extent has he literally ascended to the gods and received a share of their power from him themselves." However, no similar action was taken by the Roman central government, which would be more and more dominated by Christians in the ensuing decades.

Considered apocryphal is the report that his dying words were νενίκηκάς με, Γαλιλαῖε, or Vicisti, Galilaee ("You have won, Galilean"),[85] supposedly expressing his recognition that, with his death, Christianity would become the Empire's state religion. The phrase introduces the 1866 poem Hymn to Proserpine, which was Algernon Charles Swinburne's elaboration of what a philosophic pagan might have felt at the triumph of Christianity. It also ends the Polish Romantic play The Undivine comedy written in 1833 by Zygmunt Krasiński.

Porphyry sarcophagi outside the Istanbul Archaeological Museum. Julian's is the left-hand one.

As he had requested, Julian's body was buried in Tarsus. It lay in a tomb outside the city, across a road from that of Maximinus Daia.[86]

However, chronicler Zonaras says that at some "later" date his body was exhumed and reburied in or near the Church of the Holy Apostles in Constantinople, where Constantine and the rest of his family lay.[87] His sarcophagus is listed as standing in a "stoa" there by Constantine Porphyrogenitus.[88] The church was demolished by the Ottoman Turks after the fall of Constantinople in 1453. Today a sarcophagus of porphyry, identified as Julian's, stands in the grounds of the Archaeological Museum in Istanbul.

Julian and religious issues

Julian's personal religion was both pagan and philosophical; he viewed the traditional myths as allegories, in which the ancient gods were aspects of a philosophical divinity. The chief surviving sources are his works To King Helios and To the Mother of the Gods, which were written as panegyrics, not theological treatises.

While there are clear resemblances to other forms of Late Antique religion, it is controversial as to which variety it is most similar. He learned theurgy from Maximus of Ephesus, a student of Iamblichus;[89] his system bears some resemblance to the Neoplatonism of Plotinus; Polymnia Athanassiadi has brought new attention to his relations with Mithraism, although whether he was initiated into it remains debatable; and certain aspects of his thought (such as his reorganization of paganism under High Priests, and his fundamental monotheism) may show Christian influence. Some of these potential sources have not come down to us, and all of them influenced each other, which adds to the difficulties.[90]

According to one theory (that of G.W. Bowersock in particular), Julian's paganism was highly eccentric and atypical because it was heavily influenced by an esoteric approach to Platonic philosophy sometimes identified as theurgy and also Neoplatonism. Others (Rowland Smith, in particular) have argued that Julian's philosophical perspective was nothing unusual for a "cultured" pagan of his time, and, at any rate, that Julian's paganism was not limited to philosophy alone, and that he was deeply devoted to the same gods and goddesses as other pagans of his day.

Because of his Neoplatonist background Julian accepted the creation of humanity as described in Plato's Timaeus. Julian writes, "when Zeus was setting all things in order there fell from him drops of sacred blood, and from them, as they say, arose the race of men."[91] Further he writes, "they who had the power to create one man and one woman only, were able to create many men and women at once..."[92] His view contrasts with the Christian belief that humanity is derived from the one pair, Adam and Eve. Elsewhere he argues against the single pair origin, indicating his disbelief, noting for example, "how very different in their bodies are the Germans and Scythians from the Libyans and Ethiopians."[93][94]

The Christian historian Socrates Scholasticus was of the opinion that Julian believed himself to be Alexander the Great "in another body" via transmigration of souls, "in accordance with the teachings of Pythagoras and Plato".[95]

The diet of Julian is said to have been predominantly vegetable-based.[96]

Restoration of Paganism as state religion

Julian the Apostate presiding at a conference of sectarians, by Edward Armitage, 1875

After gaining the purple, Julian started a religious reformation of the state, which was intended to restore the lost strength of the Roman state. He supported the restoration of Hellenistic polytheism as the state religion. His laws tended to target wealthy and educated Christians, and his aim was not to destroy Christianity but to drive the religion out of "the governing classes of the empire — much as Buddhism was driven back into the lower classes by a revived Confucian mandarinate in 13th century China."[97]

He restored pagan temples which had been confiscated since Constantine's time, or simply appropriated by wealthy citizens; he repealed the stipends that Constantine had awarded to Christian bishops, and removed their other privileges, including a right to be consulted on appointments and to act as private courts. He also reversed some favors that had previously been given to Christians. For example, he reversed Constantine's declaration that Majuma, the port of Gaza, was a separate city. Majuma had a large Christian congregation while Gaza was still predominantly pagan.

On 4 February 362, Julian promulgated an edict to guarantee freedom of religion. This edict proclaimed that all the religions were equal before the law, and that the Roman Empire had to return to its original religious eclecticism, according to which the Roman state did not impose any religion on its provinces. Practically however, it had as its purpose the restoration of paganism at the expense of Christianity.[citation needed]

Coptic icon showing Saint Mercurius killing Julian. According to a tradition, Saint Basil (an old school-mate of Julian) had been imprisoned at the start of Julian's Sassanid campaign. Basil prayed to Mercurius to help him, and the saint appeared in a vision to Basil, claiming to have speared Julian to death.

Since the persecution of Christians by past Roman Emperors had seemingly only strengthened Christianity, many of Julian's actions were designed to harass and undermine the ability of Christians to organize resistance to the re-establishment of paganism in the empire.[98] Julian's preference for a non-Christian and non-philosophical view of Iamblichus' theurgy seems to have convinced him that it was right to outlaw the practice of the Christian view of theurgy and demand the suppression of the Christian set of Mysteries.[99]

In his School Edict Julian required that all public teachers be approved by the Emperor; the state paid or supplemented much of their salaries. Ammianus Marcellinus explains this as intending to prevent Christian teachers from using pagan texts (such as the Iliad, which was widely regarded as divinely inspired) that formed the core of classical education: "If they want to learn literature, they have Luke and Mark: Let them go back to their churches and expound on them", the edict says.[97] This was an attempt to remove some of the power of the Christian schools which at that time and later used ancient Greek literature in their teachings in their effort to present the Christian religion as being superior to paganism.[citation needed] The edict was also a severe financial blow, because it deprived Christian scholars, tutors and teachers of many students.

In his Tolerance Edict of 362, Julian decreed the reopening of pagan temples, the restitution of confiscated temple properties, and the return from exile of dissident Christian bishops. The latter was an instance of tolerance of different religious views, but it may also have been seen as an attempt by Julian to foster schisms and divisions between different Christian sects, since conflict between rival Christian sects was quite fierce.[100]

His care in the institution of a pagan hierarchy in opposition to that of the Christians was due to his wish to create a society in which every aspect of the life of the citizens was to be connected, through layers of intermediate levels, to the consolidated figure of the Emperor — the final provider for all the needs of his people. Within this project, there was no place for a parallel institution, such as the Christian hierarchy or Christian charity.[101]

Paganism's shift under Julian

During Julian’s brief reign from 361–363 CE, his popularity among the people and the army indicated that he might have brought paganism back to the fore of Roman public and private life.[102] In fact, during his lifetime, neither pagan nor Christian ideology reigned supreme, and the greatest thinkers of the day argued about the merits and rationality of each religion.[103] Most importantly for the pagan cause, though, Rome was still a predominantly pagan empire that had not wholly accepted Christianity.[104]

Even so, Julian’s short reign did not stem the tide of Christianity. The emperor’s ultimate failure can arguably be attributed[according to whom?] to the manifold religious traditions and deities that paganism promulgated. Most pagans sought religious affiliations that were unique to their culture and people, and they had internal divisions that prevented them from creating any one ‘pagan religion.’ Indeed, the term pagan was simply a convenient appellation for Christians to lump together the believers of a system they opposed.[105] In truth, there was no Roman religion, as modern observers would recognize it.[106] Instead, paganism came from a system of observances that one historian has characterized as “no more than a spongy mass of tolerance and tradition.”[106]

This system of tradition had already shifted dramatically by the time Julian came to power; gone were the days of massive sacrifices honoring the gods. The communal festivals that involved sacrifice and feasting, which once united communities, now tore them apart—Christian against pagan.[107] Civic leaders did not even have the funds, much less the support, to hold religious festivals. Julian found the financial base that had supported these ventures (sacred temple funds) had been seized by his uncle Constantine to support the Christian Church.[108] In all, Julian’s short reign simply could not shift the feeling of inertia that had swept across the Empire. Christians had denounced sacrifice, stripped temples of their funds, and cut priests and magistrates off from the social prestige and financial benefits accompanying leading pagan positions in the past. Leading politicians and civic leaders had little motivation to rock the boat by reviving pagan festivals. Instead, they chose to adopt the middle ground by having ceremonies and mass entertainment that were religiously neutral.[109]

After witnessing the reign of two emperors bent on supporting the Church and stamping out paganism, it is understandable that[original research?] pagans simply did not embrace Julian's idea of proclaiming their devotion to polytheism and their rejection of Christianity. Many chose to adopt a practical approach and not support Julian's public reforms actively for fear of a Christian revival. However, this apathetic attitude forced the emperor to shift central aspects of pagan worship. Julian’s attempts to reinvigorate the people shifted the focus of paganism from a system of tradition to a religion with some of the same characteristics that he opposed in Christianity.[110] For example, Julian attempted to introduce a tighter organization for the priesthood, with greater qualifications of character and service. Classical paganism simply did not accept this idea of priests as model citizens. Priests were elites with social prestige and financial power who organized festivals and helped pay for them.[108] Yet Julian’s attempt to impose moral strictness on the civic position of priesthood only made paganism more in tune with Christian morality, drawing it further from paganism’s system of tradition.

Indeed, this development of a pagan order created the foundations of a bridge of reconciliation over which paganism and Christianity could meet.[111] Likewise, Julian’s persecution of Christians, who by pagan standards were simply part of a different cult, was quite an un-pagan attitude that transformed paganism into a religion that accepted only one form of religious experience while excluding all others—such as Christianity.[112] In trying to compete with Christianity in this manner, Julian fundamentally changed the nature of pagan worship. That is, he made paganism a religion, whereas it once had been only a system of tradition.

Juventinus and Maximus

Despite the emperor's attempts to reconcile Christianity and paganism, many of the Church fathers viewed him with hostility, and told stories of his supposed wickedness after his death. A sermon by Saint John Chrysostom, entitled On Saints Juventinus and Maximinus, tells the story of two of Julian's soldiers at Antioch, who were overheard at a drinking party, criticizing the emperor's religious policies, and taken into custody. According to John, the emperor had made a deliberate effort to avoid creating martyrs of those who disagreed with his reforms; but Juventinus and Maximinus admitted to being Christians, and refused to moderate their stance. John asserts that the emperor forbade anyone from having contact with the men, but that nobody obeyed his orders; so he had the two men executed in the middle of the night. John urges his audience to visit the tomb of these martyrs.[113]

Because Christian charities were open to all, including pagans, it put this aspect of the Roman citizens lives out of the control of the Imperial authority and under that of the Church. Thus Julian envisioned the institution of a Roman philanthropic system, and cared for the behaviour and the morality of the pagan priests, in the hope that it would mitigate the reliance of pagans on Christian charity, saying: "These impious Galileans not only feed their own poor, but ours also; welcoming them into their agapae, they attract them, as children are attracted, with cakes."[114]

Attempt to rebuild the Jewish Temple

In 363, not long before Julian left Antioch to launch his campaign against Persia, in keeping with his effort to foster religions other than Christianity, he ordered the Temple rebuilt.[115] A personal friend of his, Ammianus Marcellinus, wrote this about the effort:

Julian thought to rebuild at an extravagant expense the proud Temple once at Jerusalem, and committed this task to Alypius of Antioch. Alypius set vigorously to work, and was seconded by the governor of the province; when fearful balls of fire, breaking out near the foundations, continued their attacks, till the workmen, after repeated scorchings, could approach no more: and he gave up the attempt.

The failure to rebuild the Temple has been ascribed to the Galilee earthquake of 363, and to the Jews' ambivalence about the project. Sabotage is a possibility, as is an accidental fire. Divine intervention was the common view among Christian historians of the time.[116] Julian's support of Jews caused Jews to call him "Julian the Hellene".[117]

Julian wrote several works in Greek, some of which have come down to us.

Budé Date Work Comment Wright
I 356/7[118] Panegyric In Honour Of Constantius Written to reassure Constantius that he was on side. I
II ~June 357[118] Panegyric In Honour Of Eusebia Expresses gratitude for Eusebia's support. III
III 357/8[119] The Heroic Deeds Of Constantius Indicates his support of Constantius, while being critical. (Sometimes called "second panegyric to Constantius".) II
IV 359[29] Consolation Upon the Departure of Salutius[120] Grapples with the removal of his close advisor in Gaul. VIII
V 361[121] Letter To The Senate And People of Athens An attempt to explain the actions leading up to his rebellion.
VI early 362[122] Letter To Themistius The Philosopher Response to an ingratiating letter from Themistius, outlining J.'s political reading
VII March 362[123] To The Cynic Heracleios Attempt to set Cynics straight regarding their religious responsibilities. VII
VIII ~March 362[124] Hymn To The Mother Of The Gods A defense of Hellenism and Roman tradition. V
IX ~May 362[125] To the Uneducated Cynics Another attack on Cynics who he thought didn't follow the principles of Cynicism. VI
X December 362[126] The Caesars Satire describing a competition between Roman emperors as to who was the best. Strongly critical of Constantine.
XI December 362[127] Hymn To King Helios Attempt to describe the Roman religion as seen by Julian. IV
XII early 363[128] Misopogon, Or, Beard-Hater Written as a satire on himself, while attacking the people of Antioch for their shortcomings.
362/3[129] Against the Galilaeans Polemic against Christians, which now only survives as fragments.
362[130] Fragment Of A Letter To A Priest Attempt to counteract the aspects that he thought were positive in Christianity.
359–363 Letters Both personal and public letters from much of his career.
? Epigrams Small number of short verse works.
  • Budé indicates the numbers used by Athanassiadi given in the Budé edition (1963 & 1964) of Julian's Opera.[131]
  • Wright indicates the oration numbers provided in W.C.Wright's edition of Julian's works.

The religious works contain involved philosophical speculations, and the panegyrics to Constantius are formulaic and elaborate in style.

The Misopogon (or "Beard Hater") is a light-hearted account of his clash with the inhabitants of Antioch after he was mocked for his beard and generally scruffy appearance for an Emperor. The Caesars is a humorous tale of a contest between some of the most notable Roman Emperors: Julius Caesar, Augustus, Trajan, Marcus Aurelius, Constantine, and also interestingly Alexander the Great. This was a satiric attack upon the recent Constantine, whose worth, both as a Christian and as the leader of the Roman Empire, Julian severely questions.

One of the most important of his lost works is his Against the Galileans, intended to refute the Christian religion. The only parts of this work which survive are those excerpted by Cyril of Alexandria, who gives extracts from the three first books in his refutation of Julian, Contra Julianum. These extracts do not give an adequate idea of the work: Cyril confesses that he had not ventured to copy several of the weightiest arguments.

These have been edited and translated several times since the Renaissance, most often separately; but all are translated in the Loeb Classical Library edition of 1913, edited by Wilmer Cave Wright.

In fiction

  • In 1847, the controversial German theologian David Friedrich Strauss published in Mannheim the pamphlet Der Romantiker auf dem Thron der Cäsaren ("A Romantic on the Throne of the Caesars"), in which Julian was satirised as "an unworldly dreamer, a man who turned nostalgia for the ancients into a way of life and whose eyes were closed to the pressing needs of the present". In fact, this was a veiled criticism of the contemporary King Frederick William IV of Prussia, known for his romantic dreams of restoring the supposed glories of feudal Medieval society.[132]
  • Julian's life inspired the play Emperor and Galilean by Henrik Ibsen.
  • Julian's life and reign were the subject of the novel The Death of the Gods (Julian the Apostate) (1895) in the trilogy of historical novels entitled "Christ and Antichrist" (1895–1904) by the Russian Symbolist poet, novelist and literary theoretician Dmitrii S. Merezhkovskii.
  • The opera Der Apostat (1924) by the composer and conductor Felix Weingartner is about Julian.
  • In 1945 Nikos Kazantzakis authored the tragedy Julian the Apostate in which the emperor is depicted as an existentialist hero committed to a struggle which he knows will be in vain. It was first staged in Paris in 1948.
  • Julian was the subject of a novel, Julian (1964), by Gore Vidal, describing his life and times. It is notable for, among other things, its scathing critique of Christianity.
  • Julian appeared in Gods and Legions, by Michael Curtis Ford (2002). Julian's tale was told by his closest companion, the Christian saint Caesarius, and accounts for the transition from a Christian philosophy student in Athens to a pagan Roman Augustus of the old nature.
  • Julian's letters are an important part of the symbolism of Michel Butor's novel La Modification.
  • The fantasy alternate history The Dragon Waiting by John M. Ford, while set in the time of the Wars of the Roses, uses the reign of Julian as its point of divergence. His reign not being cut short, he was successful in disestablishing Christianity and restoring a religiously eclectic societal order which survived the fall of Rome and into the Renaissance Characters in the novel refer to him as "Julian the Wise".
  • The dystopian speculative fiction novel Julian Comstock: A Story of 22nd-Century America parallels the life of Julian, with the title character as the hereditary president of an oligarchic future United States of America who tries to restore science and combat the fundamentalist Christianity that has taken over the country.

See also

Notes and references

  1. In Classical Latin, Julian's name would be inscribed as FLAVIVS CLAVDIVS IVLIANVS AVGVSTVS.
  2. Tougher, 12, citing Bouffartigue: L'Empereur Julien et la culture de son temps p. 30 for the argument for 331; A.H. Jones, J.R. Martindale, and J. Morris "Prosopography of the Later Roman Empire, Vol. I" p.447 (Iulianus 29) argues for May or June 332.
  3. Grant, Michael (1980). Greek and Latin authors, 800 B.C.-A.D. 1000, Part 1000. H. W. Wilson Co. p. 240. ISBN 0-8242-0640-1. JULIAN THE APOSTATE (Flavins Claudius Julianus), Roman emperor and Greek writer, was born at Constantinople in ad 332 and died in 363.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
  4. Glanville Downey, "Julian the Apostate at Antioch", Church History, Vol. 8, No. 4 (December, 1939), pp. 303–315. See p.305.
  5. Athanassiadi, p.88.
  6. Chambers Dictionary
  7. Gibbon, Edward. The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire. p. Chapter 23.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
  8. A.H. Jones, J.R. Martindale, and J. Morris "Prosopography of the Later Roman Empire, Vol. I" p.447.
  9. Norwich, John Julius (1989). Byzantium: the early centuries. Knopf. p. 83. ISBN 0-394-53778-5. Julius Constantius...Constantine had invited him, with his second wife and his young family, to take up residence in his new capital; and it was in Constantinople that his third son Julian was born, in May or June of the year 332. The baby's mother, Basilina, a Greek from Asia Minor, died a few weeks later...<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
  10. Bradbury, Jim (2004). The Routledge companion to medieval warfare. Routledge. p. 54. ISBN 0-415-22126-9. JULIAN THE APOSTATE, FLAVIUS CLAUDIUS JULIANUS, ROMAN EMPEROR (332–63) Emperor from 361, son of Julius Constantius and a Greek mother Basilina, grandson of Constantius Chlorus, the only pagan Byzantine Emperor.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
  11. Jones, Martindale, and Morris (1971) Prosopography of the Later Roman Empire volume 1, p.148, 478–479. Cambridge.
  12. Cambridge Ancient History, v.13, pp.44–45.
  13. Boardman, p. 44, citing Julian to the Alexandrians, Wright's letter 47, of November or December 362. Ezekiel Spanheim 434D. Twelve would be literal, but Julian is counting inclusively.
  14. Letter 47, Wright, v.3, p.149.
  15. R. Browning, The Emperor Julian (London, 1975), pp. 74–5. However, Shaun Tougher, "The Advocacy of an Empress: Julian and Eusebia" (The Classical Quarterly, New Series, Vol. 48, No. 2 (1998), pp. 595–599), argues that the kind Eusebia of Julian's panegyric is a literary creation and that she was doing the bidding of her husband in bringing Julian around to doing what Constantius had asked of him. See especially p.597.
  16. David S. Potter, The Roman Empire at Bay AD 180–395, p.499.
  17. Most sources give the town as Sens, which is well into the interior of Gaul. See John F. Drinkwater, The Alamanni and Rome 213–496, OUP Oxford 2007, p.220.
  18. Cambridge Ancient History, v.13, p.49.
  19. David S. Potter, The Roman Empire at Bay AD 180–395, p.501.
  20. David S. Potter, p.501.
  21. Cambridge Ancient History, v.13, pp.50–51.
  22. Ammianus says that there were 35,000 Alamanni, Res Gestae, 16.12.26, though this figure is now thought to be an overestimate – see David S. Potter, p.501.
  23. D. Woods, "On the 'Standard-Bearers' at Strasbourg: Libanius, or. 18.58–66", Mnemosyne, Fourth Series, Vol. 50, Fasc. 4 (August, 1997), p. 479.
  24. David S. Potter, pp.501–502.
  25. 25.0 25.1 Cambridge Ancient History, v.13, p.51.
  26. Ammianus Marcellinus Res Gestae, 16.12.27ff, 38ff, 55
  27. Ammianus Marcellinus Res Gestae, 16.12.64–65
  28. John F. Drinkwater, The Alamanni and Rome 213–496, pp.240–241.
  29. 29.0 29.1 Athanassiadi, p.69.
  30. grammation: cf. Zosimus, Historia Nova, 3.9, commented by Veyne, L'Empire Gréco-Romain, p.45
  31. Julian, Letter to the Athenians, 282C.
  32. Ammianus Marcellinus Res Gestae, 20.4.1–2
  33. Ammianus Marcellinus Res Gestae, 20.10.1–2
  34. Cambridge Ancient History, v.13, pp. 56–57.
  35. David S. Potter, p.506.
  36. Cambridge Ancient History v.13, p.58.
  37. Cambridge Ancient History v.13, p.59.
  38. In a private letter to his Uncle Julian, in W.C. Wright, v.3, p.27.
  39. J. Norwich, Byzantium: The Early Centuries, 89
  40. Cambridge Ancient History v.13, p.60.
  41. Cambridge Ancient History, v.13, p.60.
  42. Athanassiadi, p.89.
  43. Webb, Matilda. The churches and catacombs of early Christian Rome: a comprehensive guide, p. 249-252, 2001, Sussex Academic Press, ISBN 1-902210-58-1, ISBN 978-1-902210-58-2, google books
  44. Cambridge Ancient History, v.13, pp. 63–4.
  45. Cambridge Ancient History, v.13, p.61.
  46. Cambridge Ancient History, v.13, p.65.
  47. Bowersock, p.95.
  48. Cambridge Ancient History, v.13 p.69.
  49. 49.0 49.1 Bowersock, p.96.
  50. Ammianus Marcellinus, Res Gestae, 22.12.8 – 22.13.3
  51. Socrates of Constantinople, Historia ecclesiastica, 3.18
  52. Libanius, Orations, 18.195 & 16.21
  53. Libanius, Orations, 1.126 & 15.20
  54. Ammianus Marcellinus, Res Gestae, 22.14.1
  55. Ammianus Marcellinus, Res Gestae, 22.14.3
  56. David S. Potter, The Roman Empire at Bay, pp. 515–516
  57. Ammianus Marcellinus, Res Gestae, 22.7.1, 25.4.17 (Commented by Veyne, L"Empire Gréco-Romain, p.77)
  58. See Letter 622 by Libanius: "That Alexander was appointed to the government at first, I confess, gave me some concern, as the principal persons among us were dissatisfied. I thought it dishonourable, injurious, and unbecoming a prince; and that repeated fines would rather weaken than improve the city...." and the translator's note upon it: "This is the Alexander of whom Ammianus says (23.2), "When Julian was going to leave Antioch, he made one Alexander of Heliopolis, governor of Syria, a turbulent and severe man, saying that 'undeserving as he was, such a ruler suited the avaricious and contumellious Antiochians'." As the letter makes clear, Julian handed the city over to be looted by a man he himself regarded as unworthy, and the Christian inhabitants, who had dared to oppose his attempt to restore paganism, to be forced to attend and applaud pagan ceremonies at sword-point; and be 'urged' to cheer more loudly."
  59. Libanius, Oration 12, 76–77
  60. Ammianus Marcellinus, Res Gestae, 22.12.1–2
  61. Zosimus, Historia Nova, book 3, chapter 12. Zosimus' text is ambiguous and refers to a smaller force of 18,000 under Procopius and a larger force of 65,000 under Julian himself; it's unclear if the second figure includes the first.
  62. Elton, Hugh, Warfare in Roman Europe AD 350–425, p. 210, using the higher estimate of 83,000.
  63. Bowersock, Julian the Apostate, p.108.
  64. Ammianus Marcellinus, Res Gestae, 23.2.1–2
  65. Ridley, Notes, p.318.
  66. 66.0 66.1 66.2 Bowersock, Julian the Apostate, p.110.
  67. 67.0 67.1 David S, Potter, The Roman Empire at Bay, p.517.
  68. Libanius, Epistulae, 1402.2
  69. Dodgeon & Lieu, The Roman Eastern Frontier and the Persian Wars, p.203.
  70. Ammianus Marcellinus, Res Gestae, 24.3.10–11.
  71. Dodgeon & Lieu, The Roman Eastern Frontier and the Persian Wars, p.204.
  72. 72.0 72.1 Cambridge Ancient History, p.75.
  73. Adrian Goldsworth, How Rome fell. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2009, ISBN 978-0-300-13719-4 , page 232
  74. Ammianus Marcellinus, Res Gestae, 24.7.1.
  75. Ammianus Marcellinus, Res Gestae, 24.8.1–5.
  76. 76.0 76.1 Dodgeon & Lieu, The Roman Eastern Frontier and the Persian Wars, p.205.
  77. Ammianus Marcellinus, Res Gestae, 25.3.3
  78. Lascaratos, John and Dionysios Voros. 2000 Fatal Wounding of the Byzantine Emperor Julian the Apostate (361–363 A.D.): Approach to the Contribution of Ancient Surgery. World Journal of Surgery 24: 615–619. See p.618.
  79. Note that Ammianus Marcellinus (Res Gestae, 25.3.6 & 23) is of the view that Julian died the night of the same day that he was wounded.
  80. Grant, Michael. The Roman Emperors. (New York: Barnes and Noble Books, 1997), pp. 254.
  81. Libanius, Orations, 18.274
  82. Joannes Malalas, Chronographia, 333–334. Patrologia Graeca XCII, col. 496.
  83. evidence preserved by Philostorgius, see David S. Potter, The Roman Empire at Bay AD 180–395, p.518
  84. Sozomenus, Historia ecclesiastica, 6.2
  85. First recorded by Theodoret, (Historia Ecclesiastica, 3.25) in the 5th century.
  86. Libanius, Oration 18, 306; Ammianus Marcellinus 23, 2.5 and 25, 5.1. References from G. Downey,The tombs of the Byzantine emperors at the Church of the Holy Apostles in Constantinople, Journal of Hellenic Studies 79 (1959) p.46
  87. Downey gives the text: '...later the body was transferred to the imperial city' (xiii 13, 25)
  88. Glanville Downey, The tombs of the Byzantine emperors at the Church of the Holy Apostles in Constantinople, Journal of Hellenic Studies 79 (1959) 27–51. On p. 34 he states that the Book of Ceremonies of Constantine Porphyrogenitus gives a list of tombs, ending with: "43. In this stoa, which is to the north, lies a cylindrically-shaped sarcophagus, in which lies the cursed and wretched body of the apostate Julian, porphyry or Roman in colour. 44 Another sarcophagus, porphyry, or Roman, in which lies the body of Jovian, who ruled after Julian."
  89. The emperor's study of Iamblichus and of theurgy are a source of criticism from his primary chronicler, Ammianus Marcellinus, Res Gestae, 22.13.6–8 and 25.2.5
  90. Tougher, Shaun (2007). Julian the Apostate. Edinburgh University Press. p. 27ff, 58f. ISBN 9780748618873.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
  91. Julian, "Letter to a Priest", 292. Transl. W.C. Wright, v.2, p.307.
  92. As above. Wright, v.2, p.305.
  93. Julian, "Against the Galilaeans", 143. Transl. W.C. Wright, v.3, p.357.
  94. Thomas F. Gossett, Race: The History of an Idea in America, 1963 (Southern Methodist University Press) /1997 (Oxford University Press, USA), p. 8.
  95. Socrates Scholasticus, Church History, iii, 21.
  96. Gibbon, Edward. The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, Chapter 22.
  97. 97.0 97.1 Brown, Peter, The World of Late Antiquity, W. W. Norton, New York, 1971, p. 93.
  98. Julian, Epistulae, 52.436A ff.
  99. Richard T. Wallis, Jay Bregman (1992). Neoplatonism and Gnosticism. p. 22.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
  100. Ammianus Marcellinus, Res Gestae, 22.5.4.
  101. See Roberts and DiMaio.
  102. Adrian Murdoch, The Last Pagan (UK: Sutton Publishing Limited, 2003), 3.
  103. Adrian Murdoch, The Last Pagan (UK: Sutton Publishing Limited, 2003), 4.
  104. Scott Bradbury, "Julian's Pagan Revival and the Decline of Blood Sacrifice," Phoenix 49 (1995), 331.
  105. Scott Bradbury, "Julian's Pagan Revival and the Decline of Blood Sacrifice," Phoenix 49 (1995).
  106. 106.0 106.1 Jonathan Kirsch, God against the Gods (New York: Penguin Group, 2004), 9.
  107. Scott Bradbury, "Julian's Pagan Revival and the Decline of Blood Sacrifice," Phoenix 49 (1995): 333.
  108. 108.0 108.1 Scott Bradbury, "Julian's Pagan Revival and the Decline of Blood Sacrifice," Phoenix 49 (1995): 352.
  109. Scott Bradbury, "Julian's Pagan Revival and the Decline of Blood Sacrifice," Phoenix 49 (1995): 354.
  110. Harold Mattingly, “The Later Paganism,” The Harvard Theological Review 35 (1942): 178.
  111. Harold Mattingly, “The Later Paganism,” The Harvard Theological Review 35 (1942): 171.
  112. James O’Donnell, “The Demise of Paganism,” Traditio 35 (1979): 53, accessed September 23, 2014, http://www.jstor.org.proxy.library.vanderbilt.edu/stable/27831060.
  113. St. John Chrysostom, The Cult of the Saints (select homilies and letters), Wendy Mayer & Bronwen Neil, eds., St. Vladimir's Seminary Press (2006).
  114. Quoted in : Schmidt, Charles (1889). The Social Results of Early Christianity (2 ed.). Wm. Isbister. p. 328. Retrieved 2013-02-09.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
  115. Ammianus Marcellinus, Res Gestae, 23.1.2–3.
  116. See "Julian and the Jews 361–363 CE" (Fordham University, The Jesuit University of New York) and "Julian the Apostate and the Holy Temple".
  117. A Psychoanalytic History of the Jews, Avner Falk
  118. 118.0 118.1 Athanassiadi, p.61.
  119. Athanassiadi, pp. 62–3.
  120. The manuscript tradition uses the name "Sallustius", but see Bowersock, p.45 (footnote #12), and Athanassiadi, p.20.
  121. Athanassiadi, p.85.
  122. Athanassiadi, p.90.
  123. Athanassiadi, p.131.
  124. Athanassiadi, p.141, "at the same time" as To The Cynic Heracleios.
  125. Athanassiadi, p.137.
  126. Athanassiadi, p.197, written for the Saturnalia festival, which began December 21.
  127. Athanassiadi, p.148, doesn't supply a clear date. Bowersock, p.103, dates it to the celebration of Sol Invictus, December 25, shortly after the Caesars was written.
  128. Athanassiadi, p.201, dates it "towards the end of his stay in Antioch".
  129. Athanassiadi, p.161. – Wikisource:Against the Galileans
  130. Not dealt with in Athanassiadi, or dated by Bowersock, but reflects a time when Julian was emperor, and he had other issues to deal with later.
  131. Julian's Opera, edited by J.Bidez, G.Rochefort, and C.Lacombrade, with French translations of all the principal works except Against the Galilaeans, which is only preserved in citations in a polemic work by Cyril.
  132. Christopher Clark, "Iron Kingdom", p. 446

Further reading

External links

Julian (emperor)
Born: 331 Died: 26 June 363
Regnal titles
Preceded by
Constantius II
Roman Emperor
360 – 363
Succeeded by
Political offices
Preceded by
Lollianus Mavortius
Consul of the Roman Empire
with Constantius II
Succeeded by
Neratius Cerealis,
Censorius Datianus
Preceded by
Flavius Eusebius,
Flavius Hypatius
Consul of the Roman Empire
with Constantius II
Succeeded by
Preceded by
Claudius Mamertinus,
Consul of the Roman Empire
with Sallustius
Succeeded by


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    Rendlesham Care Centre

    Located by Rendlesham Forest on the outskirts of the village, Rendlesham Care Centre in Suffolk, offers state-of-the-art residential,…
    1a Suffolk DriveRendleshamSuffolkIP12 2TP
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    Highlands Residential Care Home

    Care home service with capacity of 24 places. Types of care (with number of places): old age, not…
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    Woodbridge Lodge Residential Home

    Woodbridge Lodge is just walking distance from the town of Woodbridge and provides residential and short stay respite…
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    Residential Care home in historic surroundings in Woodbridge providing friendly and professional care for 25 people over the age…
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    Allonsfield House Care Home

    Allonsfield House is a country farmhouse dating from the 1600’s. Many of the original architectural features have been…
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Phil Davis
Director of ESG at Helios Investment Partners

Phil joined Helios in August 2020, taking responsibility for Helios’ ESG activities across the investment lifecycle. He has 14 years of relevant professional experience, working in over 25 countries around the world. He was previously Head of Sustainability for EMEA at The Carlyle Group. Prior to that, he was an Assistant Director in the Sustainability and Climate Change Consulting team at PwC, and was previously an Environmental Consultant at AMEC Earth & Environmental UK Ltd. Mr Davis holds a BSc in Environmental Management from the University of Birmingham and safety management certification from the Institution of Occupational Safety and Health (IOSH).

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Oporrutunity In Renewable Energy In Nigeria

The world is undergoing a serious turn around in term of technology, we often used more of nonrenewable energy in times past but are you properly informed about this change?

Renewable energy has recently made name around the globe. It is a sort of energy that cost down cost and projects a future of clean energy. Do you wish to know about renewable energy? Then you have no worries, all you have to do is keep reading as you are on the right platform.

This article has been put together with substantial information on all you need to know on Renewable energy in Nigeria as well as the opportunities it brings in Nigeria.

What is Renewable energy?
Renewable energy is most time used interchangeably with clean energy. It is simply a sort of energy that is gotten from natural sources or natural processes are keeps on growing from time to time.

Renewable energy are part of the planet’s physical structure and are constantly being replenished from time to time.

What are the sources of Renewable energy that we have?
Sources of renewable energy are simply ways by which renewable energy are gotten. The most popular sources of renewable energy are:

1.Solar energy: Solar energy is simply energy from the sunlight and it is freely given in all parts of the world.

2.Wind energy: The wind is a good source of clean energy. To be able to put together the electricity gotten from the wind, turbines are used to make generators work which in turn bring electricity to the national grid.

3.Hydro energy: hydro energy is the most commercial used form of renewable energy. It can simply be gotten from building a dam or a large reservoir which a controlled amount of flowing water would be used to generate energy.

4.Tidal energy: this is a source of renewable energy which tidal currents are used to power turbine generators. An advantage of this source of energy is that it is easily predictable.

5.Geothermal energy: geothermal energy is developed by bringing together natural heat from below the earth’s surface.

6.Biomass energy: This source of renewable energy is gotten from transition of solid fuels that is made from organic materials into electricity.

What is non-renewable energy?
Nonrenewable energy can simply be called the opposite of renewable energy. It is also used interchangeably with dirty energy. The sources from which nonrenewable energy is gotten from are always limited or difficult to replenish and it takes a lot of time as well.

Its sources are also not found in all parts of the world. For example, crude oil may be found in Nigeria and not be found in Zimbabwe. One of the disadvantages of nonrenewable energy is the ability of it to cause harm to the environment as well as we humans. Over use of this type of energy can also cause “global warming”.

What are the sources of nonrenewable energy we have?
There are various sources of nonrenewable energy but the most common sources we have are:

1.Fossil fuels: These are coal, petroleum and natural gas. All fossil fuels are formed almost the same way.

2.Nuclear energy: This kind of energy is released through nuclear fission. This is when the nucleus of an atom splits. Nuclear energy is the most common way of generating electricity in the world.

Can we run short of renewable energy?
Renewable energy is so abundant that they replenished so rapidly that they cannot finish. It is almost impossible to run short of renewable energy.

What are the differences between renewable energy and nonrenewable energy?
I have simply highlighted the differences between renewable energy and nonrenewable energy in a tabular form for easy identification.

1.It can easily be replenished or replaced
It takes a longer while to be replenished, most times, it takes millions of years.
2.It is available all over the world without discrimination.
It is not available all over the world and can differ from country to county or from place to place.
3.It can be used over and over again
It is limited and cannot be regained after use.
4.It does not pollute the environment or cause harm to human’s health
When it is burned, it creates pollution and emits carbon dioxide. They are also very harmful to human’s health.

What are the opportunities available in renewable energy in Nigeria?

Nigeria in this 21st century is faced with a lot of challenges just like another developing country. The major problem faced by Nigeria is the erratic power supply. The main sources of Nigeria’s electricity have been hydropower as well as gas.

Renewable energy sources have the ability to provide or make room for enough primary energy or electricity to meet up with our national demands. The utilization of the renewable energy is however based on meeting technological demands, enough financing in place as well as other factors.

The benefits of using renewable energy are so much and environmental researchers have shown that the use of renewable energy energy have contributed to reducing of greenhouse gases by at least 3.2kg carbon dioxide which is equals to 1kg of biodiesel.

What are the challenges faced by Nigeria on renewable energy?
The challenges faced by Nigeria on renewable energy are based on the following factors:

1.Available technology: we do not have enough sophisticated technology available to be able to fully embark on this journey. We should be able to collaborate with other developed countries to be able to put this in place properly.

2.The condition of the nation (politically): the condition of the nation politically is a major challenge of Nigeria on renewable energy based on alarming rate of corruption and insecurity.

3.Weather conditions: the weather conditions in Nigeria poses a serious threat in Nigeria to renewable energy in that it cannot be properly managed.

4.Bad economy: if we are able to improve on our economy we would have the right resources to operate on more renewable energy in Nigeria.

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NaNoWriMo 2020 week 3 update

The third week of NaNoWriMo has come to an end. I don’t know about you, but this month, and thus this challenge, seem to be absolutely flying by. This week brings us beyond the half-way point in the quest to write 50000 words in 30 days. At this point in the challenge, if you are sticking to hitting the minimum words needed each day, you will be sitting at 33340 words written so far. For non-writers, this can seem like an insane amount of writing. Honestly, even writers can struggle with it. However, the big pull of NaNoWriMo is pushing yourself to truly write as much as possible in such a short time frame. At least that’s one of the major reasons I participate each year. This NaNoWriMo 2020 week 3 update will show how the last seven days of writing went and where I am at in my writing goals.

Curious about how the previous weeks went? Check out my week 1 and week 2 updates.

NaNoWriMo 2020 week 3 update

Day 14

As typical for weekends, especially Saturdays, a good chunk of this day was spent in the kitchen. Weekends are when I do a lot of baking for the week, though in this case, it was making freezer meals. Winter is here and we haven’t quite gotten our freezer filled with easy meals yet. It’s all a part of our winter prep. Despite the busy day, I was able to write 3115 words

Day 15

This day is a bit of a blur. I did things, though I can’t remember what they were. It happens sometimes. What truly matters is, I got 2101 words written.

Day 16

There’s something about this week where I honestly don’t remember 90% of what I did each day. What I can tell you is that I wrote 2437 words this day.

Day 17

Another day where I can’t recall what happened during it. I know there were things going on outside of writing, but at the end of the day, I’m sitting here scratching my head trying to remember what they were. In the end, I did manage to write 3676 words.

Day 18

This was kind of a crazy day. It started out much like any other. In the afternoon that’s where it went a little haywire. The boy and I headed to the store to look at Christmas ornaments. It was fun, even though he didn’t find one he wanted. So, we went to head home and the truck wouldn’t start. After a few tries, I knew something was up. We decided to walk home, but there was one problem. Our dog was with us and I didn’t have a leash.

So, back into the store we went, bought a leash, and walked home. I then promptly walked back, went to the service department, because I was conveniently at a Candian Tire, and talked to the guy there. After a long wait, he determined the battery was a goner. After shelling out money for a new battery, I once again walked home because they didn’t have time to put the battery in then.

At this point, I really didn’t think I would get around to writing. But late at night inspiration struck and I quickly wrote 2135 words.

Day 19

This was an insanely busy day. I dove into blog work as soon as I got up and stayed that way for most of the day. It wasn’t until after dinner that I realized I hadn’t yet done any novel writing, so I got busy, even though I was sick of typing by this point. But the story was keen to be written and in no time at all, I had written 2726 words.

And with that, I have broken the 50000-word mark! Slap a bow on this beast, we are done!

Okay, not really. There is still plenty of writing left to do, but I can at least say I managed to meet my goal of finishing before the 23rd of the month. From this point on, a lot of what I will be writing is going to be reworking the outline, adding in chapters I skipped earlier (because of outline issues), and fleshing out the story a bit more.

Day 20

This was the busiest day of the week. It was day one of a three-day crunchtime to get everything done before the release of Shadowlands, so I was running around like a chicken with its head cut off. I honestly didn’t think I would get any writing done. However, I decided to give it a try and see if I could get anything down. It’s not much, but I did write 465 words.

This brought my total word count to 50593. That is pretty dang good for twenty days of writing.

I hope you enjoyed my NaNoWriMo 2020 week 3 update. If you are participating, how is your word count doing?

  1. Congrats on finishing! I completed mine a couple of days ago too (after starting late!) it’s the first time I’ve ever won the 50k NaNo.

    1. Author

      Thank you! Woah, congrats to you as well, finishing early after you started late is an amazing accomplishment.

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The term "Net Carb" was coined by supplement makers after glycerol (the non-impact sugar alcohol discussed above) was reclassified by the FDA like a carbohydrate. Previously, it has not been classified as either a carb possibly fat and supplement makers were able to utilize it as being a sweetener without adding into the carbohydrate count of a protein prevent. When this reclassification took place, the carb counts of low-carb protein bars increased dramatically! The term "Net Carb" is effect of manufacturers needing to keep their carb counts down while still using glycerol previously manufacturing solution.

One challenge with this diet for a diabetic is the high protein intake that's needed. Many diabetes type 2 diabetics have borderline kidney problems, and also of us have chronic kidney health problems.

Individuals. As long as you're in to this kind of diet, you'll need perhaps donrrrt you have problems with long-term providing. As an example, individuals that want to get larger muscles understand it better to do perhaps you may be keeping the right protein ratio and shedding weight and not muscle. It will be impossible to outlive your entire life on a low calorie diet however, you can survive on this course because you might be perhaps not in a caloric restrictive mode.

The case is different between a bodybuilder or athlete along with the children undergoing epilepsy. However has been used towards the ketogenic diet for about 2 years and ending a ketogenic diet can have drastic effects especially if not performed as it should. Just like a person started by helping cover their the diet, the weaning period also needs good of support and guidance from the oldsters. You have to make baby understand right now there are in order to be changes once more but this time, a young boy will extended go to be able to the ketogenic diet. Ask your doctor.

It's good to balance your system out every once in awhile be detoxifying your system with many diets but no at least 4 days and making certain that you don't train on these amount.

There recently been much discussion recently about whether the cyclical Nutra Kinetic Keto Advanced diet can be maintained decrease long stage of time. The discussion usually objectives the imbalance associated with low carbohydrate consumption. Part of the eating habits includes carbohydrate loading for getting a 36 hour period, usually on the weekends. During that time, tend to be free to eat carbohydrates. Can two pieces. First, it gives the dieter an inducement during the week; pizza on the weekend! Second, it replenishes the carbohydrates lost assists in balancing the system and giving energy for your next treadmill.

These 3 diets almost all the same in common, you are shifting around your calorie and Nutra Kinetic carb intake to fool your body, and will not enter onto a keto diet facts weight loss plateau.

The Ultrametabolism diet promotes eating raw, Nutra Kinetic Reviews organic foods in exchange of processed items that come in a can or box. This requires the paying for several different fresh veggies and fruits as well as liver organ. This raw diet not just helps to purge out toxins within this enzymatic tract that can be promoting fat storage, but can also boost your metabolism. One thing who have seen success the following plan have reportedly lost 20 pounds in just 2 months.
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AIM to GO…Where?

Posted by: in AIM and Missions, Editorials on March 8th

I’m sitting- kneeling rather- at a typical Monday night Hyphen Prayer. I feel God pushing me to pray for my future; not the topic we were collectively praying for. To be honest, I don’t really remember what that topic was. I began to go over the list; future husband, family, children, ministry, opportunities, places… whoa, “places.” That one stopped me. I felt my spirit approaching a still moment knowing God was about to speak. He said, “I have prepared you.” To you, that may seem questionable and very unclear but to me it meant something.

All my life I have felt a burden to pray for many areas of the world, missionaries, and the opportunity to one day minister in places unfamiliar to me. I’ve been drawn to other cultures, photos, and craved knowledge about countries that weren’t “home.” Growing up I prayed so often that God would grant me the opportunity to go on a missions trip. I wanted it to be meaningful and to a place He truly wanted me to go, not just a place that everyone thought was beautiful. In fact, I was sure it would be a place full of beautiful souls, but maybe not so much on the scenery part. I constantly heard Him say “I am preparing you.” I stayed steadfast in my prayer for others who got to travel and minister. I read books about those that have paved the path for Apostolic works overseas and truly learned to trust in God’s timing.

I said “Okay, God. Where do you want me to go?” I knew the few words He had spoken prior to that question meant that missions was in the near future so I was already excited. However, I hadn’t yet felt a specific place He was leading me to or a plan to get there. “Greece,” is the word that came next. I’m thinking in my head, “Yeah that’s funny. Now really, where do you want me to go?” “Greece.” Me again, “yeah, no one is going to believe me. Do we even have Apostolic works there?” Suddenly, tears poured from my eyes knowing my questioning prayers were about to have a tangible answer. I realized something I had waited on for a long time was about to happen.

This summer, I was sharing stories with a friend of mine that is currently involved in missions. He told me how he prayed for God to make connections for him. He asked God very specifically to completely work everything out for him if an opportunity presented was from God. He meant what he prayed and sure enough, God did it all. Every last detail- every last penny- God provided. I wanted that for my life. I knew my life had been building up to this for so long and God truly was preparing me for the battlefield. My prayers got more specific, my fasting increments lasted longer and became more frequent because I wanted His will. It was an urgent prayer request. I spoke with my parents, my pastor, my mentors, and close friends. We were all praying together for open doors to Greece.

Flash forward two days. My parents and I were on our way to Florida, stopping in Mississippi to visit friends and their local church. They anxiously told me they had somebody for me to meet. In all honesty, I thought it was a young preacher they were trying to set me up with because that was a typically funny, yet thoughtful thing they often tried to do. We were on our way to church that Sunday morning in June of 2018 and they told me of a couple, (whew, wasn’t a guy) and suddenly said: “… and they’re missionaries to Greece.” I know what you’re thinking, but the people I was with didn’t know anything about the Word God had spoken to me and confirmed through my Pastor until after they mentioned this. I nearly fell out of the seat inside their car because I was so – as the young kids say these days- “shook.”

This was just the first of many confirmations. Isn’t that just like God? When He speaks, don’t give up on your prayers. I’m here to promote missions, yes, but I am also here to encourage you to be consistent and intentional in your prayer and fasting. He has a plan for you and He has a plan for me. For the next 3 months, it’s in Greece, and I never thought I would say that.

Hannah is 21 years old, lives in Arkansas and attends Calvary Tabernacle of Bentonville. She loves serving in CTKids at her church, baking, thrifting, and enjoying the beautiful natural state during all seasons. She is currently an AIMer to Athens, Greece for 3 months under the supervision of Bro. Joshua and Sis. Christene Moreno.

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CSB Chairperson Vanessa Allen Sutherland Announces Resignation

U.S. Chemical Safety Board, May 21, 2018

Chairperson Vanessa Allen Sutherland announced today that she will be stepping down and resigning from the position of Chair and Board Member of the U.S. Chemical Safety and Hazard Investigation Board next month.

Chair Sutherland released the following statement:
I am saddened to leave the wonderful mission and incredible work of the CSB. This mission is unique and critically important because we are the only agency conducting independent, comprehensive root cause chemical incident investigations.  As we continue to recognize the agency’s 20th anniversary of operations, we still have much work to do to achieve our vision of a nation safe from chemical disasters. And Iï¸ am absolutely certain that this team, and future hires, will both excel in execution and outshine our prior efforts.  I’m fortunate to have been a part of the work.
The board members will be required to vote on an interim executive, unless and until the White House nominates and the Senate confirms a new Chairperson.

About the CSB

The CSB is an independent, non-regulatory federal agency whose mission is to drive chemical safety change through independent investigations to protect people and the environment. The agency’s board members are appointed by the President and confirmed by the Senate. CSB investigations look into all aspects of chemical incidents, including physical causes such as equipment failure as well as inadequacies in regulations, industry standards, and safety management systems. For more information, contact

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News & Events

Noon seminar - A 70-yr history of gaseous pollutants in the northern hemisphere from Arctic firn air

Monday, November 12, 2018, 12:15PM - 1:15PM

Bill Sturges

University of East Anglia

SEEC room S228 (Sievers Room)

It is possible to drill down in to the layer of deep ‘firn’ that overlies the world’s ice caps, and pump air out of this porous snow-ice material. This ‘firn air’ represents air of increasing age with greater depth. Not all atmospheric gases are preserved in firn air, but enough are to begin to build a picture of past hemispheric-scale ‘background’ air pollution. In this talk I will present some preliminary measurements from firn air collected in Greenland this year (the “EGRIP” campaign), and show how this might help complement and extend data from our earlier Arctic firn air campaigns. The ultimate aim is to reconstruct continuous histories of several gaseous pollutants from the mid-20th century to the present day. As illustrations I will focus on two groups of gases; (1) industrial chlorinated hydrocarbons that we now think might be capable of affecting stratospheric ozone; and (b) non-methane hydrocarbons (NMHCs) and their nitrated reaction products that might yield some insight in to the state of the “oxidising capacity” of the lower part of the atmosphere in which we all live (the troposphere).

Free and open to the public.


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NAIC Recognizes Alabama Insurance Department

Contact: Mike Bownes
(334) 241-4148

Acting Commissioner David Parsons today announced that the National Association of Insurance Commissioners (NAIC) voted unanimously to grant a five-year continuation of the accreditation of the Alabama Department of Insurance.

According to the NAIC, the Accreditation Program is designed to improve the quality of regulation and confidence in an insurance department's abilities. The program mandates a full on-site re-examination and reaccreditation every five years and requires interim annual reviews to ensure compliance with standards.

NAIC president, George Nichols III presented the department with its accreditation in Boston this week.

"Commissioner Parsons is to be commended for his leadership in maintaining Alabama’s high standards of solvency regulation under the NAIC's Accreditation Program," said Nichols.

The Alabama Insurance Department was also recognized with the NAIC State Regulation 2000 (SR-2000) Technology Award for using the internet to promote greater uniformity and efficiency in insurance regulation.

"When I became Acting Commissioner in January 1999, I knew there were challenges ahead. Two specific goals were to gain re-accreditation and become SR-2000 compliant," said Parsons. “The accreditation procedure and review is an extensive and time consuming process for any department, but it was rewarding to be recognized by our peers as meeting these standards. We will continue to build on our strengths and improve our ability to fulfill our statutory obligation to balance industry services and consumer protection.”