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Lol, start from the middle :) Yeah, Squidoo is doing great and I know they are cleaning out all the time when they see a lousy lens. They have angels over there that report stuff like that (I am an angel myself on Squidoo :) And it is even not that hard to make money over there which I always suggest to beginners that don't have money to invest in blogs and sites.
Traffic coming from SEO (Search Engine Optimization) is free, while traffic generated from PPC (Pay Per Click) ads is not free. PPC ads are displayed above organic search results or on the sidebar of search engine pages for search queries related to their topic. Landing page keywords, ad keywords, CPC (cost per click) bids, and targeting all influence how those ads are “served” or displayed on the page.
11th point to me would be too look at your social media properties, work out how you can use them to assist your SEO strategy. I mean working on competitions via social channels to drive SEO benefit to your main site is great, working on re-doing your YouTube videos to assist the main site and also working on your content sharing strategy via these social sites back to the main site.
Hey, Matt! Thank you for your sharing, and I learned much from it, but I still have a question. We began to do SEO work for our site 2 years ago, and our organic traffic grew 5 times ( from 8K to 40K every day). But two years later, it is very difficult to get it grow more, even it drop to 3.2K every day. So can you give me any advice to make our site's traffic grow again? Thank you in advance!
That's way easier to do when you understand what all the things you're measuring actually mean. The first place I always start when evaluating a business' marketing is figuring out where the heck all their site traffic, leads, and customers come from. But it occurred to me -- if you don't even know what all those channels mean or how they're bucketed as traffic sources to your website -- it's probably pretty hard for you to start that self-evaluation.
To give you an idea of just how much money is being spent on paid search, take a look at Google. Google's AdWords program is the most used pay-per-click (PPC) advertising program available today. While the tech giant owns YouTube and Android, among hundreds of other profitable brands, AdWords accounts for roughly 70% of their revenue -- which speaks wonders for its effectiveness.

Direct traffic refers to traffic you receive to your website that doesn't come through any other channel. So, when you type www.hubspot.com into your search bar and hit 'Enter,' you're accessing HubSpot.com via direct traffic. If someone posted a link to www.hubspot.com on Facebook, however, and you clicked on that link, your visit would be bucketed in HubSpot.com's social media sources.
Brankica, I read through this and subscribed to the comments. Boy, it gets a little frustrating when you get so many emails that aren't to you:) When I first read I understood very lttle (very very lttle). Reading again has really been helpful. I understand these ideas so much better now. It follows that Hindu teaching, "When the student is ready the teacher will appear". You bring such value with your presentation style and willingness to go the extra miles (in this case). I will post exactly what my numbers are about two weeks from now after implementing at least 5 of these. I am hovering around 80 visitors daily in the last 10 days. I know it'll be a good report! Thanks, you rock girl. Live it LOUD!
Indeed a great post about website traffic. Nowadays It is very much hard for a blogger to drive targeted traffic to their website and without having targeted traffic, We can never drive customer and sales. Getting website traffic is the most important thing for any website. To have high website traffic, We must have to write high quality content which is very much important to hold the readers on our website for long period of time. We have to write engagging content which can help readers. I am glad that You can covered an amazing article on website traffic. Will definitely follow what you said in this article. Thanks for sharing it with us. :D
Use long tail keywords. Don’t just go with the most popular keywords in your market. Use keywords that are more specific to your product or service. In time, Google and other search engines will identify your website or blog as a destination for that particular subject, which will boost your content in search rankings and help your ideal customers find you. These tools will help.

Before you say it – no, true guest blogging isn’t dead, despite what you may have heard. Securing a guest post on a reputable site can increase blog traffic to your website and help build your brand into the bargain. Be warned, though – standards for guest blogging have changed radically during the past eighteen months, and spammy tactics could result in stiff penalties.
Connect with people you know and they will see your updates. If you are a good writer and post great content, you will receive traffic from them. You can generate traffic by joining LinkedIn groups and helping people in your niche by pointing them to your relevant posts. Besides groups, there is an answers section. Answer questions the best you can and point people to relevant links (your blog).

Look at the biggest startup success stories and analyse their content. Airbnb positions itself as the place to find unique travel experiences with locals, Uber is the cheap, on-demand taxi alternative and Skillshare carved its niche as a free learning exchange platform. They all address their audience concerns in a way nobody else is doing and their content has a friendly, approachable tone – even when we’re talking about software startups like IFTTT or Slack.
Ezinearticles.com, although hit by the new Google algorithm, it is a great source of highly targeted traffic. The bounce rate of visitors I get from EZA is always less than 20%! Choosing a good keyword for an article can result in incredible amounts of traffic. I have been receiving a lot of traffic from a single well written article for a year and a half now!
Another tip you can use is just reach out to the prior agency and say something like the following: “We realise you were using link networks for our website which has resulted in a Google penalty and loss in business. Can you please remove my website from any link network you have built?”. If the prior agency is decent, they will remove the links from the network.

So I figured it's high time to break down what all those sources actually mean . Now, depending on what software you're using to measure all of these things, they may be bucketed slightly differently, but these definitions are pretty common across most tools you'll encounter. Make sure to double check on the finer points of some of them, but this should be a good starting point for you if you're new to this whole marketing measurement and analysis "thing."
What an awesome stuff you're sharing here, Brankica. I'm a big fan of social networking site and blogging communities. Social Sites are great way to connect other bloggers and marketers. I've great success with blog commenting. I think it's another great way to connect with blog owner and build relationship. In the earlier days of my blogging, i did commenting just to get traffic but now i do commenting to build relationship with blog owner/connect with blog owner. Anyways, Thanks for sharing this great Post. Keep Rocking. Good Luck. ~Dev
The most common way a user can arrive at your website is by typing the URL into the address bar. This is known as direct traffic. Your visitor arrives directly without coming from anywhere else on the web. Other forms of direct traffic include clicking on a bookmark, or links from documents that don’t include tracking variables (such as PDFs or Word documents).

Hey Brankica, These are some great sources to get more traffic to your sites. I do agree with your arguments about answer sites and forums. Most of us, including myself, don't use these much, nowadays. I clearly don't know the reason. But I can tell you one thing : Some forums ban you if you promote your site (that depends upon what type of forum it is). Anyway, thank you for sharing the great resource ! And Best of luck with the contest :D I think you would probably win the contest :D (because you have useful posts). Jeevan Jacob John

Otherwise you might end up polluting your website’s traffic. The pages filled with obsolete or low quality content aren’t useful or interesting to the visitor. Thus, they should be pruned for the sake of your website’s health. Low quality pages may affect the performance of the whole site. Even if the website itself plays by the rules, low-quality indexed content may ruin the organic traffic of the whole batch.

So, you have downloaded your links profiles on a CSV and you now have an extensive list of all your linked domains. If you have been doing SEO for 8+ years like me you can probably just know from analysis which links are bad from a TLD and URL point of view. If you do not know too much you can use tools such as Link Detox: http://www.linkdetox.com/ to complete analysis of your link profile. I would always consult the advice of an expert SEO in this instance because it is easy for these tools to mistake good and bad links.
Hey Andreas, there are two main reasons I saw for suspending accounts - mean people and too many links. But they come to the same. On Yahoo Answers, like everywhere else, you have competition. They will flag your answer just so their answer would be chosen as the best. On the other hand, putting too many links in your answers can provoke the same thing. I usually put a link in every 3rd or 4th answer I post. And it is usually the best answer I can make. Glad you will try out the other sources, would love to see the results.
Wow Brankica! I just don't know how I missed this awesome post :) I have just been going through it for quite sometime and finally bookmarked it for future reference whenever I need it- it is that good! Awesome indeed :) I loved the way you shared all the way you could get traffic and even though I am doing most of these things, there is so-so much more that I need to work on and change the way I look at some others. Thanks so much for sharing, and wishing you the best for the contest :)
If your page is ranking for a keyword like “social media management,” you might want to look into similar long-tail keywords, such as “social media management pricing” or “social media management tools.” Chances are, adding in sections that address these subjects will be fairly easy. Additionally, by adding in a few extra long-tail keywords, you’ll have the added bonus of increasing the total keyword density of the page.
Backlinks are basically Authoritative linking. Which means someone else says about your site that it is in an indication of a particular keyword or you have authority in a particular market is indicating that their readers can go and find more helpful information from certain places on the web and they do that by creating these authoritative links which also called backlinks. The more of high quality, authoritative links that you have, Google considers this as you are being incredible in the market. Your website can be authoritative by having other website owners to link to your website, Then Search Engine algorithm will consider your site and you will get higher boost to your SEO and your site will likely get higher ranking and the more of this authoritative link. Blog Commenting is a great way to get backlinks to your website. Step 1. Find relevant and high traffic blog in your niche. Step 2. Actually read the post, what all it’s about. Step 3. Just leave relevant comment to the topic, then simply place your link in the comment.


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A dull 90-minute candidate forum Thursday turned into an attack fest when the other candidates started confronting Orlando Commissioner Regina Hill on more than just her record.

The five candidates that attended the forum at the Callahan Neighborhood Center were cordial during the first hour, stating their platforms and achievements.

The League of Women Voters of Orange County, which organized the event, took questions from the audience. The rancor began when a question asked what the past administration has done wrong and how the candidates would change that.

Candidate Ericka Dunlap, a former Miss America and public relations executive, took offense at Hill’s comment that none of the other candidates had jobs.

“I do not have a job because I’m a job owner,” said Dunlap, who has made it obvious she’s no friend of Hill’s. “I employ people. I can’t have a job to reach constituents. What has the current commissioner done? Just check her Facebook.”

Dunlap was referring to a Facebook video posted in April that showed Hill slurring her words and talking incoherently. Hill has a history of drug problems. She was elected in 2014 despite 21 arrests between 1983 and 2009 for drug offenses and multiple DUIs.

Following the video release, Hill denied using drugs and said she was grieving the death of her daughter. Vonni DeBose. The 24-year-old died in August 2015 after she was found unconscious in a Tallahassee home, according to police.

Candidate Cynthia Harris took the second shot at Hill also mentioning the Facebook video.

“She (Hill) raised property taxes 17 percent, destroyed Tinker Field, placed eminent domain on a church to build a soccer stadium and I had to fight a shelter three times before they finally snuck it in,” said Harris, who ran unsuccessfully for mayor in 2015. “Just look at her Facebook, she insulted the entire community.”

Carol Davis, president of the League of Women Voters, stepped in to stop the personal attack.

“We’re here to inform you about issues in an orderly, respectful manner,” Davis said “We’re not here to pile on one person.”

Davis said the question was about what the administration, not what Hill has done wrong.

Then Hill got up and listed her achievements.

“When you take office everyone does not agree with you,” said Hill, a former nurse. “I’ve done a lot of great things. Three hundred kids get jobs every summer, there is affordable housing in Parramore after 20 years. There’s economic development and growth, arts and entertainment and we have become a sports hub. Even through my pain and grief, I have continued to work on behalf of the people. Every vote I take is in the best interest of my community.”

Following the tirade, the other candidates got up and said they did in fact have jobs. Jibreel Ali said he has been substitute teaching for three years. Sarah Elbadri, said she was an urban planner and Harris added she runs a nonprofit, the Carson-Chaney House.

Another question from the audience asked if it was right for commissioners to approve a 6.5 percent raise for themselves last March when the hourly wage was rising at less than 3 percent.

Hill said city employees needed a pay increase.

Elbadri said the commission was wrong to approve their own raise but added that city employees deserved the raise.

“It’s about privilege and power and folks in power who have taken advantage,” Elbadri said. “The commission should not be voting on their own wages.”

The other candidates agreed and Dunlap added that the wage was too much for a part-time position.

The District 5 commissioner makes $58,000 a year.

The forum also included other hot topics — transportation, police brutality, economic development and gentrification. But the debate was overshadowed by the rancor.

About The Author

The youngest of seven children, Terry O. Roen followed two older brothers into journalism. Her career started as a reporter for the Orlando Sentinel, where she wrote stories on city and county government, schools, courts and religion. She has also reported for the Associated Press, where she covered the Casey Anthony and Trayvon Martin trials along with the Pulse massacre. Married to her husband, Hal, they have two children and live in Winter Park. A lifelong tourist in her own state, she writes about Central Florida’s growing tourism industry for Florida Politics and Orlando Rising.

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Ormus Trader

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The Benefits about Chaga Mushroom and Cancer

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Ormus Rich
Mushroom Nectar

Reishi 4:1 Extract, Maitake 4:1 Extract, Chaga, Cordyceps 16:1 Extract, Shiitake 4:1 Extract

60 capsules

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Modern medicine has spend a great deal of money researching cancer disease, one that's been around for a long time. Many countries have developed their own method for fighting this deadly disease. The Japanese and the Chinese have been using a selection of mushrooms to fight this disease.

Cancer develops in different ways. The Carcinoma cancer that develops in bodily cavities like the breasts, pancreas, or prostate. The Sarcoma cancer, which also develops in bones, nerves and cartilage. There are also germ cell cancers that develop in the testes and ovaries.

It doesn't matter how the cancer develops. It always involves the cells to grow uncontrollable, which destroys the good cells, which results in deduction of the function of the affected organs.

Research has proven that the chaga mushroom has anti cancer properties. The mushroom produces beta-glucan, which are polysaccharides, that stimulates the immune system to create cells that can destroy the cancer cells and stop tumors from growing.

Chaga was first treated to aid the suffering that radiation caused to cancer patients. It releived the stomach which doctors found it to be a big step.

After this breakthrough, the physicians decided to study more about this mushroom and how it helped reduce nausea. They began to study more on how it would affect on tumors.

They found that by consuming the chaga, patients became stronger. This type of strength in the body slowed down the cancerous tumors from growing. After some time the tumor left from their body. The chaga mushroom kept it away.

You don't have to have cancer to consume chaga. Many make a tea out of it, and use it to keep healthy. You can build your immune system and balance your body's chemistry.

Chaga mushrooms grow on birch trees. Many recognize it as the king of herbs. The chaga mushroom resembles a burnt charcoal.

This mushroom is filled with anti-tumor agents. The mushroom is known as a medicinal mushroom which grows in northern Europe, Siberia, North America and Asia.

 It grows inside the bark of nature trees for seven years, and then comes out looking like a burnt charcoal.

Chaga was first consumed by the local people of the Siberian mountain Regions in different forms such as inhaled, in a powder or a tea, or applied to the skin.

People from that region are known to have lived beyond 100 years of age, and without any oncologic diseases. Like many oxidant foods, chaga mushroom is believed to help reduce the risk of cancer.

Another use for Chaga that's popular is an upset stomach. The mushroom helps the level of acidity in your stomach that your body produces.

It also has a cosmetic benefit, that helps aging. It helps the skin and strengthens the hair. The chaga is rich in Melanin which makes a great topical solution for your hair and skin.

Many Chinese medicine practitioners recommend the use of chaga mushrooms for general health, and also if your suffering from big health problems such as cancer.

Regardless of how our products may be used in other countries, or anything that you may have heard or read about Ormus Minerals or Ormus products, under FDA law in the United States it is illegal for a manufacturer to make any medical claims for health supplements. None of the products offered for sale on our website or direct to retail consumers are intended to be used in the treatment or mitigation of any disease state. All statements made by Ormus Minerals or on the Ormus website are intended for informational purposes only. The statements made here have not been evaluated by the FDA, and our products are not intended to diagnose, treat, cure or prevent any disease. Health decisions are much too important to be made without the advice of a health care practitioner. As with any dietary or herbal supplement, you should advise your health care practitioner of the use of this product. If you are nursing, pregnant, or considering pregnancy, you should consult your health care practitioner prior to using any health supplement product.


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Tuesday, July 28, 2015

Used Again

Sophie is actively engaging in the felt books! I am beyond excited. I know the rest of the world may not care, but it means a great deal to me to see her firstly using something that I've made, but also having developed enough to be able to do so. Here she is using this felt book.

She's gone from not even having the motor skills to open the book, let alone pick out the felt, to actually making faces on the pages. That one there, is apparently herself. Yay for growth and development! Change and progress are happening here people, and I get to be a part of it.

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Stock Market

MEDICAN ENTERPRISES (OTCBB:MDCN) reached today (8/29/2017) a price of $0.0001 with a total volume of 0. Today's high was $ and Today's low was $. A no change $0 or 0% from the previous day of ($0.0001). The company's 200-day MA (Moving Average) was 0.1438 and a 50-day MA of 0.0063.

Stock Overview
Price:   $0.0001 Volume:   0
Day High:   $ Day Low:   $
Prev Close:   $0.0001 Change %:   0
Change $:   $0 52 Week High:   $0.001
52 Week Low:   $0.001 50-MA:   0.0063
200 Day MA:   0.1438 Market Cap:   13479.9
Book Value:   -2.415 ES:   -17.919
EPS Current:    EPS Next Year:
PE Ration:    Dividend Pay Date:
Dividend $/Share:   $ Ex Dividend Date:
Yield:    Category:   OTCBB

MEDICAN ENTERPRISES (OTCBB:MDCN) has a Market Cap of 13479.9 and a book value of common share of -2.415, and an Earning/Share (EPS) of -17.919. The 52-week high was $0.001, while the 52-week low was $0.001.

To make any decision of buying or selling or holding you need to consider the company's situation today as well as its history and future prospect. Based on the information above and relying on your own research you can determine if it is a good or crazy idea to buy/sell MEDICAN ENTERPRISES (MDCN) stocks. Overall, today the market has performed as follows:

You can also check the Best Performing Stocks, and the Worst Performing Stocks. For more Over the Counter Bulletin Board (OTCBB) stocks visit our homepage: OTCBB Stocks.


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Mexican Restaurant Papalótl in Berlin: Real Mexican food

My friend and I were in the mood for something spicy. Something real. Something hard to find. Welcome to restaurant Papalótl!We were welcomed by the friendly staff of the restaurant in fluent German, English and.. Spanish. As we like to visit restaurants early during the week, we were given plenty of choice on where we wanted to sit. I reccommend the tables and chairs upstairs, as they are more comfortable than the bar stools downstairs.

Restaurant Papalótl in Prenzlauer Berg, BerlinThe menu might look a bit small at first sight, but every meal has its own, distinct character. Once you realize the variety in meals, the choice suddenly becomes a bit overwhelming: everything seems to be so finger-licking good! As my stomach is made out of concrete, I asked the waitress for a very spicy reccommendation. She suggested to try the Chili chicken filet with black beans and habanero sauce. My friend decided to go with the beef wraps, accompanied by folded taco’s with Gouda cheese inside.

I could not be more satisfied: the chicken had a strong, spicy flavour and the black beans were simply delicious: fatty structure with an earthy taste, embraced by a delicious dark sauce. I reccommend you to stir some habanero in the mix: it gives the black beans a whole different dimension!
The beef wraps didn’t stand a chance against the vicious attack of my friend, so I guess they must have tasted really good. As for the Gouda cheese taco’s, we felt that they tasted a bit bland – although our taste buds did need a breather after having to cope with the violence of so many spicy ingredients!

We felt that the portions could have been a bit bigger, as restaurant Papalótl isn’t cheap. Then again, the dinner was certainly worth the bill when it comes to the authenticity of the food – we have truly experienced a bit of Mexico tonight.

Belforterstrasse 22
10405 Berlin
Opened Tuesday till Sunday from 18:00 – 24:00


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Lazy Sunday Brunches are back

At last spring is here, blue bells are blooming and Lazy Sunday Brunches are back!

Delicious, Local, Fresh: Vegetarian/Vegan Brunch
West Wales is blessed with a wealth of growers and producers and we will be making the most of this bounty in our brunch menu. Using homegrown produce from our garden and polytunnel, supplemented by locally sourced products there will be a changing and delicious seasonal menu for you to choose from.  (Main courses £8.50, Cakes £1.75-£2.75)

11.30am-3.30pm   May 21st.   June 18th.   July 23rd.   Sept 17th.   Oct 15th.

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PRINTED FROM the OXFORD RESEARCH ENCYCLOPEDIA, ECONOMICS AND FINANCE ( (c) Oxford University Press USA, 2018. All Rights Reserved. Personal use only; commercial use is strictly prohibited (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice).

date: 18 January 2019

The Economics of Childhood and Adolescent Obesity

Summary and Keywords

Obesity is widely recognized as a chronic disease characterized by an elevated risk of adverse health conditions in association with excess body fat accumulation. Obesity prevalence reached epidemic proportions among adults in the developed world during the second half of the 20th century, and it has since become a major public health concern around the world, particularly among children and adolescents. The economics of childhood and adolescent obesity is a multi-faceted field of study that considers the numerous determinants, consequences, and interventions related to obesity in those populations.

The central economic framework for studying obesity is a life-cycle decision-making model of health investment. Health-promoting investments, such as nutritional food, healthcare, and physical activity, interact with genetic structure and risky health behaviors, such as unhealthy food consumption, to generate an accumulation or decumulation of excess body fat over time. Childhood and adolescence are the primary phases of physical and cognitive growth, so researchers study how obesity contributes to, and is affected by, the growth processes. The subdiscipline of behavioral economics offers an important complementary perspective on health investment decision processes, particularly for children and adolescents, because health investments and participation in risky health behaviors are not always undertaken rationally or consistently over time.

In addition to examining the proximate causes of obesity over the life cycle, economists study obesity’s economic context and resulting economic burden. For example, economists study how educational attainment, income, and labor market features, such as wage and work hours, affect childhood and adolescent obesity in a household. Once obesity has developed, its economic burden is typically measured in terms of excess healthcare costs associated with increased health risks due to higher obesity prevalence, such as earlier onset of, and more severe, diabetes. Obesity among children and adolescents can lead to even higher healthcare costs because of its early influence on the lifetime trajectory of health and its potential disruption of healthy development.

The formulation of effective policy responses to the obesity epidemic is informed by economic research. Economists evaluate whether steps to address childhood and adolescent obesity represent investments in health and well-being that yield private and social benefits, and they study whether existing market structures fail to appropriately motivate such investments. Potential policy interventions include taxation of, or restricting access to, obesogenic foods and other products, subsidization of educational programs about healthy foods and physical activity inside and outside of schools, ensuring health insurance coverage for obesity-related preventive and curative healthcare services, and investment in the development of new treatments and medical technologies.

Keywords: obesity, child, adolescent, nutrition, physical activity, medical care, education, labor, externality, health economics

A vast literature documents the trends, causes, and consequences of obesity in the late 20th and early 21st centuries. Although widespread concern about obesity first arose in the United States and other developed countries, obesity now has meaningful effects on societies worldwide. Between 1980 and 2015, countries ranking high on a sociodemographic index of income, educational attainment, and fertility (SDI) marked the highest prevalence of obesity among children, but there was a 20% increase in obesity prevalence in low SDI countries, and the increase was even greater for middle-income countries (The GBD 2015 Obesity Collaborators, 2017). Because childhood obesity is associated with a greater lifetime risk of type 2 diabetes, hypertension, and chronic kidney disease (Gregg & Shaw, 2017), disease burden and medical expenditures are expected to increase concomitantly.

The discipline of economics has contributed to the study of obesity along several dimensions. Economists conceptualize obesity in an economic framework, which acts as a guide when conducting theoretical and empirical analyses of household and individual-level behavior that relates to weight accumulation. Of particular importance is empirical research that identifies the causal influences of relevant existing and potential policies, and the economic framework of obesity can help inform discussion of policy design. Furthermore, economists contribute to understanding and accounting for medical and other costs associated with obesity.

Obesity in an Economic Framework

Economic analyses of obesity generally begin from the perspective of a utility-maximizing individual who invests material and time resources in health, leisure, and consumption. This approach follows the health capital model first described by Grossman (1972). In this framework, a forward-looking individual makes decisions about how time devoted to labor, leisure, and improving or maintaining health can be optimally allocated in current and future time periods. Investments are conceptualized as inputs in a health production function, the output of which is modeled as a capital stock, and health in turn yields services to the individual in the form of healthy time. This theoretical model sparks consideration of how the uses of time and other resources constitute direct investments in health through physical activity or other health-promoting activities, and how indirect investments are made in medical care, food, etc., that are purchased with labor earnings or wealth.

Economists studying obesity have adapted the health capital model to more specifically represent the process of weight gain. Instead of a capital stock of health, generally defined, the adaptations conceptualize body weight as a capital stock that decreases or increases in accordance with investment flows, such as food, exercise, and medical care. Although a capital stock (quantity) is an intuitive representation of weight, obesity is defined categorically. Among adults, obesity is measured as a body mass index (BMI) category, specifically defined as weight in kilograms divided by height in meters squared. An adult with a BMI greater than 30 is considered obese, and increasingly severe obesity is defined by higher BMI cutoffs (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2012). In part because children can have a healthy weight at varying BMI ranges across ages, for children and adolescents, obesity is defined as a BMI of at least the 95th percentile for a given age and sex (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2016). Consistent with the observation that weight gain is a cumulative process across childhood, evidence suggests that obesity status often persists for children after they enter primary school (Millimet & Tchernis, 2015).

The capital investment structure of the health capital model illustrates the importance of dynamic effects in the weight accumulation process. One implication highlighted by economists, because of its relevance for policy recommendations, is that an individual will settle on a steady-state weight for fixed rates of health investment (Bishai, 2015; Chou, Rashad, & Grossman, 2008; Cutler, Glaeser, & Shapiro, 2003; Schroeter, Lusk, & Tyner, 2008). This contrasts with simpler models of weight gain that assume a constant relationship between health inputs, such as total calories consumed, and weight accumulation (Lin, Smith, Lee, & Hall, 2011).

An appeal of the health capital model as a starting point is its emphasis on the relationship between resource allocation decisions and weight gain, but it imperfectly represents those decisions because of relatively strong assumptions about rationality, information availability, and a forward-looking perspective. This raises issues when adults are studied, for example, regarding the actual extent of forward-looking behavior with respect to consumption decisions (Chavas, 2013; Courtemanche, Heutel, & McAlvanah, 2015; Ikeda, Kang, & Ohtake, 2010) or information availability about nutrient content (Bollinger, Leslie, & Sorensen, 2011; Ellison, Lusk, & Davis, 2014; Just & Payne, 2009; Loureiro, Yen, & Nayga, 2012). Theoretical departures from the health capital model often focus on adults, but lessons from the departures are a good starting point for modeling children and adolescents because the issues are exacerbated in the young subpopulation.

A subset of the literature on the economics of child and adolescent obesity, which can be viewed as operating more or less with the health capital model as a foundation or touchpoint, focuses on the behavioral, social, and economic causes of obesity. Research in this area can be motivated by a specific behavioral model, such as the health capital model, and then typically proceeds by studying the relationship between health-related behaviors and obesity within that context. Other less structural approaches use policy changes or other quasi-experiments to estimate the causal influences of policies and other treatments, broadly defined, on obesity outcomes. Although only a few research areas are offered as examples in this article, they tie back to these modeling and analysis approaches along many dimensions.

When is Policy Intervention Warranted?

Economic theory offers a compelling criterion that can be used when considering whether policy intervention is justified. Broadly defined, an activity or production process has an external effect, or externality, when it induces behavior change among nonparticipants for which they are not somehow compensated in a market transaction. A classic example is a factory that pollutes a river and does not compensate persons downstream who are forced to seek drinking water elsewhere, under the assumption that the river is not owned by the factory. Although externalities are not the only important considerations, notably with respect to children, they are generally useful and typically uncontroversial starting points for policy discussions among economists.

Bhattacharya and Sood (2011) questioned whether obese adults impose external costs on others, and they presented evidence that much of the cost of adult obesity should perhaps not be automatically a concern for policymakers. The key empirical question Bhattacharya and Sood asked is, do obese adults cause others to change their behavior in such a way that is uncompensated? They would presumably say “not evidently,” because, for example, some evidence suggests that obese workers earn a sufficiently low wage to compensate for their greater contribution to (group) health insurance costs (Bhattacharya & Bundorf, 2009). However, other evidence points to this effect’s being explained by weight discrimination or preferences for appearance among employers (Cawley, 2015). Bhattacharya and Sood (2011) also argued that public health insurance coverage of healthcare expenditures attributable to obesity similarly does not in itself represent an obesity externality, with the exception that higher payroll taxes used to finance the transfer likely cause deadweight loss in labor markets. For the most part, public insurance coverage is a lump-sum transfer from the well to the sick, consistent with other treatments covered by public health insurance. Microeconomic theory typically finds that such transfers do not reduce total societal welfare (Feldman, 2008), so the question of how large they should be involves political considerations that are outside the scope of economic analysis.

An important question is, to what extent does the availability of health insurance induce ex ante moral hazard, or in this case, behavior change that increases the risk of obesity because the covered individual expects healthcare costs will ultimately be paid by a third party? This is equivalent to asking whether obesity imposes external costs because ex ante moral hazard occurs when the presence of insurance affects the risk behavior of insurance participants, imposing additional costs divided across the insurance risk pool, and which are not otherwise compensated for. Bhattacharya and Sood (2011) cited evidence that health insurance does not impact obesity among adults—in other words, they found no evidence of ex ante moral hazard in this context, and some other evidence tends to support this finding. For example, Simon, Soni, and Cawley (2016) showed that state-level Medicaid expansions introduced by the Affordable Care Act had no impact on obesity or obesity-related behaviors, while at the same time they increased preventive care use.

Bhattacharya and Packalen (2012) nevertheless acknowledged evidence for Medicare-induced ex ante moral hazard, which arises if, knowing that Medicare will ultimately be available to pay for medical expenditures later in life, future Medicare recipients behave in a way that increases their obesity risk when young (Dave & Kaestner, 2009). Yet, Bhattacharya and Packalen estimated what they describe as the “innovation externality” of obesity, which has the opposite, and in their estimation, equivalent effect to Medicare-induced moral hazard. The innovation externality occurs when increased obesity prevalence spurs the (profit) reward for innovation in combating obesity through individual-level treatments, such as pharmaceuticals or other medical care. Although estimates of the innovation externality likely vary and can therefore have heterogeneous implications across populations and subpopulations, one can conclude that more attention to accounting for externalities in the context of obesity and related risky health behaviors is necessary to fully understand optimal obesity policy.

Much of the argument put forward by Bhattacharya and Sood (2011) refers to adults, so how should it be applied to children and adolescents? Although the same issues generally apply, the details of the discussion are markedly different. First, ex ante moral hazard is less likely to be a substantial concern for children and adolescents because they probably focus more on the immediate implications of their behavior rather than delayed health implications and healthcare costs. In terms of externalities, this leaves the question of whether obesity among children and adolescents implies other external effects on the rest of society.

Although Bhattacharya and Sood’s (2011) labor market discussion is relevant because obese children who become obese adults similarly bear the burden of health costs, questions about the broader long-term impact on society remain. For example, if an important justification for investment in public education is to increase average state or national productivity and economic growth, might a similar justification apply to addressing childhood obesity, either due to obesity’s impact on education, or due to its direct impact on productivity? Indeed, an area of substantial interest for economists studying obesity is the extent of its impact on educational attainment and the development of both cognitive and noncognitive skills that affect health and productivity (Black, Johnston, & Peeters, 2015; Heckman, 2006, 2007; Kaestner & Callison, 2011).

An arguably clearer example that illustrates how obesity-reduction policies can be justified in this context is the decreasing share of the population who meet weight requirements for military service. Cawley and Maclean (2012, 2013) found that the proportion of civilians who exceeded weight and fat standards for military academy admission and regular military enlistment had increased substantially in the late 20th century. The government’s military capability is a textbook example of a public good, and a decrease in the availability of labor for the production of military capability generally increases the cost of its provision through capital input substitution. This is perhaps one of the clearest examples of how obesity has a negative macroeconomic impact that could be mitigated through obesity-reduction policies, but other examples follow similar logic.

Perhaps most importantly, children and adolescents cannot reasonably be expected to make forward-looking, rational decisions informed by perfect information, forecasting across their entire lifetimes. Children can be viewed as having an extreme form of present-bias, a version of which is known as hyperbolic discounting, in comparison to adults (Cutler et al., 2003; Smith, Bogin, & Bishai, 2005). Present-bias has been shown to predict BMI (Courtemanche et al., 2015). Although parents are assumed to make some decisions on behalf of their children with respect to investment in education and health, policy interventions are nevertheless justifiable when parent and child incentives are misaligned, for example, with respect to a decision’s time horizon, and because parents do not have entirely altruistic preferences with respect to their children. Justifications for age restrictions on the purchase of tobacco products, which generally exclude minors altogether, can be framed in these terms.

Determinants of Child and Adolescent Obesity

Food Consumption

One of the most important categories, if not the most important category, of factors contributing to obesity is unhealthy eating or overeating. Economists typically measure net calorie surplus (or deficit) as a proxy for healthy (unhealthy) eating, where unhealthy eating can be represented as calorie intake, net of calorie expenditure from metabolic processes and physical activity, that is either too high or too low for maintaining a healthy weight (Riera-Crichton & Tefft, 2013). In the absence of detailed information about the types of foods consumed and how they interact with other factors to produce weight, researchers consider the total impact of policies expected to influence child and adolescent obesity through their effects on net calorie surplus.

Food prices and other constraints on food availability can impact total food consumption and the relative consumption of healthy and unhealthy foods, which in turn has important implications for child and adolescent obesity. Notable examples of closely studied food categories are fresh fruits and vegetables, as well as fast food. As expected from the economic framework describing weight accumulation, studies often find that higher food prices can impact obesity, presumably through changes in food consumption patterns, and depending on how elastic the responses to price changes are (Grossman, Tekin, & Wada, 2014; Powell, 2009; Powell & Chaloupka, 2009). In addition, physical access to food, as constrained by its geographic distribution and availability, may affect food purchases, consumption, and obesity. Commonly studied examples of this are food deserts, or a lack of nearby supermarkets with fresh fruits and vegetables (Powell & Bao, 2009; Thomsen, Nayga, Alviola, & Rouse, 2016), fast food restaurants (Currie, DellaVigna, Moretti, & Pathania, 2010; Dunn, 2010; Lhila, 2011), and the availability of fast foods in schools (Anderson & Butcher, 2005).

If consumers lack information about available food products, or if their demand for specific food products can be influenced, food advertising can also change consumption patterns and impact obesity. Because advertising is often used to promote unhealthy food products, such as fast food (Chou et al., 2008; Grossman, Tekin, & Wada, 2012), restrictions on advertising for these products could have a beneficial impact on obesity prevalence, particularly among children and adolescents (Berning & McCullough, 2013; Silva, Higgins, & Hussein, 2015).

Policies designed to improve the population’s nutrition have generally been found to lower obesity prevalence among children and adolescents. Participation in the National School Lunch Program, School Breakfast Program, and Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program generally reduces obesity risk for children (Baum, 2011; Burgstahler, Gundersen, & Garasky, 2012; Hofferth & Curtin, 2005; Kreider, Pepper, Gundersen, & Jolliffe, 2012; Millimet & Tchernis, 2013; Millimet, Tchernis, & Husain, 2010; Schmeiser, 2012), although the results are not uniform for all population subgroups (Millimet et al., 2010; Robinson & Zheng, 2011; Schanzenbach, 2009). Studies have identified a reduction in high-calorie or otherwise unhealthy foods in response to targeted food policies (Bauhoff, 2014; Fan & Jin, 2015).

Policies that have gained considerable momentum for their potential to combat obesity are those that restrict consumption of sugar-sweetened beverages (SSB) through taxation or restrictions on SSB availability in schools (Brownell et al., 2009). Recent examples demonstrate the potential to increase SSB prices via taxation while also inducing a behavior response when demand is not perfectly inelastic (Cawley & Frisvold, 2017). Taxes on SSB could also reduce SSB purchases among vulnerable population subgroups, but more research is needed to understand the long-term consumption and obesity effects (Colchero, Popkin, Rivera, & Ng, 2016).

As with restrictions on tobacco product purchases that have affected adolescent tobacco consumption, restrictions on SSBs or other unhealthy foods have the potential to meaningfully impact obesity. An important difference, however, is the potential substitutability of relevant products when some, but not all, are targeted by obesity policies. Contributions from the economics literature have highlighted this issue, recommending comprehensive policies that account for substitution in the context of an SSB tax (Fletcher, Frisvold, & Tefft, 2010a, 2013) or food and beverage restrictions in schools (Fletcher, Frisvold, & Tefft, 2010b).

Physical Activity

On the other side of the calorie-expenditure balance equation are exercise and other physical activities, which receive a great deal of attention in obesity research. Some research directly examines the relationship between physical activity and obesity: Dhar and Robinson (2016) found that being physically active reduces the likelihood of obesity among children. Beyond the overall association, some research has attempted to identify contextual factors related to physical activity and its subsequent obesity effects, including the built environment, with mixed results (Fan & Jin, 2014; Morales, Gordon-Larsen, & Guilkey, 2016; Sandy, Tchernis, Wilson, Liu, & Zhou, 2013).

Other studies consider the effects of policies designed to influence childhood physical activity, although there are relatively few in the economics literature. A pair of studies considered whether state minimum physical education requirements in schools impact reported physical activity, and they found evidence that stricter standards increase physically active time and, in some cases, reduce BMI among youth (Cawley, Frisvold, & Meyerhoefer, 2013; Cawley, Meyerhoefer, & Newhouse, 2007). These results highlight the importance of understanding the heterogeneous effects of policies related to obesity. Increased physical activity because of stricter requirements is found to complement other physical activity among boys, thus increasing the policy’s effectiveness for that population. However, the same set of policies is found to induce substitution away from other physical activity among girls, thus rendering it less effective (Cawley et al., 2013).

Overall, the study of policies related to combating obesity through changes in physical activity is less well developed in the economics literature. This is perhaps due to a relative lack of available data on detailed physical activity. Another possibility is that physical activity could have ambiguous effects on BMI, such as through building muscle in the place of body fat, or that effects occur over a longer term than is readily detectable. As a result, there is still much to be learned not only about how physical activity affects obesity, but also about how social and economic factors influence physical activity.

Household Environment

In addition to mechanisms directly related to net calorie surplus, broader categories of childhood and adolescent experiences are a useful as potential targets of policy intervention. Classen and Hokayem (2005) found that maternal obesity and other demographic characteristics are separately and similarly predictive of youth obesity status. This suggests that childhood experiences, such as the household environment, can affect the risk of childhood obesity, despite there also being evidence for a substantial genetic component in intergenerational obesity transmission (Classen & Thompson, 2016).

Several studies have considered the effects of parental employment, particularly maternal employment, on a variety of child outcomes, including childhood overweight and obesity. Parental employment can affect obesity through a variety of channels because employment uses time resources to generate labor income. If time spent preparing healthy food and monitoring food consumption, encouraging physical activity, or otherwise organizing the household to promote health is used instead to earn income, child health and obesity may worsen (Cawley & Liu, 2012; Courtemanche, 2009; Fertig, Glomm, & Tchernis, 2009; Fiese, Hammons, & Grigsby-Toussaint, 2012; Roy, Millimet, & Tchernis, 2012). At the same time, labor earnings can be used to purchase healthier food, medical care, and access to health-promoting activities, which could lessen the obesity risk for household members (Jo, 2014).

That these mechanisms are ultimately impactful is sometimes evident in the economics literature. Ruhm (2008) found evidence that maternal employment increases obesity risk among youths of higher socioeconomic status but no evidence that it affects the body weight of disadvantaged children. Chia (2008) reported that a mother’s returning to work after a child’s birth is associated with an increased risk of obesity. Although Chowhan and Stewart (2014) found that maternal employment affects youth behaviors expected to be related to obesity, they found no evidence for effects on obesity itself.

Some policies could affect a household’s wealth, or income earned from sources other than labor, so it is important to understand how changes in wealth separately impact obesity. Akee et al. (2013) found that cash transfers increase the BMI of children in the poorest households of a sample drawn from western North Carolina, with less of an impact in wealthier households. However, Cesarini et al. (2016) found the opposite effect on obesity among lottery winners in Sweden, specifically that increased wealth could reduce obesity risk. They noted that this result represents an outcome for an otherwise wealthy country with a strong safety net, so more research is needed to identify causal influences in other populations.

Understanding the effects of parental employment and income along several dimensions, including the number of hours worked, wage rate, other earnings, and the labor market participation of other household members, is important when considering the effects of policies like the Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC), parental leave, and subsidized child care. The EITC is a broadly impactful federal and state policy that has been shown to induce substantial employment effects, and in turn, effects on health outcomes, including obesity. Economists not only have studied the effects of the policy itself, but also have used changes in the EITC as quasi-experiments for studying causal economic relationships of interest, including the effects of employment or income on obesity. McGranahan and Schanzenbach (2013) found that a more generous EITC increases purchases of healthy food products. There is mixed evidence on the obesity effects of the EITC among adults (Gomis-Porqueras, Mitnik, Peralta-Alva, & Schmeiser, 2011; Schmeiser, 2009), and there is less evidence of its effects among youth.

Subsidized child care is another policy with potentially nuanced effects on obesity because it combines the opportunity for additional labor earnings for parents with a different child-care environment (i.e., in a group setting) than when parents provide care directly. Herbst and Tekin (2012) reported an adverse impact of child-care subsidies on child BMI and that nonparental child-care centers serve as the channel for this effect. However, Mandal and Powell (2014) reported that center care and other regulated care settings are associated with higher fruit and vegetable consumption. More research is needed to fully characterize the effects of child-care subsidies in various child care settings and among certain population subgroups.

School and Other Settings Outside the Home

Some national-level policies that affect nutrition in schools, such as the National School Lunch Program and School Breakfast Program, are discussed elsewhere in this article, but there also have been studies of direct incentives for children to improve food choices. The findings suggest that small incentives can lead to substantial, and perhaps persistent, changes in food choices during school (List & Samek, 2015), and the effect is strongest for the most vulnerable children (Just & Price, 2013). Providing students with information about healthy and unhealthy foods could also improve food choices, although in one experiment, positive impacts on healthy food consumption were negated by experimental advertising for unhealthy foods (Mora & Lopez-Valcarcel, 2017).

Aside from studies of nutrition-related policies and programs that were implemented in schools, there are relatively few studies of the overall impact of education on child and adolescent obesity in the economics literature. Frisvold and Lumeng (2011) compared full- to half-day attendance at Head Start, concluding that full-day attendance yields a lower obesity rate after 1 year. Also finding that school tends to improve outcomes related to obesity, Anderson et al. (2011) reported that similar age children who were in school longer, a determination made possible by birth-date cutoffs for school entrance, may have healthier weight outcomes among some population subgroups.

There is mixed evidence about whether peer effects are important in “transmitting” obesity, with much of the literature focused on how to separate causal factors from associations (Cohen-Cole & Fletcher, 2008). Renna et al. (2008) estimated that adolescents who have close friends also have a higher BMI, but they found a causal impact only for women. Yang and Huang (2014) showed evidence for asymmetric directional associations, where peer weight gain is associated with own weight gain, but peer weight loss is not similarly associated with own weight loss. Halliday and Kwak (2009) noted that the weight association between peers is particularly strong at the upper end of the BMI distribution, but they reiterate how difficult it is to identify causal relationships.

Although evidence on the relationship between obesity and other risky health behaviors among children and adolescents is relatively scarce in the economics literature, a notable body of work studies patterns of obesity and smoking. Overall, it suggests that obesity leads to smoking initiation or more smoking, in part to control appetite and weight gain, particularly among girls (Cawley, Dragone, & Von Hinke Kessler Scholder, 2016; Cawley, Markowitz, & Tauras, 2006; Rees & Sabia, 2010). Mellor (2011) similarly found that cigarette taxes increase BMI, but not obesity prevalence, among the children of mothers who smoke.

The Effects of Obesity on Selected Outcomes

Medical Care

Medical care plays a key role in the economic model of weight accumulation. Central to the model is that the demand for medical care is implied by the demand for good health because medical care is an important input in producing good health. Medical care expenditures related to obesity could be substantial, so economists work to account for costs that are specifically attributable to obesity (Finkelstein & Yang, 2011). For example, it is important that governments and insurers understand obesity-attributable costs, for example, by conducting economic evaluations, in order to weigh the benefits and costs of obesity-reduction policies.

The literature is mixed regarding the extent to which obesity among children and adolescents affects their medical care expenditures. Wright and Prosser (2014) discussed the variation in sampling and methods employed by researchers studying this association, and in their own analysis they found insignificant or marginal differences in healthcare costs between normal-weight and obese youth. They pointed out that an important challenge when studying medical care cost impacts is that costs caused by obesity may accumulate over a long period of time, so significant differences may only be detected after childhood.

Another obstacle to understanding how obesity impacts medical care is the lack of controlled experimental data, or even high event frequency epidemiological data like that available for acute illnesses. Economists therefore seek to identify causal relationships through quasi-experimental studies when such data are unavailable. In the context of obesity and medical care, Cawley and Meyerhoefer (2012) took an instrumental variables estimation approach for adults. They used the BMI of a respondent’s oldest biological child as an instrument for the respondent’s own obesity status, under the assumption that the instrument has a random component that is associated with medical care costs only through its association with own obesity. They found that among this adult subpopulation, obesity increases annual medical care costs by $2,741 (in 2015 dollars), while an association study using the same data would conclude that obesity is associated with a cost increase of only $656.

Similarly, Biener, Cawley, and Meyerhoefer (2017) used the BMI of a child’s biological mother as an instrument for that child’s obesity status, effectively reversing the above policy quasi-experiment. They found that, among children, obesity increases annual medical care costs by $1,354 (in 2013 dollars). Although this is a smaller increase than for adults, the increase alone represents more than the average total medical care costs among non-obese children. This pair of estimates, for adults and children, could be used in economic evaluations of policies that impact childhood obesity but that appropriately account for expected total medical care costs across a child’s lifetime.

These examples highlight important questions that will benefit from future research. To effectively design policies to lower healthcare costs among children, economists and other researchers can make substantial progress by identifying causal, long-term impacts of obesity on healthcare costs among nationally representative populations and important subpopulations. This could be made possible with new quasi-experimental approaches or high-dimensional longitudinal data containing important covariates that have not previously been accounted for.

Education stands at the center of the economic model of health capital, where health in early life can influence one’s ability to acquire education, and education in turn affects health through a variety of channels. More education is typically associated with higher earnings, and with higher earnings an individual can better invest in his or her health. In addition, more education can help individuals navigate interactions with the healthcare and health-insurance systems, or, more generally, better organize resources devoted to health investment.

The extent to which childhood obesity leads to worse education outcomes, or to which lower education levels impact obesity, has implications for policy design. Some mechanisms through which obesity may impact educational achievement include absenteeism or poor concentration due to ill health. In contrast to other illnesses that affect absenteeism and concentration, however, obesity can also affect a child’s socioemotional skill development, through discrimination or even bullying related to the stigma associated with obesity (Black & Kassenboehmer, 2017).

Economics research has considered the impact of obesity among children and adolescents on contemporaneous or lagged educational achievement, as well as on specific cognitive and noncognitive skills. When effects are identified, they have tended toward an adverse impact of obesity on education-related outcomes: grade point average, high school completion, and verbal skills among females (Cawley & Spiess, 2008; Okunade, Hussey, & Karakus, 2009; Sabia, 2007), verbal skills, social skills, motor skills, activities of daily living, and overall cognitive achievement among males (Black et al., 2015; Cawley & Spiess, 2008), overall reading proficiency (Gurley-Calvez & Higginbotham, 2010), and military academy admission (Cawley & Maclean, 2013).

Labor Market Outcomes

That obesity tends to adversely affect educational attainment is expected to translate into negative impacts on labor market participation and earnings when an obese individual enters the labor market. This based on the human capital model of individual utility maximization (Becker, 1962), which is closely related to the health capital model (Grossman, 1972). The human capital model describes investment in a theoretical capital stock of human capital through education, which yields services to an individual through higher productivity and earnings. When obesity is found to negatively impact educational outcomes, it is likely that labor market prospects will also worsen.

Several investigators have studied the relationship between adult obesity and labor market outcomes (Bhattacharya & Bundorf, 2009; Lindeboom, Lundborg, & van der Klaauw, 2010), and because youth obesity is correlated with adult obesity, labor market outcomes in adulthood will presumably also be related. Although longitudinal associations are more difficult to statistically establish, some studies have estimated the relationship. Allowing the impact of obesity to operate through education by not including measures of education in their estimation framework, Han, Norton, and Powell (2011) found that obesity among older adolescents is associated with adult wages that are lower by 3.5%. Amis, Hussey, and Okunade (2014) also showed that, more than 13 years later, adolescent obesity negatively impacts earnings for some population subgroups.

Amid the voluminous multidisciplinary literature on obesity, economics stands out by modeling obesity-related economic behavior and estimating causal relationships between policies and economic outcomes. Contributions from microeconomic theory include an investigation of utility-maximizing health investment, modified to study the determinants and consequences of excess weight accumulation over the life cycle. Applied econometricians, for their part, study quasi-experiments and use advanced statistical techniques to identify causal relationships, a useful strategy for studying real-world behavior when experimental approaches are not feasible.

Economists will surely continue their work to flesh out existing knowledge of policy-relevant obesity impacts, taking advantage of new quasi-experiments and data sets that contain additional information on determinants and other control variables. Although it is difficult when isolating causal effects, it is important that researchers present comprehensive evidence on policy effects simultaneously, so that the complex set of obesity’s causes and consequences can be effectively addressed by policymakers. For an extended discussion of upcoming research priorities in the economics of obesity, see Cawley (2015).

Some broad examples of ongoing, important research questions are: What are the long-term impacts of changes in the distribution of child and adolescent obesity on national income and medical care cost growth, two important economic outcome variables, when considering policy initiatives to combat obesity? Relatedly, what are the nonmonetary utility (or psychological) benefits and costs associated with obesity? In the specific context of childhood and adolescent obesity, how do we balance the immediate utility (enjoyment) children reap from their consumption of unhealthy foods or beverages against the long-term monetary and health costs sown by unhealthy weight gain? Starting with a comprehensive accounting for the external benefits and costs of obesity, and improving our understanding of the appropriate role of policy when children and adolescents have limited ability to make good long-term decisions, research in economics can help make headway in answering these questions.

An illustrative thought experiment is to imagine constructing a comprehensive set of policies to combat obesity that mirrors those currently in place for a comparable risky health behavior. The health effects of tobacco consumption are in some ways like those of unhealthy food consumption, with health risks generally occurring later in life. For children and adolescents, policymakers might be relatively more concerned about a lack of foresight about long-term health effects than they would be about externalities, a perspective that, for this population, would place obesity and tobacco policy more in line.

SSB taxes have been implemented in some jurisdictions, and economists and other researchers have begun to study their impacts. Setting aside concerns about substitution to other unhealthy beverage and food products, would an outright ban on the purchase of SSB by persons under age 18 or 21 be justifiable by analogy to similar bans on cigarettes or e-cigarettes? It potentially is, but economists and other researchers would likely be better equipped to explore such questions after conducting more comprehensive, integrated research. Such integration would involve some of the existing research strengths in economics, including modeling health capital investment and measuring causal impacts of obesity on economic variables, combined with knowledge from other disciplines, such as the psychological benefits and costs of unhealthy food consumption and obesity. Behavioral economics contributes directly to this intersection, so it will likely continue to be a relevant area of fruitful research. For example, there has been considerable research studying the effects of menu nutrition information on consumption behavior among the general population and adults, as discussed in this article, but less attention has been devoted to studying child and adolescent populations.

Finally, ongoing debates about the structure of the social safety net in the United States and other countries will likely continue for many years, with important implications for obesity policy. In the United States, how and to what extent health insurance coverage is delivered to the population will relate to how aggressively policymakers should combat obesity prevalence. Under discussion in countries across the developed world, substantial restructuring of the social safety net to feature a universal basic income would have important effects on children and adolescents living in families whose labor-market participation, labor-market earnings, and nonlabor income would substantially change. Economists and other health-policy researchers should continue to set their research agenda with an eye to these and other far-reaching social developments.

Further Reading

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Cawley, J., & Ruhm, C. J. (2011). The economics of risky health behaviors. Handbook of Health Economics, 2, 95–199.Find this resource:

Akee, R., Simeonova, E., Copeland, W., Angold, A., & Costello, E. J. (2013). Young adult obesity and household income: Effects of unconditional cash transfers. American Economic Journal: Applied Economics, 5(2), 1–28.Find this resource:

Amis, J. M., Hussey, A., & Okunade, A. A. (2014). Adolescent obesity, educational attainment and adult earnings. Applied Economics Letters, 21(13–15), 945–950. London: Taylor & Francis Group.Find this resource:

Anderson, P. M., & Butcher, K. F. (2005). Reading, writing and Raisinets: Are school finances contributing to children’s obesity? National Bureau of Economic Research Working Paper Series, No. 11177.

Anderson, P. M., Butcher, K. F., Cascio, E. U., & Schanzenbach, D. W. (2011). Is being in school better? The impact of school on children’s BMI when starting age is endogenous. Journal of Health Economics, 30(5), 977–986.Find this resource:

Bauhoff, S. (2014). The effect of school district nutrition policies on dietary intake and overweight: A synthetic control approach. Economics & Human Biology, 12, 45–55.Find this resource:

Baum, C. L. (2011). The effects of food stamps on obesity. Southern Economic Journal, 77(3), 623–651.Find this resource:

Becker, G. S. (1962). Investment in human capital: A theoretical analysis. Journal of Political Economy, 70(5, Part 2), 9–49.Find this resource:

Berning, J., & McCullough, M. (2013). Advertising soft drinks to children: Are voluntary restrictions effective? Agribusiness, 29(4), 469–485.Find this resource:

Bhattacharya, J., & Bundorf, M. K. (2009). The incidence of the healthcare costs of obesity. Journal of Health Economics, 28(3), 649–658.Find this resource:

Bhattacharya, J., & Packalen, M. (2012). The other ex ante moral hazard in health. Journal of Health Economics, 31(1), 135–146.Find this resource:

Bhattacharya, J., & Sood, N. (2011). Who pays for obesity? Journal of Economic Perspectives, 25(1), 139–158.Find this resource:

Biener, A. I., Cawley, J., & Meyerhoefer, C. (2017). The medical care costs of youth obesity: An instrumental variables approach. National Bureau of Economic Research Working Paper Series, No. 23682.

Bishai, D. (2015). Generalized nutrient taxes can increase consumer welfare. Health Economics, 24(11), 1517–1522.Find this resource:

Black, N., Johnston, D. W., & Peeters, A. (2015). Childhood obesity and cognitive achievement. Health Economics, 24(9), 1082–1100.Find this resource:

Black, N., & Kassenboehmer, S. C. (2017). Getting weighed down: The effect of childhood obesity on the development of socioemotional skills. Journal of Human Capital, 11(2), 263–295.Find this resource:

Bollinger, B., Leslie, P., & Sorensen, A. (2011). Calorie posting in chain restaurants. American Economic Journal: Economic Policy, 3(1), 91–128.Find this resource:

Brownell, K. D., Farley, T., Willett, W. C., Popkin, B. M., Chaloupka, F. J., Thompson, J. W., & Ludwig, D. S. (2009). The public health and economic benefits of taxing sugar-sweetened beverages. New England Journal of Medicine, 361(16), 1599–1605.Find this resource:

Burgstahler, R., Gundersen, C., & Garasky, S. (2012). The Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, financial stress, and childhood obesity. Agricultural and Resource Economics Review, 41(1), 29–42.Find this resource:

Cawley, J. (2015). An economy of scales: A selective review of obesity’s economic causes, consequences, and solutions. Journal of Health Economics, 43, 244–268.Find this resource:

Cawley, J., Dragone, D., & Von Hinke Kessler Scholder, S. (2016). The demand for cigarettes as derived from the demand for weight loss: A theoretical and empirical investigation. Health Economics, 25(1), 8–23.Find this resource:

Cawley, J., & Frisvold, D. E. (2017). The pass-through of taxes on sugar-sweetened beverages to retail prices: The case of Berkeley, California. Journal of Policy Analysis and Management, 36(2), 303–326.Find this resource:

Cawley, J., Frisvold, D., & Meyerhoefer, C. (2013). The impact of physical education on obesity among elementary school children. Journal of Health Economics, 32(4), 743–755.Find this resource:

Cawley, J., & Liu, F. (2012). Maternal employment and childhood obesity: A search for mechanisms in time use data. Economics and Human Biology, 10(4), 352–364.Find this resource:

Cawley, J., & Maclean, J. C. (2012). Unfit for service: the implications of rising obesity for US military recruitment. Health Economics, 21(11), 1348–1366.Find this resource:

Cawley, J., & Maclean, J. C. (2013). The consequences of rising youth obesity for U.S. Military Academy admissions. Applied Economic Perspectives and Policy, 35(1), 32–51.Find this resource:

Cawley, J., Markowitz, S., & Tauras, J. (2006). Obesity, cigarette prices, youth access laws and adolescent smoking initiation. Eastern Economic Journal, 32(1), 149–170. Retrieved from this resource:

Cawley, J., & Meyerhoefer, C. (2012). The medical care costs of obesity: An instrumental variables approach. Journal of Health Economics, 31(1), 219–230.Find this resource:

Cawley, J., Meyerhoefer, C., & Newhouse, D. (2007). The impact of state physical education requirements on youth physical activity and overweight. Health Economics, 16(12), 1287–1301.Find this resource:

Cawley, J., & Spiess, C. K. (2008). Obesity and skill attainment in early childhood. Economics and Human Biology, 6(3), 388–397.Find this resource:

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Fletcher, J. M., Frisvold, D., & Tefft, N. (2010b). Taxing soft drinks and restricting access to vending machines to curb child obesity. Health Affairs, 29(5), 1059–1066.Find this resource:

Fletcher, J. M., Frisvold, D., & Tefft, N. (2013). Substitution patterns can limit the effects of sugar-sweetened beverage taxes on obesity. Preventing Chronic Disease, 10, E18.Find this resource:

Frisvold, D. E., & Lumeng, J. C. (2011). Expanding exposure: Can increasing the daily duration of Head Start reduce childhood obesity? Journal of Human Resources, 46(2), 373–402.Find this resource:

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Gregg, E. W., & Shaw, J. E. (2017). Global health effects of overweight and obesity. New England Journal of Medicine, 377(1), 80–81.Find this resource:

Grossman, M. (1972). On the concept of health capital and the demand for health. Journal of Political Economy, 80(2), 223–255.Find this resource:

Grossman, M., Tekin, E., & Wada, R. (2012). Fast-food restaurant advertising on television and its influence on youth body composition. National Bureau of Economic Research Working Paper 18640.

Grossman, M., Tekin, E., & Wada, R. (2014). Food prices and body fatness among youths. Economics & Human Biology, 12, 4–19.Find this resource:

Gurley-Calvez, T., & Higginbotham, A. (2010). Childhood obesity, academic achievement, and school expenditures. Public Finance Review, 38(5), 619–646.Find this resource:

Halliday, T. J., & Kwak, S. (2009). Weight gain in adolescents and their peers. Economics & Human Biology, 7(2), 181–190.Find this resource:

Han, E., Norton, E. C., & Powell, L. M. (2011). Direct and indirect effects of body weight on adult wages. Economics and Human Biology, 9(4), 381–392.Find this resource:

Heckman, J. J. (2006). Skill formation and the economics of investing in disadvantaged children. Science, 312(5782), 1900–1902.Find this resource:

Heckman, J. J. (2007). The economics, technology, and neuroscience of human capability formation. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 104(33), 13250–13255.Find this resource:

Herbst, C. M., & Tekin, E. (2012). The geographic accessibility of child care subsidies and evidence on the impact of subsidy receipt on childhood obesity. Journal of Urban Economics, 71(1), 37–52.Find this resource:

Hofferth, S. L., & Curtin, S. (2005). Poverty, food programs, and childhood obesity. Journal of Policy Analysis and Management, 24(4), 703–726.Find this resource:

Ikeda, S., Kang, M.-I., & Ohtake, F. (2010). Hyperbolic discounting, the sign effect, and the body mass index. Journal of Health Economics, 29(2), 268–284.Find this resource:

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New Step by Step Map For pandora grandma charm

:D Another bead I’m considering could be the Lace Bow Heart, which is gorgeous! It’ll be great to discover each of the parts in particular person, and to discover whether or not anything else jumps out at me!

Magie Noire is woody more than enough to smell remarkable on a person, however more than enough of a "feminine" scent to odor outstanding with a woman!

I hardly ever had the original Variation so I'm Talking from the more recent just one out now. I was amazed as this went on-it had been so spicy, Daring and pleasant, but after the dry down it turned way too sweet, shed its spiciness and become a very soapy scent for me. I do not Believe I'll be wearing this in the slightest degree, Regrettably.

Is it just me or was that a damn attractive critique by JB78? Great! I usually loved this fragrance, but Indeed, it is difficult to don! I truly feel I just learned somthing in JB78's review though, that would have made me understand the fragrance even more - it isn't an day to day fragrance!

nine:forty P.M.: I am sitting at my Laptop writing this review. Twelve hours in the past, I applied the lotion and EDT of Magie Noir; now, a 50 percent-hour prior to bedtime, I am still taking pleasure in the deep drydown: heat woods and spicy herbs.

After the first spray I noticed the distinction between The 2.With the older version the notes tend to be more intensly pronounced.As with the newer one there a lot more delicate and softer.Older one,jobs much,I was at get the job done Once i sprayed myself 4 times and my coworker who was standing about 10 toes absent could smell me.Newer a single,about arms lenght Except if you spray additional.With older Edition the scent the original source stays on your pores and skin a protracted time and also for a longer time on outfits.More recent Edition I received probably an hour on my pores and skin,but outfits I havent tried yet.To me both equally more mature and more recent versions odor almost a similar although not precisely.Bottom line If you need Do this fragrance and experiance its breathtaking beauty go with a classic first and then try out a more recent Edition.

What a scent! I didn’t know about it until eventually just lately. It did not get beautician charm bracelet the fame it this deserved. On that time there had been many scents that dominated the market and this tiny star experienced no space to glow. And it shines. It has just a little inexperienced opening, and afterwards the greatness from the perfume seems.

Following reading through lots of the critiques below, I used to be intruiged by this to state the the very least. On first smelling it (and afterwards bringing it house over a scent strip) I assumed this may not be something I could have on. My "best girl" for the frag counter reported: "As well Aged Woman!". Perfectly, previous ladies know a couple of factors...

It constantly feels proper on me and I normally imagine it as MY perfume! This is not for tweenies or for people who dig the modern perfumes, it's an outdated-fashioned and historically feminine night perfume and I do not think each woman can have it off.

She doesn't like this scent anymore and prefers one thing lighter, but this perfume will constantly remind me of my childhood :)

New a single is like a hair spray. One of several worst reformulations within a perfume globe (next to Overlook Dior that is ruined at the same time).

This fragrance was In a natural way going to get a success with me since it has a great number of of my favorite notes; raspberry, honey, tuberose, jasmine, ylang ylang and lily in the valley.

It is a basic belief held because of the wizarding entire world that only those people who are pure of heart will be able to Solid Patronuses; this, on the other hand, is untrue, as various people with unfavorable individuality characteristics will be able to Solid a fully-fledged Patronus.

This is not Snow White's perfume which would smell of sweet scents. This is actually the Evil Queen's perfume, or alternatively, one of her potions. That is a perfume for witches. I concur with the in depth descriptions of other reviewers below - especially Gigi The Fashionista's gorgeous evaluate which hits the nail on The top.

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Generic Garage For Diorama Free Building Paper Model

This building paper model is a Generic Garage, created by Papermau. The scale of the papercraft is in 1:64. You can build it for your paper diorama. Download the template here:

Generic Garage For Diorama Free Building Paper Model

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One Piece – Benn Beckman Cube Craft

This cube craft paper model is the Benn Beckman, based on the Anime/manga series One Piece, this paper toy was designed by blackignus. Benn Beckman is the first mate of the Red Hair Pirates.

One Piece – Benn Beckman Cube Craft

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The Elder Scrolls V: Skyrim – Frost Dragon

This skyrim papercraft is designed by DaiShiHUN. Frost Dragons are creatures in The Elder Scrolls V: Skyrim. Dragons (Dovah, or Dov plural) are a large and powerful, avian-reptilian race from Akavir that were once widespread throughout Tamriel. Although seeming rather beast-like, they are profoundly intelligent, capable of speech, written language, and comprehending other languages. Their spoken language can be used to cast powerful magic known as Thu’um or Dragon Shouts. They were rendered almost extinct, until 4E 201 when they have resurfaced in Skyrim with the return of Alduin.

The Elder Scrolls V: Skyrim – Frost Dragon

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Back in Town

The only things worth making a sign over in St. Thomas

I was out on a cruise the last week with my wife.  We went to some islands in the Caribbean on a cruise ship called the Epic.  It was enjoyable, except for sunburn and sea sickness.  But I’m back now!

I’ve already started working on some of the Reaper miniatures from the big huge heap that came in a couple of weeks ago.  There’s such a huge variety that I’ve really just picked up a handful of random ones and primed them.  This next week will see a return of actual Progress Reports, as the new figures are such a change of pace from everything I’ve done before due to the sheer variety that I’ve been having fun jumping into work on them.  More to come later.

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