text:
E.P. Thompson

Commitment in Politics

(Spring 1959)

From Universities & Left Review, No.6, Spring 1959, pp.50-55.
Downloaded with thanks as a PDF from the Website of the Barry Amiel & Norman Melburn Trust.
Transcribed & marked up by Einde O’Callaghan for the Marxists’ Internet Archive.

“Intelligence enough to conceive, courage enough to will, power enough to compel. If our ideas of a new Society are anything more than a dream, these three qualities must animate the due effective majority of the working-people; and then, I say, the thing will be done.” – William Morris.

BY “politics” I do not of course refer to that annexe to the Hall of Fame, rilled with self-important TV personalities and Inside People, which Mr. R.H.S. Crossman finds so “charming.” Nor do I mean the heady atmosphere of closet-factions which has bedevilled the British Left for so long. The distaste which we feel for all that is a measure of our maturity before the responsibilities which “that old bitch gone in the teeth, a botched civilisation” has seen fit to dump upon our shoulders. If restraining the life-negating and lunatic propensities of capitalist society is a necessary responsibility, it is still an infuriating dispersal of human energies. It is because we still live within the anarchy of “pre-history” that we are obliged to commit ourselves to the barbaric rituals and inefficient acts of social war which make up capitalist “politics”.

But any man who can find “charm” in the politics of twenty-five years of blood-letting and bewildered defensive actions stands self-condemned as a philistine. I suppose it is this tone of enthralled gossip about political trivia – this balancing of corrupt expediencies and this patter about the behaviour of rogues – which sometimes makes one want to take a half-brick down to Great Turnstile. “Politics,” for many of my friends, has meant some years of agonised impotence in the face of European Fascism and approaching war; six years of war, whose triumphant conclusion and liberating aftermath were blighted by betrayals ; and ten years of makeshift defensive campaigns in face of the Cold War and the fatty degeneration of the Labour Movement. There has been little charm, much disenchantment: more spectacular quarrels than enduring friendships: neglect of personal interests, impoverishment of personal relations, leading in some to spiritual ennui or to self-righteous sectarian pride. The very texture of political life has been oppressive – the endless committee work, ineffectual campaigns under mendacious national leadership, electoral contests with unworthy candidates. Those who, after fifteen or twenty years of this, are still “committed” to politics, are often committed with glassy-eyed submission. They look to those first manifestations of a new generation in revolt, the N.D. Campaign and ULR with a mixture of suspicion and stifled hope.

The suspicion resolves itself into the jibe which I have taken as the title to this article. These ULR types (the jibe runs) are passionate advocates of commitment in the arts, but they evade commitment on the central issues of class power and political allegiance. They are angrier about ugly architecture than they are about the ugly poverty of old-age pensioners, angrier about the “materialism” of the Labour Movement than about the rapacity of financiers. They wear upon their sleeves a tender sensibility; but probe that tenderness, and one finds a complex of responses which the veteran recognises as “anti-working-class.” They are more at ease discussing alienation than exploitation. If they mention Marx, it is the Marx of the 1844 MSS, not the Marx of Capital or the Eighteenth Brumaire; they are interested in the diagnostician but not in the revolutionary surgeon of the human condition. Like the anarchists of the 1880’s, the fringe of the working class which fascinates them is the criminal lumpen-proletariat. They see the authentic expression of the younger generation in a squalid street-fight in Notting Hill, but the thousands of young men and women who flock every night into the Technical Colleges at Batley, Stoke-on-Trent, or Darlington, do not come into the picture at all, except as exemplars of the ethos of Room at the Top. If this Partisan generation (the jibe continues) cannot be dismissed as neo-Fabians, this is only because Fabianism is too dowdy and too exacting in its practical demands. They have replaced the authority of Bentham and Mill with that of Arnold and F.R. Leavis, and if they distrust manipulative social engineering in the utilitarian tradition, they offer only educational and cultural therapy in its place. In both cases the initiative for enlightened change must still come from the intelligentsia above, even though the statistician is replaced by the sociologist and the administrator by the literary critic. They are too pure-at-heart to immerse themselves in political action which makes sustained demands upon tact or organisational stamina; but respond lyrically to individualist or sensational protests, no matter how ineffectual or divisive in conception. And so (to bring the commination service to a conclusion) the whole lot may be dismissed by the committed socialist as the last intellectual waifs and strays in the long romantic grouse against industrialism, striking in Soho the final futile attitudes of protest in the face of the inexorable approach of the nuclear age.

Place of the Working Class

THERE are two reasons why these jibes demand examination. First, because they are circulating, even among keen readers of ULR. It would be strange if this were not so. The active rank-and-file socialist has seen some pretty strange birds of passage through the movement in the past quarter-century. It is only to be expected that when a new movement of socialist intellectuals appears, it should be met with the questions: How long are they likely to stick? Are they in it with us?

Second, because the jibes are not altogether without foundation. If I thought them wholly false I would not bother to submit this article. If I thought them true in any essential point I would submit it elsewhere. The question is complex. I do indeed find in ULR one of the most healthy and constructive growing-points for revolutionary socialism in this country; I do not doubt for a moment the integrity and commitment to the socialist cause of its editors. And yet this movement of ideas has emerged at a time when (for many reasons) the political consciousness of our working people is dulled and their creative political initiatives are at their most sluggish for many years. The younger generation which has matured within this context has, inevitably, generalised from this experience. But these generalisations – unless they are held in perspective by a sense of history – can lead on to attitudes which are both precious and self-isolating; and which, if unchecked, could be as corrosive in the socialist movement as those opportunist and philistine attitudes against which ULR is in recoil. These attitudes seem to me to stem from an ambiguity as to the place of the working-class in the struggle to create a socialist society: a tendency to view working people as the subjects of history, as pliant recipients of the imprint of the mass media, as victims of alienation, as data for sociological enquiry: a tendency to under-estimate the tensions and conflicts of working-class life, and the creative potential – not in the remote future but here and now – of working people: a tendency to assert the absolute autonomy of cultural phenomena without reference to the context of class power: and a shame-faced evasion of that impolite historical concept – the class struggle.

Evasion of Class Struggle?

These attitudes are never dominant in ULR; but they are obvious enough elsewhere, and are incipient in certain contributions to ULR 5. It is a matter of tone, emphases, omissions, which appear side by side with challenging analysis. Taken singly these instances may be unimportant; taken together, a certain impression is given; an impression which is unfairly precipitated early in the number by Gordon Redfern’s boisterous passage of historical impressionism, The Real Outrage. Here the working class is seen as the passive object of social transformations which take place with geological inevitability. “The industrial conurbation grew quickly. Masses of the population drawn from the countryside became meaningless as human beings, but important as cogs in the means of production.” Meaningless to whom? Surely not to themselves? Are working people to be allowed no consciousness of themselves, no power of moral reflection, no agency in shaping industrial society? The period to which (I take it) Gordon Redfern refers was meaningful enough in working-class history; it is the period of Luddism and Peterloo, trade union experiments and Owenism, the 10 Hour Movement and Chartism, and the proliferation of popular religious, educational and cooperative societies.

But Gordon Redfern’s impressions leap over the agitator, the Chartist journalist, the union organiser, and come to rest on the dupe and the turn-coat. Discussing the appeal of middle-class “snob culture,” he writes:

“Dim and without the faculty to interpret, to these heights the workers raised their eyes, this became their goal. (How else can we explain the anachronism of the knighted trade union leader?) Which workers? Which trade union leaders? If we explain Sir Walter Citrine, must we not also explain Tom Mann? But the give-away phrase comes at the conclusion to his article, where he describes our people as “a population jaded almost beyond redemption.”

It is worth looking at, this phrase. Gordon Redfern (and many others who feel in this way but who are too sly to say so) will no doubt believe that they owe some allegiance to the working-class movement, as the ultimate political force which will achieve socialism. But it is a very abstract allegiance. Real working people fill them with nausea: “they know no more than the material standards of the television and washing machine which they have gained.” On every actual count they turn aside with condescension or disgust: the workers are materialist, self-interested, philistine, television-addicts, corrupted by prosperity, and so on. (The fact that some of these attitudes are akin to those held by Tory ladies in Bournemouth does not prevent them from being embraced by quite a number of working-class “scholarship boys” who have supped on a diet of T.S. Eliot.) Above all, working-class people are seen in terms of the papers that most of them read and the films and programmes that most of them watch. Since many of the attitudes embodied in the mass media are contemptible, and since the architectural environment of the industrial working class is ugly and anarchic, it is not difficult for the intellectual to effect an emotional transference from the media and the environment to the people. Whatever he thinks of individual working people, the idea of the working class evokes a response of contempt, dislike or fear. “A population jaded almost beyond redemption.”

If this is true, then there is little left for the enlightened minority to do in politics except to strike attitudes. It is theoretically possible to hold to a “revolutionary” hatred of “industrialism” or “the Establishment” or the mass media, but, since the working class is seen as the great Philistine force whose gullibility and taste for trivial sensation and material advantage underpins the whole thing, practical socialist politics appear as hopeless; and, in extreme cases, the hatred may be directed against the working class itself. In every effective sense, such attitudes are “anti-working-class.”

Having made this point, it would be far too easy to rush for consolation and security back into the arms of old Auntie Dogma. Whatever the working class approves is right: it is the only true revolutionary force in society, because of its very situation: the intellectual must distrust his own responses, and submit his will to the will of the people. But we have had enough of all that; to romanticise the working class and its organisations is not only futile, it is also a flat betrayal of socialist responsibility. A realistic recognition of the forces at work which are corrupting the working-class movement is one of the points from which any socialist analysis must commence. Thousands of rank-and-file members of the Labour Movement are as anxious about these corrupting influences as are Mr. John Osborne and Mr. John Braine. Listen to the ageing Labour councillors, the WEA committee, the veteran trade unionist, lamenting the lack of support for their activities: “they’re all out for themselves,” “it’s the television,” “the movement has lost its moral dynamic,” “only a slump will wake them up” – this is the small change of discussion. To romanticise the working class, or to abstract from it a doctrinaire emblem of evergreen militancy, is as much a betrayal of living working people as are the attitudes which I have termed “anti-working-class.”

Sense of History

I THINK we are lacking, chiefly, in a sense of history; we might discuss the uses of literacy a little less, and the uses of history rather more.

The following assumptions appear in several articles in ULR 5; first, that “materialism” is an unworthy social motivation: second, that in contemporary “consumer capitalism” there has been some qualitative (even “revolutionary”) alteration in the material drives of working people. “Capitalism as a social system is now based upon consumption,” writes Stuart Hall (A Sense of Classlessness, ULR 5); and, “not only has the working class been built into the market itself: but commodities – things-in-themselves – have accumulated a social value as well. They have become insignias of class and status.” He offers as evidence for this a number of most perceptive insights into the degree to which the capitalist ethos has today penetrated into the centres of working-class life; but he offers no serious historical framework for this judgment whatsoever. When has the working class not been “built into the market”? Who on earth consumed the products of the early industrial revolution, if the working people had no serious share? When have commodities not had a social, as well as strictly utilitarian, value? The upright piano preceded the television set into the skilled workers’ home; the china plaque with a biblical inscription preceded the plastic nymph; sanded floors gave way to rough carpeting and have now given way to imitation Axminsters. At every stage there has been a striving for status within the working class; and if we are now concerned with a change in quality, and not merely in degree, we must be offered more serious evidence.

Competing Moralities

The lament about the “materialism” of the workers has, after all, appeared several times before in our history. It was heard on all sides among Chartist veterans in the prosperity which followed the Great Exhibition. In 1859 a Yorkshire Chartist was writing that his fellows were “thoroughly disgusted at the indifference and utter inattention of the multitude to their best interests” and regretting the “foolish integrity and zeal” of Ernest Jones in seeking “to bring about the enfranchisement of the unthinking and ungrateful multitude.” Ten years later the former Chartist, Thomas Cooper, revisited Lancashire and summed up his impressions in a passage which has become a locus classicus of working-class history:

“In our old Chartist time ... Lancashire working men were in rags by thousands; and many of them lacked food. But their intelligence was demonstrated wherever you went. You would see them in groups discussing the great doctrine of political justice ... or they were in earnest dispute respecting the teachings of Socialism. Now, you will see no such groups in Lancashire. But you will hear well-dressed working men talking of co-operative stores, and their shares in them, or in building societies.”

Twenty years later again, and at the commencement of the Dock Strike, Engels was lamenting England’s “bourgeois proletariat.” And this period, from 1850 to 1880 and beyond, saw a striving for status within the working class as sharp as any to be found today: self-made man against skilled worker, the skilled unionist against the labourer, the butty system in the pits. Exploitation has never been something done at a cohesive working class by employers above them; it has also been part of the very conditions of life and work of the whole people. The ethos which Stuart Hall describes so perceptively, and terms “the status ladder,” went by the name, in Victorian England, of “self-help.” Self-help was equally divisive, it entered as deeply into the organisations of the working people.

I am making two points. First, working-class history is not the record of a coherent “way of life”; it has always been a way of struggle, between competing moralities. At any given point a whole complex of objective and active, subjective factors determine which morality is dominant. The objective factors are most obvious: in times of relative prosperity and social flexibility, when it is possible for individuals or groups to “better themselves,” the acquisitive ethic and the status-striving assert themselves. Conversely, in times of hardship, when it is most clear that the working class (or groups within it) can only defend themselves or advance by collective action, the communal ethic flowers.

This way of struggle, against class rule above, and between competing moralities within the working class, has never been a blind, spontaneous reflex to objective economic conditions. It has been a conscious struggle of ideas and values all the way. It has been possible for working-class organisations to hold fast to the vision of collective good, in the face of the acquisitive surge in times of prosperity. It has been possible for treacherous leadership (as at the time of the General Strike) to shatter that vision for a decade. And, the more closely we study it, the more we are forced to a recognition of the role of the politically active minority. In times of brutalisation and degradation, working people have asserted their humanity only by revolt against these conditions; and the most conscious, morally-engaged form of revolt has been in political organisation. For 150 years the political minority has been the carrier of the aspirations of the majority; it has been the point at which the diffuse ideal of community has come to effective expression. For working people above all, the road to human fulfilment in capitalist society has been bound up, in one way or another, with political organisation. It is through conscious action against exploitation and class oppression that they have ceased to be victims of their environment, and have achieved the dignity of actors in the making of their own history.

Grounds for Hope

To describe the evolution of “industrialism” in sociological terms which belittle the organisation, influence, and ideas of the political minority, is to deprive us, not only of honourable traditions, but also of our grounds for hope in the present. It is not the “materialism” so much as the politics of the working-class today which is at fault.

The two of course are related. And this brings me to my second point, which is that some of us are being a great deal too precious about the “materialism” of working people. The myth of the Great Prosperity is, after all, MacMillan’s. Millions do not know it; millions more live at. a distance of two or three wage-packets from poverty, and need only an accident, a separation from the husband, a sickness or death in the family, to be pushed into extreme hardship. The millions who do live in greater security, who do bring in the bonuses and overtime, who do go after the bedroom suites and the homemaking gimmicks, certainly are subject to most of the commercially-induced pressures towards a “middle-class style of life” which Stuart Hall anatomises; but why do he and others dwell so exclusively on the negative features of the situation? Why does Gordon Redfern couple sneeringly the television and the washing-machine? The first is a problem of a special order; the second is not a symbol of “status” but a machine to wash clothes with. I do not know what moral and cultural values are attached to the kitchen sink, a washboard, and the week’s wash for a family of five. But if we are getting more washing-machines, we should recognise in that fact at least the potential of greater emancipation for working women.

I am asking, not only for a sense of history, but for a sense of the dialectics of social change. It may be true that the dominant ethic today is a blend of Joe Lampton and the Labour electoral glossy: but that does not tell us what to expect tomorrow. Less than a year after Engels had complained of our “bourgeois proletariat” he was standing on a van at London’s first May Day, rejoicing at the sight of “the grandchildren of the old Chartists re-entering the line of battle.” But these men were not the same as their grandfathers, and they were not entering the same battle. The Lancashire followers of Blatchford made fuller and more complex claims upon life than their grandfathers in the Plug Riots had done. Where the Bradford Chartists had fought against the Bastille and against starvation, the Bradford ILP fought against infant mortality, for nursery schools, council houses, and free school meals. What do we want the present generation of working people to fight for? We do not want to push them back into the old, cramped, claustrophobic community which was based on the grim equality of hardship. The aspiration towards community, if it arises in the present generation, will be far richer and more complex, with far more insistence upon variety, freedom of movement, and freedom of choice, than in the old-style community.

Misuse of Hoggart

I must confess to some impatience with this nostalgia for the “whole way of life” of the old working-class community. Stuart Hall tells us that a skilled maintenance operative remarked:

“I wanted a house and a bit of space around it: after all, that’s what we came for. People are too close to you – breathing down your necks ... And we thought of Bethnal Green.”

What did Stuart Hall think of Bethnal Green? It is one thing to recognise the positive values created in the slums in the teeth of squalor, overcrowding and hardship, so long as we recall the human cost and the many casualties on the way. But it is another matter if we exalt these positives to the point where we see the slum-dweller’s desire for a house “with a bit of space” only as a melancholy falling-away from a noble “way of life”. Are family privacy and the sense of community necessarily opposed? Is it not possible that we should look forward to a more complex inter-action between self-cultivating and civic values? Are there not new positives and potentialities in the new way of life, which are the strengths upon which we must build, in countering the self-regarding and acquisitive features?

I suspect that the current tendency to sentimentalise the old working-class community may in part be traced to a mis-use of Richard Hoggart’s The Uses of Literacy. I shared in the general acclaim for this book upon its appearance: it is splendidly evocative in its opening chapters, splendidly perceptive in its local criticisms. But as the book is put to uses which its author cannot have foreseen, one’s criticisms tend to grow more harsh. From the standpoint of the historian of the working-class it is a valuable, but highly misleading, document. I do not refer only to the absence of conflict in the early chapters, the absence of many adult pre-occupations (especially at the place of work), the neglect of the role of the minority, the omission or under-estimation of most of those influences which combine to create the labour movement in this century. Nor am I concerned at the moment with the persistent suggestion, in the later chapters, that the readers can be identified in an over-simplified way with the attitudes in the papers which they read – the failure of Hoggart seriously to examine the tensions which exist between the actual experience and relationships of the readers, and the false consciousness of the mass media. My central criticism is of the misleading and anti-historical framework of the book. In the first part, subjective impressions, largely based on childhood memories, and unchecked by historical referents; the whole combining in a picture of the old way of life. In the second part, impressions drawn from reading-matter alone, combining in a picture of the new. The further the reader is from the book, the more it simmers in his memory, the more he forgets the peculiar technique employed. And the more it appears to him as an historical analysis of the currents of working-class cultural change in our time. But this is precisely what the book is not. If it were so, the evidence of Reveille and the Daily Mirror would have to be balanced against Northcliffe’s Daily Mail at the time of the “Hang the Kaiser” election and Horatio Bottomley’s John Bull; or the family of Hoggart’s recollections would have to be weighed beside equally close empirical insights into the family on the new Leeds housing-estates.

Culture not Peripheral

I am not underestimating the gravity of the situation which Hoggart illuminates. But his case is presented in such a way as to emphasise the passivity of the present-day working-class reader, and so induces a sense of hopelessness. But the working-class reader has been besieged before, if not so seductively, then at least as relentlessly. He has survived the propaganda of church and squire, the Steam Intellect Tracts, the sentimental mush of the Sunday School and the orthodox Methodist pulpit, as debilitating and degrading in their way as anything offered today. Survival has not always been easy; at times, the course of social change has been diverted, or temporarily reversed, and the active political minority has been almost totally submerged. I agree that the problem of the mass media today, with their vast power, centralised control, and suggestive influence upon the very “springs of action”, is of crucial importance. Questions of “culture” today are not peripheral to the “real political issues” of class power; they are central to the whole way of struggle. What is at issue is the mind of the working-class: its consciousness of itself, its knowledge of its own potential strength. I ask only that we see these problems within some historical frame of reference, and in the context of struggle. The resistance to the mass media comes not only from old strengths and traditions derived from the old working-class community; it is generated daily in the experience of working-people, and nourished by the active minority. If we see the working-class as the passive recipients of the mass media, then we may disarm ourselves in the face of them. Worse than this, we may not bring to the minority the support which they so urgently need. The suggestive forces of the mass media cannot be resisted by the fostering of a negative current of critical resistance alone. They must be met by other, positive forces which can only come from a vigorous socialist movement in which the political minority and the intellectuals make common cause. The constructive aspirations towards a full socialist community will be nourished from a hundred sources; and the socialist intellectuals, the architects who project the new cities, the scientists who can explain the hazards and the opportunities, the writers, the historians, even – perhaps – the sociologists (if they will break their Family-fixation and breathe some fresh air) must provide much of the nourishment. And in the process I hope we may become a little less self-conscious ourselves about status and class, and cease to play the game of the Establishment by drawing an abstract line between the “real working-class” of heavy industry, and the teachers, the technicians, the draughtsmen, the white-coated workers and the rest. We do not want the jealous neighbourhood community which erects barriers; we want the socialist community which includes all.

Whole Way of Struggle

I HOPE the tenor of my criticisms has now become clear. If placed within an historical perspective, recent sociological writings can greatly add to our understanding of the very texture of life, the tissue of social and personal relationships, the cultural norms. But without this sense of history the record of our working class can appear as an instinctual, almost vegetable, evolution, in which the active role of the minority, as the agent of social change, is belittled, as well as the moral and intellectual resources which have been called forth in a whole way of struggle. Our society today – our democratic liberties and our social services – is in great part the product of this struggle, and of the adjustments to it on the part of capitalist interests. If Campaigners can meet in Trafalgar Square today, it is because of the great struggles for freedom of speech and assembly waged by radical and socialist working men in the 1880’s and 1890’s. And unless we have this sense of history, we will not see the potential within living working people. Commitment in politics must mean commitment to living people.

This does not mean uncritical allegiance to the existing social attitudes, or political institutions, of the working class. (Which institutions, anyway? And in what sense can certain bureaucratic organisations today be said to be the true expression of the needs of the existing working people?) Most certainly the acquisitive ethos and the politics of glossyism have got to be challenged in every centre of working class life. But the challenge must come from within, not from a righteous minority outside. The movement today is blighted by flattery; everyone flatters working people, from the intimate fireside tele-politician, with his appeal to the “moderate right-thinking” elector, to the self-appointed vanguardist exalting the effortless, instinctive judgment of the “true proletarian”. The great pioneers never built on flattery: they denounced, they challenged, they offered the hardships of organisation, self-education, the difficult mastery of political understanding, the painful awakening of richer social aspirations: “Now, young chaps, what are you going to live for?” demanded Tom Mann. We have to make this challenge again, and we can offer a complexity of fulfilment unattainable sixty years ago. But we shall be listened to – we shall have the right to expect attention – only if our commitment to the living generation is beyond question.

All this is given added point in the aftermath of the Aldermaston demonstration. The presence of some thousands of young “middle-class” people was a great feature of the march. Who could have supposed, from an aloof analysis of the reading-matter of the intelligentsia three years ago – Waiting for Godot and 1984, the back end of the New Statesman and the front end of Encounter, The Outsider and Mr. Kruschev’s secret speech – that out of such despair and contempt for common people, this swift maturity of protest could arise? The individualists are marching, because they know that peace is the very precondition of individualism; and as they march, they discover within themselves unsuspected aspirations – new social bonds, a new sense of potential community, an intuition into the nature of class power.

Let us hope that the splendid spirit of antagonism to the expediencies and moral myopia of the orthodox politicians, which was so evident in the nuclear disarmament campaign, will not over-balance into the anti-political moral purism of the sect. Commitment to principle need not be a different thing from political commitment. In the last analysis, commitment in politics entails the assumption of the fullest human responsibility available to men in class society – a responsibility entailed by the tissue of human relationships into which we are committed by the very fact of birth – the purposive and sustained action, in association with others, to bring class society itself to an end. It is from this central human commitment that commitment in every other field must flow. And this political question is central to our whole discussion of both community and culture. It is in the socialist movement itself that the aspiration towards community should find its most conscious expression.

There is a long and honourable tradition of such total human commitment within our working-class movement. For several generations, thousands of men and women have come forward whose lives have been enclosed within this whole way of struggle. They have officered organisations for twenty, thirty and more years, defining the meaning of their lives in terms of the wider movement, looking forward to little more than a vote of thanks, and a declining standard of living in their old age. They have lived through as many defeats as victories, and have spent much of their energy in challenging their own leaders, or in repairing their defections. They have seen their colleagues fall away, and the clever politicians find the rooms at the top. They have been the poor bloody infantry of the movement, who have been sent in to hold the positions which the dashing cavalrymen have entered. For decades at a time they have been deserted, not only by most of the intellectuals, but also by a great part of their own class. Never far from the realities of class power, they have felt the full shock of every set-back in then own lives. They have been accustomed to fighting defensive battles, and “politics” for them has meant, more often than not, dealing with contingencies as they have arisen. Confined to one community and to a few places of work, they have made their own choice between the values of community and the acquisitive ethic. It is easy enough to forget at what cost:

What is the price of Experience? Do men buy it for a song?
Or wisdom for a dance in the street? No, it is bought with the price
Of all that a man hath, his house, his wife, his children.
Wisdom is sold in the desolate market where none come to buy,
And in the wither’d field where the farmer plows for bread in vain.

Such total commitment may generate vices which are complementary to its virtues: a suspicion of the individualist, a tendency to exalt the need for organisational unity, and to fall into defensive political routines, a narrow pragmatic “realism”. Today the vices may be more apparent than the virtues; and the minority, where it is still to be found, in the Labour Party, the trade unions, or the Communist Party, is often disheartened and has lost its sense of direction. I am not suggesting that our Labour Movement today is staffed at the rank-and-file level wholly by men of such single-minded purpose. But I am insisting that it is from this honourable tradition that all of us – and most especially the new Aldermaston generation – have most to learn. We must learn from the steady attention to organisation, and from the true moral realism which has enabled men, year in and year out, to meet each situation as it has arisen – each industrial or political challenge, each threat to peace – and to act in relation to it without the least regard for personal gain. If I describe this total commitment as being, in the last analysis, commitment in the class struggle, I do not mean that its truest expression is to be found in revolutionary posturing or bull-at-a-gate industrial militancy. Intelligence, resourcefulness, a sense of the needs of the wider movement, humanity, and – in the common human struggle to prevent nuclear war – restraint and a capacity for compromise; all these qualities may, at one time or another, be demanded by the logic of events, and signify a truer revolutionary maturity than the posturings of those enthusiasts who (in Shaw’s phrase), “mistake their own emotions for public movements”. But, however various its forms of expression, we must see this total commitment as the ultimate value from which the aspiration for community is constantly renewed. And intellectuals, above all, should strive to associate themselves with this tradition, as a corrective to those many influences which enable them to come to terms with the Establishment without loss of self-esteem, and which tolerate and even reward the radical providing that he does not touch the sensitive points of class-power. We need (finally) this corrective to the extravagances of utopianism. Political action consists in influencing and changing living people. The region of political choice is limited by the stubborn nature of the stuff with which we must work. And the value of utopianism is to be found, not in raising banners in the wilderness, but in confronting living people with an image of their own potential life, in summoning up their aspirations so that they challenge the old forms of life, and in influencing such social choices as there are in the direction that is desired. Utopianism and realism should not form into rival contingents; they should quarrel in a constructive way in the heart of the same movement.

I am not stating this case for political commitment in any narrow, organisationally-limited way. I do not think that there is any one single organisational solution for socialists today. Nor am I asking people to “root themselves in the labour movement” by conducting parasitic factional activities within organisations which are dying through bureaucratic paralysis and lack of an influx of youth. People are looking for new ways, new forms of political expression; there must be direct channels opened up to the minds of younger working people, as well as actions in the old organisations. Next year the banners of Trades Councils must move from Aldermaston to Trafalgar Square: but the skiffle groups and the jeans-and-pony-tails must still be there. It is because ULR has broken free of old dogmas and organisational routines; because its contributors voice richer aspirations than are found in the sterile formulations of Old Dogma or the seedy solicitations of New Glossy; because they bring with them a generosity of spirit without which the most “correct” political theory is impotent; because they understand that, as the old battles for bread are won, new tensions and needs are arising; because they start from the need to change people and not resolution-jobbing or institutional manipulation ; because they understand that the great battle today is for the mind of the working people, and the greatest need is for the vision of community to be reborn; because – above all – their vision of socialism entails, not a succession of electoral rat-races, but the revolutionary transformation of the whole life of man – for all these reasons the jibes at the opening of this article may be dismissed with contempt. But let us keep steadily in view the realities of class power in our time; the community to which we look forward is potential only within our working-class movement. The “power to compel” must always remain with the organised workers, but the intellectuals may bring to them hope, a sense of their own strength and potential life. And the facts of class power in our time will not allow us the luxury of self-isolation. We are committed, with a total commitment, to meet each contingency as it arises, knowing that it is our fate and our responsibility in capitalist society, to see many of our hopes and energies ploughed into “the wither’d field”, but knowing also that there is no force which can change this society except within ourselves. We have no choice in this. And if we evade this choice, we degrade our own humanity.

Last updated on 22 July 2010


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MasterPozzolith - Ready-to-use water-reducing admixtures for lower strength concrete.

How does MasterPozzolith work?

The established MasterPozzolith product family is a series of water-reducing admixtures that maximize the performance of lower strength concrete. These products, based on specific chemistry and dosage can reduce water and influence setting characteristics to desired levels. The result is quality concrete with good finishing properties for standard applications.

What makes MasterPozzolith a unique solution for customers?

These water-reducing admixtures can be used to increase slump and workability of concrete without adding water, or reduce water contents of concrete, thereby increasing strength while maintaining slump. The result is more workable concrete for contractors, or increased performance for applications requiring higher strength.

Having the right admixture partner is vital for success.

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Maybank Malaysia Badminton Open 2012 Event Program

Start Times

The tournament will be held from 10th to 15th January 2012 (Tuesday to Sunday). The start times for each day of the tournament will be:

Tuesday 9AM: Qualifying Rounds
Wednesday 9AM: Round 1

Updated Times:

Thursday 2PM: Round 2
Friday 5PM: Quarter Finals
Saturday 11AM: Semi Finals
Sunday 1PM: FINAL

You should take note that the start times are subject to change at the organisers’ discretion.

I’m not sure why is the quarter finals scheduled to start at 3pm in the afternoon – this is not a usual time.

In most instances, the quarter finals of badminton tournaments are usually in the evening. This allows people who are working to make it on time.

However, having the quarter finals starting earlier at 3pm is a good thing for the players.

If the quarter finals start at 6pm, it most likely would end at around 12am!

Players proceeding to the semi finals the next day might need to rest and recover. And perhaps a short session with the physiologist. By the time they get to rest, it would be 1 or 2am.

So maybe Badminton Association of Malaysia took the players’ interest into account for the quarter finals.

The Maybank Malaysia Open 2012 will be held at Putra Stadium, which is situated at the National Sports Complex, Bukit Jalil.

The stadium is one of the many buildings in the Sports Complex. You might have trouble looking for it if you’re not familiar with the place.

A good way is to follow the crowd as you reach because the only reason they’ll be at the National Complex during these dates is to watch the Malaysian Super Series.

Just in case you think you’ll get lost, click here for the location of the Putra Stadium.

badminton malaysia open

Preliminary Highlights and Some Interesting Facts

The Badminton Malaysia Open 2012 is an OSIM BWF World Super Series event and 2012 will be the second season of the World Series.

We promised you some badminton drama in our Maybank Malaysia Open 2012 Announcement page, so here it is.

During the first season of the World Super Series in 2011, top badminton players from around the world battled so hard to win those precious BWF ranking points and of course, the prize money!

We witnessed the fall of legends and rise of new stars.

The Malaysia Super Series 2012 marks the start of the season and merely brings forward all the badminton drama of last year.

1 year ago at the Proton Malaysia Open 2011, the current world no.1 won the gold medal AGAIN! This year, it will be Chong Wei’s 7th time defending his Malaysian Open title.

Is he able to secure his 8th championship gold at the 2012 Malaysian Open? Will Lin Dan, his greatest opponent and nemesis, walks in and destroy the Malaysian’s goal?

There is a pretty interesting rumour about Lin Dan at the annual Malaysia Open. In the men singles final at the 2006 occasion, it was Lin Dan v Lee Chong Wei.

It was the final game and ‘Super Dan’ was at match point 20-13. The new badminton scoring rules has already been applied in 2006, which means that the ‘service over’ rule has been abolished and one point will be offered to each rally.

It was almost impossible for Chong Wei to win 7 consecutive rally points to obtain a deuce. Yet the world no.1 shocked his fans by getting a deuce at 20-20, and then winning the championship gold in the end.

You can imagine how Lin Dan felt at that moment. He was up by 7 points but did not manage to win it. Since 2006, we never see Lin Dan playing at the finals of the Malaysia Open. Last year at 2011, he attended the tournament but walked off at the quarter finals with a controversial stomach pain excuse.

Some said that he refuses to face Chong Wei in the semi finals due to the 2006 phobia, while others claimed that he was giving a chance for his team mate Chen Long, to excel in his career. What in fact is the truth?

Lin Dan is attending the Malaysian Super Series 2012, and Lee Chong Wei is most likely to make his way to the final again. What would Lin Dan do this time? Are we able to witness a Lin Dan v Lee Chong Wei in this tournament?

Click here to read on the season wrap up of the OSIM BWF World Super Series 2011. Over there, you’ll read on the drama that has been going on in the world of badminton over 2011.

Prize Money and Championships

The prize money pool for this year’s Malaysian Super Series is USD 400,000.

The prize money will be distributed in accordance to the BWF regulations.

Category Champion ($USD) Runner Up ($USD)
Men Singles 30,000 15,200
Women Singles 30,000 15,200
Men Doubles 31,600 per pair 15,200 per pair
Women Doubles 31,600 per pair 15,200 per pair
Mixed Doubles 31,600 per pair 15,200 per pair

The remaining will be allocated to quarter finals players and those who made their ways to the last 16 rounds.

Previous Winners and Defending Champions

Men Singles: Lee Chong Wei (MAS)
Women Singles: Wang Shi Xian (CHN)
Men Doubles: Chai Biao/Guo Zhengdong (CHN)
Women Doubles: Tian Qing/Zhao Yun Lei (CHN)
Mixed Doubles: He Han Bin/Ma Jin (CHN)

As you can see, the Chinese dominated the finals of the 2011 Malaysian Open. China almost had a clean sweep of titles.

Some Snapshots before the Tournament

Training Sessions

badminton malaysia open

Tournament Courts

badminton malaysia open courts

Maybank Malaysia Open 2012 Announcement &amp how to get tickets

Tell me what you think!

What do you think about what you just read? Leave me a comment below.


text:
Breastfeeding May Improve Intelligence Scores

Photo: Mother gives a baby the breast

Breastfeeding has positive effects on
childrens' development; © Hemera

Michael S. Kramer, M.D., of McGill University and the Montreal Children’s Hospital, Montreal, Quebec, and colleagues conducted a randomized trial of a breastfeeding promotion program involving patients at 31 maternity hospitals and affiliated clinics in Belarus.

Between June 1996 and December 1997, clinics were randomly assigned either to adopt a program supporting and promoting breastfeeding or to continue their current practices and policies. A total of 7,108 infants and mothers who visited facilities promoting breastfeeding and 6,781 infants and mothers who visited control facilities received follow-up interviews and examinations between 2002 and 2005, when the children were an average of 6.5 years old.

Mothers who visited a facility promoting breastfeeding were more likely to feed their infants only breast milk at age three months (43.3 percent versus 6.4 percent in the control group) and at all ages through one year. At age 6.5, the children in the breastfeeding group scored an average of 7.5 points higher on tests measuring verbal intelligence, 2.9 points higher on tests measuring non-verbal intelligence and 5.9 points higher on tests measuring overall intelligence. Teachers also rated these children significantly higher academically than control children in both reading and writing.

“Even though the treatment difference appears causal, it remains unclear whether the observed cognitive benefits of breastfeeding are due to some constituent of breast milk or are related to the physical and social interactions inherent in breastfeeding,” the authors write.

Essential long-chain fatty acids and a compound known as insulinlike growth factor I, both found in breast milk, could be responsible for the cognitive differences. On the other hand, the physical or emotional component of breastfeeding may lead to permanent changes affecting brain development. Breastfeeding also may increase verbal interaction between mother and child, which could improve children’s cognitive development.; Source: American Medical Association


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October 24, 2009 - 7 went

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The Really Nasty Horse Racing Game

Special Price £19.99 was £24.99
Out of stock
  • Enjoy a day at the races with this horse racing board game
  • The aim is the end up with the most prize money at the end of the game
  • Win money by betting on your horse or by secretly backing another
  • Sabotage the race with the "Really Nasty" playing cards
  • It's the game of bluffing, double-crossing and deception
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More product info

Experience a day at the races at home with this exciting, betting family board game. Race your horse around the board in this game of bluffing, deception and double-crossing. Stay loyal by betting on your own horse or secretly back another, but make sure you don't tell the other players who you've bet on.
The aim of the game is to collect the most prize money after 6 nail biting races.You can either play as an owner of a horse or as a punter, so you can either bet and race your own horse or bet on a rival's horse. How you go about winning however is completely up to you, as the game comes complete with a pack of "Really Nasty" playing cards for you to sabotage the race to effect your opponents. Make horses slip up or even veer sidewards with one of these cards and even if they make it through this you can play your Stewards Enquiry or objection card to turn the result into your favour.

Each player starts with  £20,000 (horse racing money of course) , a number of “Really Nasty” playing cards and of course the vital betting slip. Then every player is administered with six horses – one for each race and graded from 1 to 6 with 1 being the stallion horse and 6 being the horse that’s normally left behind. Once this is decided each player must choose which horse will run which specific race. This is when the true tactics come into play! However you will still have to consider the odds and your fellow betters to have the best chance of winning.

 A bookmaker is assigned at the start of the game to control the lane placings which are drawn before each race, and the horse that draws the inside lane. The way that the horses move is controlled by the throw of the dice, with each number of the die corresponding the amount of lengths which are made by the horse. You can affect the race as well, by using techniques such as blocking, cornering and changing lanes.

Box Includes:

  • 24 Really Nasty cards
  • 6 race cards
  • 6 lane cards
  • 6 horses and jockeys
  • 1 riderless horse
  • 1 game board
  • 1 bookies board
  • 1 large wad of money
  • 1 pad of betting slips
  • 1 dry marker
  • 1 pencil
  • 1 dice
  • 1 rules
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Connecting to LinkedIn...

Audio Typist

Location: Newcastle-under-Lyme, Staffordshire Industry: Administrator
Salary: £8.01 - £8.62 per hour Contact: Laura Hassall
Posted: 3 months ago Contact Email:

Audio Typist
£8.01 per hour
Newcastle under Lyme, ST5

Audio typists required to start immediately working in a busy environment, experience is essential as this vacancy is working within a hospital setting.

The role is Monday to Friday, full -time.
Fast accurate audio typing is essential, medical terminology would be helpful.

If you have any questions about this role, please call Clare or Laura at Meridian on:

01782 272400

To Apply please send your CV to:

Meridian Business Support is acting on behalf of our Client as a Recruitment Business.

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Connecting to LinkedIn...

Customer Service Advisor

Location: Exeter, Devon Industry: Customer Services
Salary: £7.00 per hour Contact: Karen Burwood
Posted: over 1 year ago Contact Email:

The Company:

Are you looking for some extra money for Christmas?

This 4 - 6 week temporary role will involve taking inbound calls offering product information. This role will involve working alternate weekends and you will have two days off in the week.

Job Responsibilities:

  • Answer incoming customer services queries
  • Deal with any customer complaints
  • You will ensure that their customers are dealt with in an efficient manner, making sure that any queries are recognised, recorded, confirmed and resolved effectively, working in a professional, supportive and fun working environment.

Associated Benefits:

  • Dress down days on Fridays and at weekends
  • Full training provided

Working hours:

Monday - Friday 8am-6.30pm (Core Hours) Shifts on rota basis 37.5 hour week

Saturday - 8am - 5.30pm and Sunday - 9.30am - 3.30pm

2 days off per week, schedules published 3-4 weeks in advance.

To apply, or to find out more information, please click on one of the "apply" buttons

Please note that due to a high level of applications, we can only respond immediately to applicants whose skills & qualifications are suitable for this position.

Meridian Business Support is acting on behalf of our Client as a Recruitment Business.

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10 hook and loop sanding sheets 3 5/32 ",P 40,W+M, SXE (624041000)

  • High-quality sanding paper with semi-open coarseness and high removal of material for a homogenous finish
  • For veneers, solid wood, polyester, steel and stainless steel sheets, non-ferrous metals, light alloys
  • e.g. for sanding veneered cabinet fronts and sides, sanding furniture covered with liners with hot-melt type adhesive edges, decorative sanding of stainless steel sheets, sanding-based repair work, and deburring cut sheet metal
The machine shown may differ in equiment and technical details depending on the configuration.
Kindly pay attention to delivery scope and product description.
Accessories included only if listed in the delivery scope.
3 5/32 "
P 40
Sales unit
Metabo uses cookies in order to optimize and continually improve the design of our website. By continuing to use our website, you consent to the use of cookies. More information


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Search Mi-Pac

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Mi-Pac Gold Wash Bag - Patent Red

In stock

  1. Specifications
  2. Description
  3. Delivery & Returns
  • Height 140mm X Width 200mm X Depth 140mm
  • 2.8L Capacity
  • Shower Proof Lining In Complimentary Colour
  • Zipped Main Compartment
  • Magnetic Fastenings At Sides Can Be Undone To Create Even More Space
  • Internal Screen Printed Logo

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Webinar: Affirmative Action and OFCCP Regulations and Audits - When and How They Apply to Your Business

June 25, 2013

Sponsored by Employment Law Alliance

Miller Canfield is the designated law firm for Michigan and Poland for the Employment Law Alliance, a network of the top labor + employment lawyers in the world.

Webinar (3:00 - 4:30 PM EDT)

Click here for complete details.


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Gold Arm Cat Eye Sunglasses Black

Throw major shade in these feisty sunglasses. Featuring a cat eye style, luxe gold arms and a grey filter, these will frame your face #winning

Includes pouch Product number: A4401671
Wipe Clean
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Sheer Lace Cami Midi Dress White

Get the boho look and channel your inner hippy in this lace cami dress. This beaut little number is perfect for festival stylin' or holiday strollin'. In a cami style and midi length, pair over a bikini with sandals for laid back holiday vibes.
Approx length 93cm/37" (Based on a UK size 8 sample)

95% Polyester 5% Elastane

Tsanna wears a UK size 8 / EU size 36 / US size 4 and her height is 5'9" Product number: DE904653
Machine Washable
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Soft Knit Racer Sleeveless Jumper Grey

Was $30.00

Now $12.00 (60% off)

The racer neckline is the perfect 90's throwback and this sleeveless jumper in a crop style, ribbed edging and a sporty grey marl hue will add something extra to your day game.

stretch fit

55% Acrylic 45% Cotton

Approx length: 41cm/16" (Based on a UK size 8 sample)

Thi wears a UK size 8 / EU size 36 / US size 4 and her height is 5'9"

Product number: K2221473
Machine Washable
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Textured Tidings

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Textured Tidings - Page Text Content

BC: 2011

FC: Rob, Erin, Brennan, Olie & Sophie Hone | WISHING YOU PEACE, LOVE, & HAPPINESS!

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Erin Hone
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About This Mixbook

  • Title: Textured Tidings
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Blank Canvas

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S: Milton the Genius

FC: Milton the Genius | Things I learned from my dog

1: While the other puppies played with toys or each other, one puppy gave special attention to Ella as she picked out which one would be her birthday present. His name would be Milton. | Lesson learned: If you show love, you will receive love in return

2: Lesson Learned: Do your best to make others feel welcome and special. | Milton would always greet Ella and Wyatt when they were getting off the bus while coming home from school. He was ready to play.

3: On Halloween Ella would dress as a zoo keeper and Milton would wear a cheetah costume, even though it looked like a dress and made him look like a girl. Wyatt was usually a superhero. | Lesson learned: Sometimes helping a friend may not be fun, but do it anyway.

4: Whenever the goats would go under the fence and into the yard, Milton was quick to chase them back into the pasture. | Lesson learned: Protect your property and always be aware of those who might harm you.

5: Lesson learned: Friends and family are special. Keep in touch. | Often Milton would walk to MawMaw and PawPaw's house, for no reason other than just to say "Hello".

6: Every day when Ella's dad would feed the cows, Milton would be in the other seat. | Lesson learned: Always be willing to help others when they need some assistance.

7: Lesson learned: Be loyal to your friends. | Wherever Ella and Wyatt went, Milton would follow along on the adventure.

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Samsung Galaxy S4 Price In Azerbaijan With Full Specs & Features Detail

Samsung Galaxy S4 Price in Azerbaijan is AZN 324

Samsung Galaxy S4 Price & Specification Azerbaijan

Check the Latest Price of Samsung Galaxy S4 in Azerbaijan 2017 and detail specs, check the current Market Rate of Galaxy S4 online before buying Galaxy S4 in az

Samsung Galaxy S4 More Models

Available. Released 2013, April
2013, March
136.6 x 69.8 x 7.9 mm (5.38 x 2.75 x 0.31 in)
130 g (4.59 oz)
Titanium Gray, Sapphire Black
Android OS, v4.2 (Jelly Bean)
Quad-core 1.6 GHz Cortex-A15 & quad-core 1.2 GHz Cortex-A7, Exynos 5 Octa 5410 Chipset & PowerVR SGX
16 GB storage, 2 GB RAM, microSD, up to 32 GB
1080 x 1920 pixels, 5.0 inches (~441 ppi pixel density)
Super AMOLED capacitive touchscreen, 16M colors
13 MP, 4128x3096 pixels, autofocus, LED flash, Geo-tagging, touch focus, face detection, image stabi
Yes, 1080p@30fps
Yes, 2 MP,1080p@30fps, dual video call
Standard Li-Ion 2600 mAh battery
GSM 850 / 900 / 1800 / 1900
HSDPA 850 / 900 / 1900 / 2100
4G, LTE (market dependent)
Wi-Fi 802.11 a/b/g/n, dual-band, DLNA, Wi-Fi hotspot
Yes, v4.0 with A2DP, EDR
Yes, microUSB (MHL) v2.0, USB Host support
Yes, with A-GPS support and GLONASS

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The Latest Samsung Galaxy S4 Price in Azerbaijan is Azerbaijani Manat 324 (US$180) Updated on May 24, 2017, All Price updated on daily bases from the local market shops/Showrooms and price list provided by the main dealers of Samsung in AZE we are trying to delivering possible best Price of Samsung Galaxy S4 in Azerbaijan and Full specifications,

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Motorola Moto G4 and G4 Plus Review

Tuesday, April 17, 2016, Motorola, a company acquired by Lenovo introduced the world to not one, not two but three Moto G phones. The Moto G phones have been named as the Moto G4, Moto G4 Plus and the Moto G4 Play. The phones launched by the Lenovo acquired company are the successors to the last years famous Moto G3. Every phone in the market offers something. Each phone excels in certain places and lacks the advantages in other but what lies within the brand new 4th Generation Motorola. Let's break down the phone to its core elements and trace out what does it offer in this in depth review. This marks as in depth review of both, the Moto G4 and the Plus model.

The G series has been symbolized as the budget series in the past making compromises to provide the best package in the least of price. The previous models succeeded in their task and were hailed as successful. Will the new ones stay true to the purpose or will they wither away. Let's find out.

Looking at the phone from a distance, the phone now feels a bit flatter than the previous versions. The camera protrudes out a little and has a metal ring covering the camera. The phone feels as an overhaul to the previous Motorola design and is a rendition by Lenovo to the Moto G3. The Moto G4 opts to keep hold of the rubbery back which fits right into your hands. The smooth plastic back panels are removable and come in different colors which can be chosen via the Moto Maker. The phone although is plastic all around but feels a very premium right out of the box. The Moto G4 Plus shares exactly the same quality as the other which concludes that both phones differ internally. The Moto G4 Plus can be a dual Sim variant which would makes its way into the hands through the Moto Maker. The phone has an isolated headphone jack at the top and has a microUSB port at the bottom.

The Moto G4 Plus has the dimensions of 153*76.6*9.8 all in millimeters. The 4th Generation Moto devices are definitely not the slimmest smartphones in the market but provide with a comfortable feel in the hand. Moto G4 plus supports a microSIM card and shares the same hardware with the other model (Moto G4).

The predecessors of the G4 provided support for an HD screen.The display is definitely a bump from the previous HD screen to now full-HD resolution. This upgrade symbolizes both Moto G4 and the Plus model to be first phones in the Moto line to support a full-HD screen. The screen is a massive 5.5 inches making the budget phone stand out with a pixel density of 401 ppi. The screen is half inch more than the previous phone in the line and a full inch larger than the original Moto G which stated the series. The Lenovo Moto G4 has an IPS LCD screen which accounts for a colder display when compared with the AMOLED technology. The screen looks vibrant and is never too gimicky. It remains protected by the powerful Corning Gorilla Glass 3. The videos played on this device provide with a real time experience and are color accurate. The screen is not the best you can find in the market but with a price cut this short for this device, this is definitely the best you'll get.

The Moto G4 shares all of the display qualities of the Moto G4 Plus. This makes the plus model seems a bit ludicrous and different than all the other Plus models proposed by other companies like the iPhone 6s Plus. The G4 has the same screen with the same 71.2 % of screen-to-body ratio. The display installed on both these devices is both tactile and responsive.

Looking at the spec sheet, we find that the Lenovo Moto G4 runs on a 1.5 GHz Octacore Snapdragon 617 processor which is worthy upgrade from the previous handset. It backs up an Adreno 405 GPU chip which would take on all of the games and image processing data quite efficiently. The phone comes in two basic variants based on the RAM installed. The phone either comes in with 2 or 4 GBs of RAM. We believe that although 2 GB RAM is quite sufficient for most of the users but the people who rely on multitasking must opt for a 4 GB model for a seamless and lag free performance. When it comes to storage, the phone gives the choice to pick up either a 16, 32 or 64 GB model based on your storage preferences. The price shift from the basic model to a 64 model is not that significant making the 64 GB Moto G4 the better choice in the long run. The phone has a 13 MP camera on its back. Considering the price range of the device and pondering on what this device has to device, the camera you get is pretty pristine. The 5 MP provides a nice selfie experience going easy on your pocket. Moving towards the battery, the Moto G4 mounts a 3000 mAh battery. The phone will be able to pass a complete day without any problems faced. The phone might run out of battery just close to the end of the day at extreme usage. The perks of having a Moto G4 include fast charging.

The Moto G4 Plus shares the same display specs as of the Moto G4. The Plus does not give us a Plus in the chipset as both of the models equip a similar Snapdragon 617 Octacore 1.5 GHz chipset and the Graphics Processing Unit (Adreno 405). The phone also comes in with two or four GBs of RAM and the same storage variety as mentioned for the other phone. The Plus gives you internal storage plus a microSD card support up to 128 GBs. The real deal comes in when you find a fingerprint sensor underneath a button. Actually, the look alike of a button fails to be a button and is simply a boundary for the sensor. Bad decision! It does not look good. The phone has an amped up camera, a 16 MP shooter which will obviously perform better in terms of image quality from the Moto G4. The front camera remains the same. Same support for TurboPower comes with the plus model as well. The phone will be shipped in black and White but you'll be able to customize it via the Moto Maker. You can also have a dual-SIM capability if you desire. Just buy the phone from Moto Maker.

Both of the phones will run on android Marshmallow v6.0.1 out of the box. Motorola is not a big fan of the customization capabilities and has opted for a cleaner, more stock skin for its new phones. Lenovo did not add a lot of bloatware into the hone while some useful features from Motorola like the Assist App designed by Motorola has made it to both the phones. The software runs smoothly especially on the model with more RAM and is not difficult to get your head wrapped around it if you have ever used the stock Android like phone.The processor handles the tasks efficiently and never did I feel lag interfering with the common functioning of the device. The phones are expected to get Android updates but that is not verified as Motorola now resides under Lenovo and not Google. Let's hope for the best. The benchmark results seemed to stand out and rocket this device to the top in the mid-range phones. The phone is really well made and offers a lot in little price. The Android is as sweet on this device as any other high-end device. This phone does not disappoint when it comes to software.

The Moto G4 has a 13 MP camera on its back, the camera performs pretty smooth on all turfs in broad daylight. The camera, like many other suffered in low light tending to over-expose the images for me. The camera app is snappy and provides you with a minimalistic look. The camera is tended to be a point and shoot camera. When compared to other phones falling into a similar category, the device performs quite well in terms of camera and provides you with persistent images. The problem to address here that the phone seemed to portray slightly wrong colors when exposed to light. The phone has a 5MP front camera. It is a pretty average camera and works quite nicely in great lighting conditions. The quality of images drops drastically in low light. The overall camera experience can be hailed as better than its competitors. The phone shoots video at 1080p and does not pack the specs to jump further above.

The Moto G4 Plus has the same 5Mp front camera which quite similarly to the Moto G4. The Plus model adds laser focus and phase detection autofocus to the camera improving the point and shoot experience. Certainly from the spec sheet, the camera is comparable to high-end phones of today's market. Unfortunately, the Plus handset runs out of specs as it maxes out at 1080p at 30 fps, so you won't be shooting 4K which is not an issue for most daily users or even record videos in 1920x1080 at 60 fps.

Moto G4 and the Moto G4 plus both have a rather large 3000 mAh battery to perform all its tasks. The battery on this device, though not tested rigorously, has the numbers to run a complete day with ease. Most of the users will find no difficulty in passing the day with a battery this large. The TurboPower found in the device lets you charge up the device for 6 hours in about 15 mins. This makes a complete day usage pretty standard for this device. The battery coupled with the Turbo Charging capability is definitely a nifty feature to have for power outages and your travels. I find this battery quite impressive. Both of the devices support fast charging but with the Plus model, you get a charger in the box. If you opt for Moto G4, you'll have to separately buy the charger.

The phone following the steps of its predecessors, is devised to be cheap and targets a wider group of people who cannot afford a 700$ phone. To my surprise, the Lenovo moto G4 is to cost a mere £169 when it opens up to the UK market in early June. The Plus will be available shortly after making its debut on Amazon and will be priced at about £199 out of contract. I'd argue that an additional £30 is a small price to pay for the higher-performance camera. Plus you get a charger too saving yourself from a little hassle.

The company has not yet declared about the price tag that will be put on these phone in US and Australia but the Moto G4's price converts to about $245 or AU$335, while the Plus's price when converted to dollars both US and Australian is to cost about $285 or AU$395.

Final Verdict:

The new Moto G4 and the G4 have sure been a surprise and they continue to mesmerize us with the idea that so much could packed inside something so small. The previous moto G phones have been hailed as the most well balanced and powerful budget phones in the past. The new Moto G4 does the same. At a minimal price of $245, you get a lot of features. The phone works like a charm and is quite friendly with your pocket. The camera is fine and the phone passes through an entire day without breaking a sweat. You lack NFC but that doesn't account much. The Moto G4 and especially the Moto G4 Plus triumph as the best budget phone of the year up to this very day.

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Maxwest Astro X55 Price In Colombia With Full Specs & Features Detail

Maxwest Astro X55 Price in Colombia is COP 390,650

Maxwest Astro X55 Price & Specification Colombia

Check the Latest Price of Maxwest Astro X55 in Colombia 2017 and detail specs, check the current Market Rate of Astro X55 online before buying Astro X55 in co

Available. Released 2016, February
2016, January
150.5 x 76.3 x 7.8 mm (5.93 x 3.00 x 0.31 in)
174 g (6.14 oz)
Black, White, Blue, Pink
Android OS, v5.1 (Lollipop)
Quad-core 1.5 GHz Cortex-A7
8GB Storage, 1GB RAM, microSD, up to 32 GB
720 x 1280 pixels, 5.5 inches
IPS LCD capacitive touchscreen, 16M colors
8 MP, 3264 x 2448 pixels, autofocus, LED flash
Yes, 1080p@30fps
Yes 5MP
Li-Ion 2200 mAh battery
GSM 850 / 900 / 1800 / 1900 - SIM 1 & SIM 2
HSDPA 850 / 1900 / 1700
Class 12
Class 12
Wi-Fi 802.11 a/b/g/n, dual-band, hotspot
Yes, v3.0 with A2DP, EDR
Yes, microUSB v2.0 (MHL), USB On-the-go
Yes, with A-GPS support
FM radio

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The Latest Maxwest Astro X55 Price in Colombia is COP 390,650 (US$130) Updated on May 24, 2017, All Price updated on daily bases from the local market shops/Showrooms and price list provided by the main dealers of Maxwest in COL we are trying to delivering possible best Price of Maxwest Astro X55 in Colombia and Full specifications,

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See GeoPoll's Kenya Digital Migration Results

GeoPoll's Media Measurement Service produces daily ratings and audience size for TV, radio, and print in Kenya, Ghana, Uganda, and Tanzania, so we have been closely following news around the switchover from analogue to digital television transmission in Kenya. This transition, which has already started to occur in the capital city of Nairobi, will mean that by June 2015 all households in Kenya will need a set-top-box to access television stations. Currently, many people in Kenya access TV stations through free-to-air analogue signals, which do not require additional equipment to receive. Click here to read GeoPoll's results.

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الجزء الثانى من سؤال ال rewrite للمستوى الرفيع

استعرض الموضوع السابق استعرض الموضوع التالي اذهب الى الأسفل

MdrsAwnLayn الجزء الثانى من سؤال ال rewrite للمستوى الرفيع

Do as shown in brackets :

1- To be successful in business one must work very hard. ( It is....)
2- He only ran away from home because he was unhappy. ( He wouldn't….)
3- Why did this civilization collapse ? (What…?)
4- There's a chance you will need this sum of money, so take it. ( in case )
5- He left without saying thank you. ( not polite )
6- I'm going to get someone to make me some new curtains. ( to have )
7- The bridge is so low that no truck can go under it. ( Ii is…)
8- Don't smoke here, please. ( I'd rather )
9- He said to Mona, " If I were you, I would wait until tomorrow" (advised)
10-You are allowed to attend the party in a casual dress. ( You..)
11-My wife was on the point of picking up the phone when it rang. ( about )
12-Psychologists assume that having a retentive memory has very little to do with intelligence. (It..)
13-It is pointless to have this old TV repaired. ( This old TV isn't…)
14-Without the firemen's efforts, many people would have died. ( If it…)
15-Marwa is unlikely to come to school. ( doubtful )
16-They blamed the driver of causing the accident. ( on )
17- The researcher interpreted the procedures of the experiment thoroughly. ( interpretation )
18-I hate people laughing at me. ( Change into passive )
19- We have never eaten such a good meal. ( This is…)
20-But for water, all living things would have perished. ( Had…)
21- I was very sorry for being unable to help my friend overcome his hardships. ( I wish )
22- Neil Armstrong was the first man to set foot on the moon on July 20th, 1969. ( It was )
23-Most poets and scientists are men. Most criminals are also men. ( so )
24-The aim of the New Delta project is to create more opportunities for work for millions of Egyptian young men. ( The New Delta project…)
25-The police couldn't prove that he stole the jewels. ( a proof )
26-Our company requires candidates with high qualifications. ( highly )
27-I'm bored with this programme. ( sick )
28-Has he answered all the questions yet ? ( Have …?)
29-Are you sure he wasn't making that up ? ( truth )
30-Even though he was week, won the race. ( as )
31-Eating GM food may affect us badly in the future. ( effect )
32-It is on account of his impatience that he couldn't follow the conservation for many years.
( Being )
33-Notwithstanding his successive attempts , he achieved none of the objectives he aimed at. (successively)
34-He is interested in learning English. ( interest )
35-Silly questions really make me angry. ( anger )
36-We were all surprised at their sudden decision to leave the country. ( decided )
37-You shouldn't reply to this letter in any circumstances. ( In no circumstances )
38- When you are absent, I am going to water your garden. ( during )
39- All my friends attended Ahmed's party except me. ( I )
40- Though he knew nothing of music, he encouraged me. ( knowledge )
41- The boy in blue jeans is my nephew. ( whose )
42- This is the place of his birth. ( where )
43-His success greatly pleased his country. ( pleasure )
44-There isn't anywhere as nice as your own country. ( Nowhere )
45-I usually went to the cinema every Saturday. ( go )
46-But for the merchant's caution, he would have lost all his money. ( Unless )
47-You are too young to go camping on your own. ( can't )
48-Muneer does almost no work. ( hardly )

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Jordan Brand is bringing back another colorway of it’s 15th model for the JB Spring / Summer line up. The Air Jordan 15 “Obsidian” was originally released in 2000 and 17 years later, the classic AJ XIV is back featuring it’s woven upper and leathers. The Air Jordan 15 “Obsidian” Release Date is set for March 4th, 2017 and will release at Jordan Brand retailers across the globe for a retail price of $190.

Air Jordan 15
Obsidian/White-Metallic Silver
March 4, 2017


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Acquisition Finance

Morrison & Foerster is actively engaged in advising both lenders and borrowers in connection with acquisition financing. We have considerable experience with acquisition finance for entertainment, food and beverage, forest products, gaming, health care, steel, and technology companies.
$380 Million Acquisition
We represented certain funds formed by a private equity fund sponsor to acquire privately held companies holding prime timberlands in Oregon, Washington, California, Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, Mississippi, and Tennessee in connection with a $380 million secured acquisition financing.
$450 Million Bridge Loan and Acquisition
We represented a major international bank as agent in a $450 million bridge loan to finance the acquisition of a public company, PW Eagle, Inc., for J M Manufacturing Co., Inc.
$675 Million Secured Acquisition
We represented a major financial institution as agent, letter of credit issuer, and lender in a $675 million secured revolving, term loan and letter of credit facility for a medical devices company in connection with the acquisition of a medical technology company.
$700 Million Credit Facility for Acquisition
We completed a $700 million credit facility on behalf of a major international bank for a company to finance the acquisition of a public company. This was a bridge loan agreement to finance the acquisition of the stock of a public PVC pipe manufacturing company, with a restructured secured credit facility secured by more than 16 plastic manufacturing facilities.
$85 Million Secured Acquisition
We represented Wells Fargo Foothill as agent and lender in an $85 million secured acquisition financing for a software company.
Jill H. Feldman
San Francisco
(415) 268-6474

Email Disclaimer

Unsolicited e-mails and information sent to Morrison & Foerster will not be considered confidential, may be disclosed to others pursuant to our Privacy Policy, may not receive a response, and do not create an attorney-client relationship with Morrison & Foerster. If you are not already a client of Morrison & Foerster, do not include any confidential information in this message. Also, please note that our attorneys do not seek to practice law in any jurisdiction in which they are not properly authorized to do so.

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 Mohawk Flooring Carpet Stores, Hardwood, Tile, San Leandro, CA 94578 | Mohawk Flooring | Mohawk Flooring

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Looking for a local flooring and carpet store in San Leandro? Macy's - Bayfair has a wide selection of the highest quality flooring, carpeting, hardwood, laminate, ceramic tile, and luxury vinyl flooring at the best prices. Conveniently located in San Leandro, CA, Macy's - Bayfair has an experienced and knowledgeable staff who will guide you through each step of selecting the right flooring for your home or business. Whether you need a new carpet, hardwood floor, or ceramic or vinyl tile, our friendly flooring experts will help you find exactly what you need to fit your taste, lifestyle, and budget. Come visit our San Leandro showroom!


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Miwa Matreyek performing This World Made Itself. Photo: Eugene Ahn

Slithering Screens is a special selection of original cinematic works that premiered in the Sundance Film Festival’s New Frontier program over the past decade. Presented at MoMA on the occasion of the program’s 10th year, these works hack the cinema space itself by presenting stories that move from the silver screen onto the stage and into the hands, pockets, and homes of the audience. Featuring works by Lynette Wallworth, Yung Jake, Nao Bustamante, Miwa Matreyek, and the filmmaker/creative technologist duo James George and Jonathan Minard, Slithering Screens is an energetic mix of cinema-inspired performance, interactive documentary, and immersive media storytelling.

In addition to live experiences at MoMA, more than 10 virtual reality works will be made available on the Sundance VR app for Google Cardboard from April 25 to May 5. Limited artist-edition Cardboard VR goggles designed by Yung Jake will be given away to Slithering Screens attendees each night.

A special five-night Slithering Screens ticket package ($30 per person; free for members) is now available. (Please note that the ticket package does not include admission to the April 29 PopRally event.)

Organized by Shari Frilot, Chief Curator, New Frontier, Sundance Film Festival; and Rajendra Roy, The Celeste Bartos Chief Curator of Film, MoMA, with Sophie Cavoulacos, Curatorial Assistant, Department of Film, MoMA.

If you would like to reproduce an image of a work of art in MoMA's collection, or an image of a MoMA publication or archival material (including installation views, checklists, and press releases), please contact Art Resource (publication in North America) or Scala Archives (publication in all other geographic locations).

If you would like to license audio or video footage produced by MoMA, please contact Scala Archives (all geographic locations) at firenze@scalarchives.com.

If you would like to reproduce text from a MoMA publication or moma.org, please email text_permissions@moma.org. If you would like to publish text from MoMA's archival materials, please fill out this permission form and send to archives@moma.org.

This record is a work in progress. If you have additional information or spotted an error, please send feedback to digital@moma.org.


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Why you should make a will

Your will tells everyone what should happen to your money, possessions and property after you die (all these things together are called your ‘estate’). If you don’t leave a will, the law decides how your estate is passed on – and this might not be in line with your wishes.

Four reasons why you need a will

Don’t delay

It’s easy to make a will – and it will save your family unnecessary distress at an already difficult time.

  1. A will makes it much easier for your family or friends to sort everything out when you die – without a will the process can be more time consuming and stressful.
  2. If you don’t write a will, everything you own will be shared out in a standard way defined by the law – which isn’t always the way you might want.
  3. A will can help reduce the amount of Inheritance Tax that might be payable on the value of the property and money you leave behind.
  4. Writing a will is especially important if you have children or other family who depend on you financially, or if you want to leave something to people outside your immediate family.

Your wishes and who carries them out

Your will tells people two very important things:

  • Who should have your money, property and possessions when you die.
  • Who will be in charge of organising your estate and following the instructions you leave in your will – this person is called your ‘executor’, and you can name more than one person if you want to.

You can also use your will to tell people about any other wishes you have, like instructions for your burial or cremation.

Your executor will do their best to make sure your wishes are followed, as long as they don’t involve breaking the law.

It might not always be possible for your executors to carry out your instructions.

For example, a person you want to leave something to might die before you do, but if you have a will there’s a better chance of things happening the way you want.

Read our guide on Choosing your executor

Make sure your will is legally valid

Your will doesn’t have to be on special paper or use a lot of legal language.

A document is a valid will as long as it:

  • Says how your estate should be shared out when you die.
  • Was made when you were able to make your own decisions and you weren’t put under pressure about who to leave things to.
  • Is signed and dated by you in the presence of two adult, independent witnesses, and then signed by the two witnesses in your presence – the witnesses can’t be people who are going to inherit anything from you (or their husband/wife or civil partner.

How to start making a will

If your family is small and you want to leave everything to them, making your will is fairly straightforward.

If your situation is more complicated – for example, if you have a second family or you want to leave money and gifts to lots of people – you’ll need to plan more carefully.

Either way, don’t put it off – make sure that what you leave behind passes to the people you intended.

Step 1 – Make a plan

Start by thinking about what you want to leave to whom and then talk to your family – they might have some suggestions you haven’t thought of.

Once you have a plan look at the different options for making a will.

Step 2 – Get your will written

There are a number of ways you can get a will written.

The best option for you depends on how complicated your wishes are.

  • Using a specialist will writing service costs around £75 to £150.
  • If your circumstances are simple, using a solicitor can cost as little as £150.
  • You can buy a template document in stationery shops for as little as £10.

Did you find this guide helpful?


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Consumer Borrowing and Household Debt Rise in Q1

The latest statistics from the Money Charity show that over the first quarter of this year, lending to individuals continued to rise as more and more people take out credit cards, loans and mortgages.

Part of the reason for this increased spending and borrowing is that the Bank of England’s base rate of interest has keep kept at its low 0.5% for almost seven years now.

Consistently low interest rates have caused net lending to individuals went up by £9.3 billion in March this year, while net lending accounted for my mortgage lending went up by £7.4 billion. The average interest rate on these mortgages in March was just over 2.9%.

Credit card use is also high, with around £1.57 billion being spent on plastic every day in the UK – with almost 100 purchases made every second on credit cards alone, with a value of £5,414.

All of this shows that the current economic climate is one that is really favouring borrowers, more so than savers.

However, while it is certainly a good idea to take advantage of low rates, it’s important to remember than lots of borrowing can lead to lots of debt if you’re not careful.

The statistics reflect this; as spending and borrowing goes up, so too does personal debt.

In fact, by the end of March this year, the amount of money owed by individuals in the UK reached a total of £1.474 trillion, up from £1.434 trillion in March 2015.

This amounts to £54,597 per household, or £29,190 per adult. This is around 111.9% of the average salary in the UK.

Luckily, if you do find yourself facing growing debt, there are several ways out.

If you owe money to more than one creditor and you’re struggling to keep up with payments, you could reduce the size of your debt (typically by 50-60%) and make your repayment process much easier by applying for an Individual Voluntary Arrangement with Money Expert.

Click here to apply

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Dawn Hall

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4295 Ocmulgee East Blvd
GA 31295

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Insurance Agent in Santa Ana, CA

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Santa Ana,
CA 92704

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Not many, if any of us – are lucky enough to receive a written apology from the thief if someone steals our bike. This along with getting the bike back happened for one very fortunate man in Oregon. For most of us, if our bike is stolen it is sadly a one way street. Local media are reporting increases in bicycle theft in the greater Boston area (which is where we are based). So what can we do?

Stolen bike parts

I love my bike! I want to keep it safe!

Earlier this year The New York Times reported on bike theft with a special mini-documentary. The author of the article, Casey Neistat writes,

“In the nearly 11 years since that [first] day [in New York], I have had countless bikes and parts stolen. I’ve used the most secure locks, registered my bike with the N.Y.P.D., and parked in only the most conspicuous locations. But I’ve found only one sure way of keeping my bike secure: keeping it indoors. During business hours I keep my bike in my office and when I get home I carry it up four flights of stairs.”

Four flights may seem daunting, especially if you don’t ride every day or are new to bike commuting. This entire thing may seem like a reason not to ride a bike at all. Whether you’re a long term devotee of cycling – riding no matter the weather or circumstances; or a newcomer or occasional cyclist – it doesn’t have to be this arduous, even when choosing the most secure option of keeping your bike indoors.

Enter the folding bike. Fold it up, take it inside. This is a much simpler option than navigating the narrow switchbacks of a four story walk-up carrying a bicycle. (Or at point case in my life, a seven story.) And even if your living situation is much more spacious, the added security is well worth it.

Swissbike folding MTB goes to the office

Being Well Informed to Confront Bike Theft

Watching The New York Times video teaches us one simple thing, that a determined thief can get your bike given time and tools. But there is no need to be fatalistic, there are things you can do. There are better locking techniques and better locks, and further action you can take to be well informed.

There have been several notable articles over the past year on bike theft, the why, where and strife of it all. The cities most infamous for bike theft are New York and San Francisco. (These are worth the read.)

A Few Tips

The lock itself: a U-lock – may seem like overkill but it takes longer to forcibly remove, and may just mean that your bike is passed over in favor of one with a cable. (We’ve talked about this a bit before.) This is the way to go. In fact the thief who wrote the apology to the Oregonian man mentioned earlier recommended a U lock to him.

Cable lock: just won’t do. (For a comedic take on this, check out Bikeyface.)

Register: Register Your Bike with the National Bike Registry. Turn your bike upside down. Pedals connect to cranks, cranks connect to the spindle at the bottom bracket. Most bicycles have their serial number stamped on the bottom of the bracket shell. This is how stolen bikes can be identified if recovered. Most bike parts and componentry do not have a serial numbers, so it pays to register the frame. Register your bike with the manufacturer if you get it new. (Here for Montague Bikes.) Some municipalities and police departments have bike registrations too. (In Boston the Boston Cyclists Union has one.)

Other ideas:

From Boston Magazine:

“Pete Stidman, of the Boston Cyclists Union, offers a few more suggestions for avoiding bike theft:

  • Make your bike ugly: Shiny new bikes attract thieves because they know they’ll likely get a higher resale price. Stidman suggests using tape or other materials to cover over some of the labels on your bike and to give it a more well-loved look.
  • Fix your quick release wheels: Many racing or mountain bikes have wheels that are easily detached. Installing locking hubs on your wheels will ensure that a thief can’t walk away with your parts.
  • Watch where you lock up (bike edition): If you only put a lock under your handlebars or just below the seat, a thief can easily detach the seat or handlebars and take off the the rest of the frame.
  • Watch where you lock up (post edition): Many bike racks are in low-trafficked areas where few people wander by. Make sure to lock your bike up in a highly visible place, and be sure that the location you’re locking your bike to is secure and can’t be moved or pulled up from the ground.
  • U-locks: They’re stronger and harder to break than chains or cable locks. When in doubt, use more than one. “
If you don’t want to have to make significant alterations to your bike to feel secure, you can take it inside. But no matter what the best idea, even if you’re not in New York or San Francisco, is to take it inside. Don’t let your bike stay out alone in the cold and look like the picture at the top of the post. Fold it up, take it inside – have some peace of mind.