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Issue Briefs

2017 is shaping up to be a critical year for the Republic of Korea (hereafter, Korea or ROK). Domestically, Koreans await the outcome of President Park Geun-hye’s impeachment which, if approved by the Constitutional Court, will force an early presidential election in the coming months. Relations with Korea’s largest trading partner, China, have deteriorated as China intensifies its boycott of Korean cultural exports and consumer products over plans to deploy THAAD (Terminal High Altitude Area Defense) on the Korean Peninsula. The Chinese reaction to THAAD has resulted in an intense debate within Korea on how to balance its military alliance with the U.S. and its economic relationship with China. Moreover, the election of U.S. President Donald Trump has begun to transform America’s relationships with China and Russia and alter the geopolitical and economic landscape throughout Northeast Asia.

Using the Asan Institute for Policy Studies’ regular public opinion surveys and special surveys, this issue brief will examine how Koreans assess the rivalry between the United States and China, the changing geopolitical and economic dynamics in Northeast Asia, and THAAD.

This issue brief makes the following conclusions. First, Koreans still value their country’s cooperation with the United States more than with China. An increasing number of Koreans see the U.S. as having greater economic and political influence on world affairs. We believe that this is the result of deteriorating ROK-China relations, coupled with China’s declining favorability among Koreans. At the same time, however, Koreans’ support of THAAD has dropped precipitously. This change is likely the result of a growing dissatisfaction with the Park administration, rather than a concern over potential fallout with China. Therefore, both current and future Korean governments must improve their communication with the public regarding sensitive issues, including THAAD, and regain the public’s trust and support.

Korea In Between the U.S. and China

A major concern emanating from Trump’s presidential victory is a significant shift in great power relations in Northeast Asia. Throughout the campaign, Trump exhibited pro-Russia tendencies, evident in the way he addressed the Russian hacking accusations, hinted at the possibility of lifting sanctions against Russia, and openly expressed friendliness towards Russian President Vladimir Putin. On the other hand, his open hostility towards China was best exemplified by his phone call with Taiwanese President Tsai Ing-wen and his statement that “Everything is under negotiation including One China.”2 Given that Trump’s interactions with China will have far-reaching consequences for Korea, many Koreans have been paying close attention to these developments. Korea finds itself in a precarious situation because the United States remains its most important security ally while China remains its most important trading partner. If the US-China relationship hits a rough patch, Korea will be faced with the difficult task of balancing these most vital of relationships.

Many Koreans are aware of the changing dynamics in Northeast Asia. Specifically, more Koreans described US-China relations as being competitive rather than cooperative in the most recent survey. According to the Asan Institute’s surveys since 2015, about 69.8% to 75.0% of Koreans believed as such. The number peaked at 77.6% in January 2017. This is likely due to the escalating conflicts in the South China Sea and trade-related issues between the two countries that were exacerbated upon Trump’s election. In contrast, only 15.4% of Koreans in January 2017 saw the relationship as being cooperative, the lowest since 2015. Koreans also projected that conflicts between the two countries in Northeast Asia would spill over and develop into a superpower rivalry.

Figure 1. Korean Perception about US-China Rivalry(%)3

Figure 1. Korean Perception about US-China Rivalry

Race for Political and Economic Superiority: U.S. vs. China

Although China’s recent economic slowdown has decelerated its rise, it still continues to challenge America’s hegemonic status. We asked Koreans how they view the rivalry between the two countries. Specifically, we asked them which of the two superpowers will possess greater economic and political influence in world affairs in the future. We compared the November 2016 survey with those conducted since 2013.

In 2016, the number of Koreans who projected America’s economic and political dominance increased. In terms of future political influence, 59.4% of respondents said that the U.S. will maintain its superiority over China. This number is the highest since 2013, when less than half (47.8%) projected as such. In 2014 and 2015, 44.8% and 39.5% of respondents agreed, respectively. On the other hand, the percentage of Koreans who believed that China will be the main political influencer dropped to its lowest point, 32.5%, in 2016. Prior to this, the numbers were 35.1% in 2013, 39.3% in 2014, and 39.5% in 2015.

In terms of economic influence, a majority of Koreans (61.4%) still assessed that China will be the dominant economic force in the future. This number, however, was a significant break from the previous trend. In 2013, 60.4% of respondents picked China as the greater economic power, and the numbers increased in subsequent years (66.7% in 2014 and 70.5% in 2015) before falling by almost 10% this year. On the other hand, 23.9% in 2013, 22% in 2014, and 20.2% in 2015 picked the U.S. as the greater future economic power. In 2016, this number rose by almost 10% to 31.5%. Overall, 2016 was a year in which the Korean public saw the U.S. winning both the economic and political battles against China.

Figure 2. Assessing Future Political & Economic Superpower (%)4

Figure 2. Assessing Future Political & Economic Superpower

A number of factors appeared to have contributed to this recent trend. First is the slowdown in China’s economic growth to around 6%, coupled with projections of a U.S. economic recovery, as exemplified by their lowest unemployment rate in nine years (4.6% in December 2016). Second is the impact of the Trump presidency and his tough trade talks against China. In particular, his retaliatory trade policies and promise to name China as a “currency manipulator” appeared to have convinced many Koreans that the U.S. remains ahead in the rivalry. Trump’s anti-China rhetoric, a defensive mechanism to counter a rising China, has reinforced American superiority in the minds of Koreans. Lastly, Koreans’ view of China as a global leader has changed as ROK-China relations have cooled and China’s favorability among Koreans has dropped.

Korea’s Choice

As a country that depends heavily on the U.S. and China, Korea is faced with a difficult situation, especially if US-China relations worsen. We asked Koreans to choose which of the two countries was their preferred future partner for Korea. Specifically, we asked respondents which country Korea should strengthen cooperation with, and we compared the results with our previous surveys. The numbers reveal that Korea’s preference has barely fluctuated since 2014. As Figure 3 shows, around 60% of Koreans chose the U.S. over China as their preferred partner. Numbers supporting China also remained relatively consistent. In 2015, when ROK-China relations were at their peak, there was a 5% increase from the previous year, although it dropped slightly to 27.9% in 2016. The changes for both the U.S. and China over the past few years have proven minor, and the majority of Koreans chose the U.S. over China as Korea’s preferred partner.

Figure 3. Korea’s Partner: U.S. vs. China (%)5

Figure 3. Korea’s Partner

When we looked at the results by age cohort, we observed an important development. That development is the pro-Americanization of the Korean youth. 70.4% of Koreans in their 20s chose the U.S. over China, which was greater than the 63.6% chosen by Koreans aged 60 and older, who are known for their pro-American views. The high favorability of the U.S. among Koreans in their 20s appeared to have influenced their choice for Korea’s future partner. While all the age cohorts chose the U.S. over China, the smallest disparity between the numbers was for Koreans in their 40s, who are often more progressive and pro-China. 49.8% of them picked the U.S. while 38.9% of them sided with China. In addition to age cohort, there was a significant disparity between conservatives and progressives. 49.9% of progressives chose the United States while 36.5% chose China. On the other hand, 69.8% of conservatives picked the U.S. while only 21.4% picked China. Overall, however, the preference of the U.S. over China as Korea’s future partner was widespread, regardless of age or ideology.

Table 1. Korea’s Partner: U.S. vs. China, by Age and Ideology (%)6

Table 1. Korea’s Partner

Public Opinion on THAAD

One prominent issue that has divided the U.S. and China and has had a profound impact on Korea has been the deployment of THAAD on the Korean Peninsula. The United States has been pressing to deploy the missile defense system, an important tool for the ROK-US military’s defense against North Korea’s nuclear threat. China, on the other hand, has voiced strong opposition to THAAD and began boycotting Korea’s cultural exports and consumer products as a symbol of its opposition. THAAD has become an important issue within the US-China superpower rivalry. As a result, Korea has been put in a precarious situation without a clear diplomatic answer.

The need for Korea to adopt THAAD was broached in June 2014 by General Curtis Scaparotti, then commander of USFK. Ever since, THAAD has been at the center of deteriorating ROK-China relations and a topic that has divided Koreans along ideological lines. The Asan Institute began conducting a series of five public opinion surveys on THAAD around the time the Korean government announced its decision to deploy the missile defense system.

In March 2015, when THAAD was just beginning to become a part of public discourse, the approval and disapproval rates were 61.4% and 20.3%, respectively, while approximately 18% refused to answer or answered that they did not know. Public opinion on THAAD was in its early stages until North Korea conducted its fourth nuclear test in January 2016 and continued its long-range missile tests. In the month after the nuclear test, 73.9% of Koreans approved THAAD, a 13% increase from the previous survey. Those who opposed THAAD remained at 20.7%, indicating that those who answered “don’t know” or refused to answer in the previous survey became convinced that THAAD was a necessity.

The controversy around THAAD picked up steam in July 2016 when the Korean government announced its decision to deploy the missile defense system. Despite the intense public discussion on the issue, the Park administration moved quickly to select the site that would host the THAAD batteries. However, the lack of transparency in the decision-making process by the Park administration turned THAAD into a major domestic political issue. Immediately after the government announcement, the approval rate for THAAD dropped to 53.6% while the disapproval rate surged to 36.3%. The number of respondents who answered “don’t know” or refused to answer returned to double digits (10.1%).7 Furthermore, THAAD quickly became the most controversial topic in Korea when Seongju, North Gyeongsang Province, was announced as the location. Opposition parties, various civil groups, and residents of Seongju strongly opposed the decision. Prime Minsiter Hwang Kyo-ahn and Defense Minister Han Min-koo tried to manage the situation by visiting the area, but ended up adding fuel to the fire.

In the subsequent public opinion surveys conducted after August, public approval rate for THAAD dropped precipitously, while the disapproval rate surged. In August, only 53.6% of respondents approved of THAAD. This was more than a 20% drop from the February survey. 36.3% of respondents disapproved of THAAD (February: 20.7%). In September, the approval rate increased slightly to 59.8% while the disapproval rate was 31.7%.8 During the two months following the announcement of the location for THAAD, both the approval (54%-60%) and disapproval (31%-36%) rates remained relatively unchanged.

A number of factors have influenced how the public views the THAAD issue. Among them are the election of Trump, uncertainties regarding the state of affairs in Northeast Asia, and plummeting public trust in the Park administration. In the November survey, the approval and disapproval ratings for THAAD reached 46.3% and 45.7%, respectively, and were narrowed to within the margin of error. Debates now revolve around postponing the THAAD decision until the next administration, something unthinkable earlier in the year when there was widespread support.

Figure 4. Public Opinion on THAAD (%)9

Figure 4. Public Opinion on THAAD

The age group whose opinion about THAAD changed the most belonged to respondents in their 20s. Back in February, when support for THAAD was at its peak, 77.5% of Koreans in this age group supported the deployment. While there was greater support among Koreans aged 60 and older (81.7%), young Koreans nonetheless showed a strong sense of conservatism on security issues such as THAAD. This number, however, dropped sharply by 33% to 43.7% in November. The strongest resistance to THAAD came from Koreans in their 30s and 40s, who are typically most progressive on security issues. A relatively small percentage of them supported THAAD in February 2016 and almost 60% of them disapproved nine months later. Support among respondents in their 50s also dropped, although not as much as the 20s, 30s, and 40s, whose disapproval rates were around 27-37% in November.

Table 2. Public Opinion on THAAD, by Age (%)10

Table 2. Public Opinion on THAAD, by Age

Why did Koreans in their 20s, who have proven to be conservative on security issues, change their minds about THAAD so quickly and so drastically? One factor stands out above the rest: the scandal surrounding President Park and the impact this has had on the public’s trust of the government. When we asked Koreans why they opposed THAAD (n=457), more than half of the respondents (53.9%) answered that they could not trust any decision made by the current government. Only 22.7% answered that they opposed THAAD because of the concern that it might negatively influence ROK-China relations.

62.5% and 70.3% of Koreans in their 20s and 30s, respectively, stated that their distrust of the government was the reason behind their opposition to THAAD. Only 13.5% and 14.2% of Koreans in their 20s and 30s, respectively, opposed THAAD out of fear that ROK-China relations may worsen. Among the age cohorts, Koreans aged 50 and older showed the most amount of concern regarding their country’s relationship with China (50s: 39%; 60 and older: 35.2%).

These results suggest that Korea’s domestic political crisis, not Korea’s relationship with China, is responsible for the weakening public support for THAAD. They are also substantiated by the fact that China’s favorability among Koreans does not influence Korean public opinion on THAAD. For instance, when we compared China’s favorability ratings between those who support and oppose THAAD, the results were statistically insignificant at 4.86 and 4.9111, respectively. Therefore, Korea’s public opinion on THAAD is not influenced by how much Koreans like or dislike China. Rather, it is determined by domestic factors.

Figure 5. Reasons for Opposing THAAD (%)12

Figure 5. Reasons for Opposing THAAD

THAAD is a case where domestic factors such as a deteriorating political climate and lack of public trust in the president and the government have influenced Korea’s foreign policy. Koreans have shown similar tendencies in the past. In 2012, President Lee Myung-bak had agreed with Japan to sign the General Security of Military Information Agreement (GSOMIA). When the decision became public, he faced strong public backlash and the deal was eventually called off 50 minutes before the signing. President Lee was severely criticized for the lack of transparency in his decision. In fact, opposition to GSOMIA has continued to be strongly influenced by President Lee’s low public favorability.13 Ever since the postponement of GSOMIA in 2012, however, the public has been quite receptive to the idea of concluding a military sharing information pact with Japan. As Figure 6 shows, when Koreans were asked about the necessity of GSOMIA after it had been put on hold in 2012, more than half agreed that GSOMIA was necessary. When the agreement was finally signed between the two countries on November 23, 2016, domestic resistance was evident, but our survey results show that even then, 52.3% of respondents supported the deal while only 37.8% disagreed.14

Figure 6. Need for GSOMIA (%)15

Figure 6. Need for GSOMIA

Korea’s foreign policy faces a challenging year. Deteriorating US-China relations will put Korea in a precarious position, and China’s economic boycotts in protest against THAAD will only intensify concerns about how Korea should handle the situation. Yet despite the risks of Chinese retaliation, Koreans still valued their cooperation with the U.S. more than with China. When forced to choose between their most important security ally and their most important economic partner, they chose the United States. However, their preference of the U.S. was not simply determined by the pure calculus of security over economy. Rather, it was the culmination of proven trust and mutual values, such as democracy and an open economy. Even when ROK-China relations were at their peak, only a minority of Koreans saw Korea and China sharing similar values. In the minds of many Koreans, China is still a socialist country.

The most interesting result of the recent survey is how Koreans view THAAD and China. There was a significant drop in support for THAAD to the point where the difference between support and opposition were within the statistical margin of error. While this may be good news for China, the important point is that THAAD is a reaction to domestic politics rather than Chinese opposition. Contrary to popular belief, the China factor is a peripheral issue for Koreans when considering THAAD.

China’s negative reaction to THAAD has inevitably influenced how Koreans see China and even Chinese President Xi Jinping. In the January 2017 survey, favorability ratings for China and President Xi failed to recover from drops suffered at the end of 2016 (China: 4.31, President Xi: 4.25). If China continues its hardline policies toward Korea as retribution for the deployment of THAAD, the numbers could become much worse. Moreover, anti-China sentiment in Korea could shift public opinion in favor of THAAD, which would counter Chinese interests. Therefore, China needs to consider Korea’s public opinion and carefully manage how it responds to Korea’s decision on THAAD. At the same time, the Korean government must appropriately inform its public and reflect public opinion on sensitive matters like THAAD in order to regain the public’s trust and support.

– Sample size: 1,000 respondents over the age of 19
– Margin of error: +3.1% at the 95% confidence level
– Survey method: Random Digit Dialing (RDD) for mobile and landline telephones using Computer-Assisted Telephone Interviewing (CATI)
– Period: See footnote of each figure/table
– Organization: Research & Research

The views expressed herein do not necessarily reflect the views of the Asan Institute for Policy Studies.

  • 1.

    Special thanks to Mr. Benjamin Forney for his comments.

  • 2.

    Nicholas, Peter, Paul Beckett, and Gerald F. Seib. “Trump Open to Shift on Russia Sanctions, ‘One China’ Policy,” The Wall Street Journal. January 13, 2017. (accessed on January 17, 2017).

  • 3.

    Asan regular surveys (Date: Jan. 2015 – Jan. 2017)

  • 4.

    Kim, Jiyoon, John J. Lee, and Chungku Kang. 2015. “Measuring a Giant: South Korean Perceptions of the United States,” Asan Report. Seoul: The Asan Institute for Policy Studies.

  • 5.

    Asan regular survey (Jan. 22-24, 2016); “Measuring a Giant: South Korean Perceptions of the United States,” Asan Report. Seoul: The Asan Institute for Policy Studies.

  • 6.

    Asan special survey (Nov. 22-24, 2016).

  • 7.

    Asan special survey (Aug. 16-18, 2016).

  • 8.

    Gallup Korea Daily Opinion (Date: July 12-14, 2016; Aug. 9-11, 2016). The Gallup Korea Daily Opinion results shared similarities with our survey results. According to Gallup, 50% in July and 56% in August supported THAAD. On the other hand, 32% in July and 31% in August opposed.

  • 9.

    Asan special survey (Date: Mar. 18-20, 2015; Feb. 10-12, 2016; Aug. 16-18, 2016; Sept. 21-23, 2016; Nov. 22-24, 2016). Our question wording changed following the government announcement to deploy THAAD. In our Mar. 2015 and Feb. 2016 surveys, we asked “What is your opinion on the argument that THAAD must be deployed to counter North Korea’s threat?” In our Aug.-Nov. 2016 surveys, we asked “What is your opinion on the agreement made by Korea and the U.S. to deploy THAAD in Korea?”; Woo, Jung-Yeop. “Korean Public’s Perception of THAAD,” Paper presented at the 2016 Korean Political Science Association.

  • 10.

    Asan special survey (Date: Mar. 18-20, 2016; Feb. 10-12, 2016; Aug. 16-18, 2016; Sept. 21-23, 2016; Nov. 22-24, 2016).

  • 11.

    Respondents were asked to rate their favorability of China on a scale of 0 (least favorable) to 10 (most favorable).

  • 12.

    Asan special survey (Date: Nov. 22-24, 2016).

  • 13.

    Friendhoff, Karl, and Kang, Chungku. 2013. “Rethinking Public Opinion on Korea-Japan Relations,” Asan Issue Brief. Seoul: The Asan Institute for Policy Studies.

  • 14.

    GSOMIA has not been a major issue of contention in Korea this time around.

  • 15.

    The date that GSOMIA was concluded (Nov. 23) was during our November survey. Therefore, the survey results do not reflect the Korean public opinion of GSOMIA in the post-agreement timeframe. Regardless, the support for GSOMIA has been widespread since 2012. Regarding Figure 6, it is important to note that the survey asked if GSOMIA was necessary/unnecessary, not whether respondents agree/disagree with GSOMIA.

About Experts

Kim Jiyoon
Kim Jiyoon

Research Division

Dr. KIM Jiyoon is a senior fellow in the Public Opinion Studies Program at the Asan Institute for Policy Studies. Previously, Dr. Kim was a postdoctoral research fellow at Université de Montréal. Her research interests include elections and voting behavior, American politics, and political methodology. Her recent publications include “Political judgment, perceptions of facts, and partisan effects” (Electoral Studies, 2010), “Public spending, public deficits, and government coalition” (Political Studies, 2010), and “The Party System in Korea and Identity Politics” (in Larry Diamond and Shin Giwook Eds., New Challenges for Maturing Democracies in Korea and Taiwan, Stanford University Press, 2014). She received her B.A. from Yonsei University, M.P.P. in public policy from the University of California, Berkeley, and Ph.D. in political science from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology.

John J. Lee
John J. Lee

Research Division

John J. Lee is a senior associate at the Asan Institute for Policy Studies. Mr. Lee is also a member of the Young Leaders Program at Pacific Forum CSIS. His research interests include Northeast Asian security, US foreign policy, political issues related to North Korea, and economic sanctions. He received his B.A. in Government from Dartmouth College and M.A. in International Studies from Yonsei University Graduate School of International Studies (GSIS).

Kang Chungku
Kang Chungku

Public Opinion Studies Team

Kang Chungku is a senior research associate at the Asan Institute for Policy Studies. Prior to joining the Asan Institute, he was a research assistant at the Korea Dialogue Academy in Seoul. He earned both an M.A. in Sociology and a B.A. in English at Korea University. His research interests include quantitative research methods, survey design, and statistical data analysis.


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(Minghui.org) Since the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) seized power, it has been destroying China's traditional culture. As a result, Chinese society is plagued by moral collapse. People have lost their moral compass. Some villagers have been fooled by the CCP propaganda, and have actively participated in the persecution of Falun Gong practitioners. But the heavenly principle of retribution is still in place, and nobody can escape it.

Here we'll share a few cases of retribution. These unfortunate people were punished after they actively participated in the persecution of Falun Gong practitioners. Hopefully people will pay attention to these stories, so they and their families will stop participating in the persecution.

Immediate Retribution after Disparaging Dafa

Liu Zhenbao, 66, is a villager in Dashizhuzi Village, Kuancheng County, Hebei Province. He was not a hard worker, nor a knowledgeable man, but he actively participated in the persecution of Falun Gong. He has been harsh on practitioners, and always tore up Falun Gong’s truth clarification flyers whenever he saw them. Despite practitioners' repeated advice, he did not change.

Liu Zhenbao found a copy of the Nine Commentaries on the Communist Party in a farmer’s market on February 13, 2014. In front of many people, Liu tore the book into pieces. He went on to denounce Falun Gong and its founder, Master Li Hongzhi.

That evening, Liu began to feel sick. He could not speak, nor could he control his body and limbs. In the hospital, doctors found that he'd suffered a stroke. He now cannot take care of himself, and his family has to spend 2,500 yuan a month to hire a caretaker for him.

Village Official Zhang Lianyu Dies of Cancer

Zhang Lianyu was a village official in Wangzhangzi Village, Qinglong County, Hebei Province. On November 13, 2001, when he saw a practitioner distributing flyers in Wangzhangzi Village, Zhang told her that he would report her to the police.

He refused to listen to the practitioner’s explanation about the persecution. He cursed her and insulted and verbally attacked Falun Gong. He also called the police, and asked what kind of reward he'd receive for turning her in. The officer refused to go along and said: “I have no time for this.” Zhang was furious and called the officer an idiot.

Under pressure, the police station dispatched a few officers, who physically attacked the practitioner before arresting her. That evening, they sent her to the Qinglong County Police Station.

A few days later, Zhang Lianyu began to suffer bad fortune. His son lost control of his motorcycle and drove into a roadside ditch. Zhang's badly injured son barely survived the accident. Zhang Lianyu was dismissed from his job.

In 2013, Zhang Lianyu became ill. He was diagnosed with liver cancer and died shortly after.

Villager Li Shengjiu Met Retribution

Li Shengjiu is from Sananzi Village, Weifang City, Shandong Province. He chose to believe the CCP lies about Falun Gong, and actively assisted the persecution. For years, he participated in assignments to monitor Falun Gong practitioners, and patrolled the village day and night.

In 2014 right after the Chinese New Year, Li Shengjiu fell from a ladder while cutting tree branches. He suffered a broken arm.

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(Minghui.org) Bank employees need to present a summary of their work at an annual year-end meeting. This is a common practice in many corporations in China. The talk is typically full of CCP (Chinese Communist Party) rhetoric and exaggeration. The reports are so tedious and long that the other employees usually doze off.

When Henry (pseudonym), a Falun Dafa practitioner, gave his report, it was short and clear. He said that his duty was to drive and manage a car for the bank. “The car I drive is the oldest but needed the least repairs,” he said. “It drove the most miles but used the least gas. Whenever it needed to be repaired I did it myself.”

The boss was most impressed with his report. When he gave his summary of the meeting, the boss said that he couldn’t see clearly what most employees achieved by listening to their reports, “But I understood what Henry did this year. He worked the hardest and his work is the best.”

When Henry managed the bank’s cafeteria, the cafeteria needed less money but provided better meals for employees. Henry received many compliments and some bank staff, who knew that Henry practiced Falun Dafa, even said, “Falun Dafa is good!” The boss pointed out that when the CCP officials managed the cafeteria, the meals were skimpy and not very nutritious. “But when a Falun Dafa practitioner began managing the cafeteria, we had many food choices and generous portions. So it looks like it’s not a matter of money. It’s a matter of high morals.”

People Help Practitioners Escape

Two female practitioners were talking about Falun Dafa to people and distributing 2021 calendars during the mid-autumn festival. A person who was deceived by the CCP propaganda grabbed both practitioners. He shouted to people nearby, “They are Falun Dafa practitioners. Call the police!”

He held them with so much force that one practitioner’s top was pulled down, exposing her bra. People surrounded the man. One man said sternly, “What you are doing? You're pulling on her so hard that you're removing her clothing!” Another person shouted to the practitioner, “Run away.” Several people blocked the man that grabbed her, so the practitioners could run away.

Surrounded by a large crowd of people, the man could not do anything. He had to leave in the end.

“It worked wonders”

One morning I noticed my neighbor sitting at her door. Her eyes looked dull and glazed. I chatted with her and told her about Falun Dafa. She said that she felt dizzy and befuddled, and had no appetite, “My heart feels swollen and my back hurts. I have no strength and feel restless. I cannot do any work.” I comforted her and told her that many people feel they've been blessed after remembering and sincerely saying, “Falun Dafa is good” and “Truthfulness-Compassion-Forbearance is good.” I suggested she try it. I also gave her a brochure with information about Falun Dafa.

I visited her two days later. After she greeted me she said, “Wow, it worked like magic! I truly couldn’t believe those nine words made all the difference! They worked wonders!”

She told me that she started to repeatedly say, “Falun Dafa is good” and “Truthfulness-Compassion-Forbearance is good” after I left that day. “By lunchtime I felt hungry,” she continued. “My heart no longer felt swollen and my back stopped hurting. I even took out my unfinished woolen pants and began working on them.”


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Outdoors Magazine

Video: No Sleep Till Bakewell - A Climbing Endurance Challenge

Posted on the 17 October 2014 by Kungfujedi @Kungfujedi
This short film is sure to provide some inspiration on a Friday. It is the first of a series of videos with the theme of "Never Give Up," that is sponsored by Casio's G-Shock watches. In this clip, climbers Tom Randall and Pete Whittaker attempt to 125 individual claims, and run 23 miles, nonstop over a 24 hour period. This is a challenge that they set for themselves a number of years ago, and only recently went for it. Pretty compelling stuff.
G-SHOCK Presents - No Sleep Till Bakewell from casio electronics on Vimeo.

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The restaurants of Katarino SPA Hotel offer exquisite Bulgarian cuisine and healthy food prepared with natural products from farms in ecological areas. The select_ion of fine wines and beers is produced in the complex, barbecue and open kitchen are also available. Freshly squeezed juices, cocktails and snacks are available by the pool and in the bars.
The hotel has a charging station for electric cars, an ATM and conference rooms. There is also a children’s club, 2 outdoor playgrounds and a children’s mineral pool. A free ski storage room and a free shuttle to the gondola lift are provided.
In case you choose to become the owner of this house, you will wake up every day with an incredible view of Pirin and the whole valley. The floor area is 89 sq.m. The complex is usable all year round. The houses consist of a distribution corridor, a bathroom with a toilet and a bathtub, a living room with a dining area and a kitchen, two bedrooms and a balcony. Sold fully furnished. The house is heated by electric radiators and a fireplace. A change in part of the furniture is possible, we will be happy to show it to you in person.
Property inspection:
We can arrange an inspection of the property at a time convenient for you. For this purpose, contact the broker responsible for the offer.
Property reservation
The property can be reserved and removed from sale with payment of a deposit, after which the inspections with other buyers are terminated and the preparation of the documents for concluding a preliminary and final contract begins. Contact the responsible broker for this property for detailed information on the purchase procedure and payment methods.

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region Blagoevgrad, Blagoevgrad, бул.”Св.Св. Кирил и Методий ”6


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Cookbook:Cuisine of Norway

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Cookbook | Recipes | Ingredients | Cuisines | European cuisines

Norwegian cuisine in its traditional form is based largely on the raw materials readily available in a country dominated by mountains, wilderness and the sea. Hence, it differs in many respects from its continental counterparts with a stronger focus on game and fish.

Modern Norwegian cuisine, although still strongly influenced by its traditional background, now bears the marks of globalization: pastas, pizzas and the like are as common as meatballs and cod as staple foods, and urban restaurants sport the same selection you would expect to find in any western European city.

Desserts[edit | edit source]

Soups[edit | edit source]

This Cookbook page is a stub. Please expand it.


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Data manipulation language

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
  (Redirected from Data Manipulation Language)
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A data manipulation language (DML) is a computer programming language used for adding (inserting), deleting, and modifying (updating) data in a database. A DML is often a sublanguage of a broader database language such as SQL, with the DML comprising some of the operators in the language.[1] Read-only selecting of data is sometimes distinguished as being part of a separate data query language (DQL), but it is closely related and sometimes also considered a component of a DML; some operators may perform both selecting (reading) and writing.

A popular data manipulation language is that of Structured Query Language (SQL), which is used to retrieve and manipulate data in a relational database.[2] Other forms of DML are those used by IMS/DLI, CODASYL databases, such as IDMS and others.

In SQL, the data manipulation language comprises the SQL-data change statements,[3] which modify stored data but not the schema or database objects. Manipulation of persistent database objects, e.g., tables or stored procedures, via the SQL schema statements,[3] rather than the data stored within them, is considered to be part of a separate data definition language (DDL). In SQL these two categories are similar in their detailed syntax, data types, expressions etc., but distinct in their overall function.[3]

The SQL-data change statements are a subset of the SQL-data statements; this also contains the SELECT query statement,[3] which strictly speaking is part of the DQL, not the DML. In common practice though, this distinction is not made and SELECT is widely considered to be part of DML,[4] so the DML consists of all SQL-data statements, not only the SQL-data change statements. The SELECT ... INTO ... form combines both selection and manipulation, and thus is strictly considered to be DML because it manipulates (i.e. modifies) data.

Data manipulation languages have their functional capability organized by the initial word in a statement, which is almost always a verb. In the case of SQL, these verbs are:

For example, the command to insert a row into table employees:

INSERT INTO employees (first_name, last_name, fname) VALUES ('John', 'Capita', 'xcapit00');

Most SQL database implementations extend their SQL capabilities by providing imperative, i.e. procedural languages. Examples of these are Oracle's PL/SQL and DB2's SQL_PL.

Data manipulation languages tend to have many different flavors and capabilities between database vendors. There have been a number of standards established for SQL by ANSI,[2] but vendors still provide their own extensions to the standard while not implementing the entire standard.

Data manipulation languages are divided into two types, procedural programming and declarative programming.

Data manipulation languages were initially only used within computer programs, but with the advent of SQL have come to be used interactively by database administrators.

See also[edit]

Related languages[edit]

  1. ^ Chatham, Mark (2012). Structured Query Language By Example - Volume I: Data Query Language. p. 8. ISBN 978-1-29119951-2.
  2. ^ a b SQL92
  3. ^ a b c d SQL92 4.22.2, SQL statements classified by function
  4. ^ "Data Manipulation Language Statements". Oracle. Data manipulation language (DML) statements query or manipulate data in existing schema objects.

External links[edit]


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Lympstone river frontage from Cliff Field: Peters Tower and the traditional washing poles on the beach are visible
Lympstone is located in Devon
Location within Devon
Population1,754 (2001)
OS grid referenceSX990839
Civil parish
  • Lympstone
Shire county
Sovereign stateUnited Kingdom
Post townEXMOUTH
Postcode districtEX8
Dialling code01395
PoliceDevon and Cornwall
FireDevon and Somerset
AmbulanceSouth Western
UK Parliament
List of places
50°38′46″N 3°25′47″W / 50.6460°N 3.4298°W / 50.6460; -3.4298Coordinates: 50°38′46″N 3°25′47″W / 50.6460°N 3.4298°W / 50.6460; -3.4298

Lympstone is a village and civil parish in East Devon in the English county of Devon. It has a population of 1,754.[1] There is a harbour on the estuary of the River Exe, lying at the outlet of Wotton Brook between cliffs of red breccia.[2] The promontory to the north of the harbour is topped by a flat pasture, Cliff Field, that is managed by the National Trust and used for football matches and other local events.

Lympstone has rail services on the Avocet Line to Exmouth and Exeter from Lympstone Village railway station.

It is known locally for Peter's Tower, an Italianate riverfront brick clock tower built around 1885 by W.H. Peters as a memorial to his wife,[3] and for its tradition of residents drying washing on the foreshore.[4] The riverside houses back directly on to the shore, with no continuous seawall, and the passageways between them to the beach are equipped with metal flood gates that are closed by residents when they are warned of high tides by a local alert network.[5]

Near the village is the Commando Training Centre Royal Marines (CTCRM), the principal military training centre for the Royal Marines. The training centre has its own dedicated railway halt, Lympstone Commando (not in public use), on the ExeterExmouth branch line.

Sport and leisure[edit]

Lympstone AFC were formed in 1906, they have sides in the Devon & Exeter Football League.

Lympstone has a non-league football club Royal Marines A.F.C. who play at Endurance Park CTCRM. They have since folded in April 2012.

The Exeter–Exmouth cycle route passes through the village. The cycle route is popular for commuters and recreational cyclists. Prior to the opening of the cycle route the only direct route to cycle between Exmouth and Exeter was along the busy A376. The cycle route passes through the centre of the village bringing custom to the shop, cafe and pubs and adds to the vibrancy and sustainability of the village centre and its businesses. Despite this, a minority group is currently campaigning to change the route and are concerned it affects the village centre and could be made safer for users and villagers.

The 1st Lympstone Sea Scouts Group celebrated its centenary in 2012. It currently has flourishing Scout and Cub sections. It meets in the Scout HQ on Cliff Field.

Lympstone Manor is an historical house which now provides hotel and restaurant accommodation.

Notable people[edit]

  • Ralph Lane, equerry to Queen Elizabeth I, was born in Lympstone. He was a soldier who went with Sir Walter Raleigh on his second expedition to the New World in 1585. He founded a colony on Roanoke Island amidst great hardship and deprivation. He was later present at the defeat of the Spanish Armada.
  • Theophilus Rhys-Jones (d. 1959), headmaster of St Peter's Preparatory School, Harefield, Lympstone,[6][7] and paternal grandfather of Sophie, Countess of Wessex[8]
  • Singer and lead guitarist of The Kinks, Dave Davies, lived in Lympstone in the 1990s.
  • Former Tottenham Hotspur footballer Steve Perryman currently resides in Lympstone.
  • John Nutt (before 1600 – after 1632) was an English pirate. He was one of the more notorious brigands of his time raiding the coast of southern Canada and western England for over three years before his capture by Sir John Eliot in 1623. His arrest and conviction caused a scandal in the English court, after Nutt paid Eliot £500 in exchange for a pardon, and was eventually released by Secretary of State George Calvert.
  • Francis Augustus Eliott, 2nd Baron Heathfield, British Army officer, and son of the revolutionary general, George Augustus Eliott, inherited the Lord of the Manor of Lympstone from his uncle, alongside the Manor at Nutwell (then in Lympstone). Lord Heathfield spent the next 5 years (1798-1803) rebuilding Nutwell Court to its current appearance, whilst living at nearby Gulliford Farm.

See also[edit]

  1. ^ Office for National Statistics : Census 2001 : Parish Headcounts : East Devon Retrieved 27 January 2010
  2. ^ Lympstone Village Design Statement Archived 2009-07-28 at the Wayback Machine, East Devon Council
  3. ^ Peter's Tower Archived 2010-01-09 at the Wayback Machine, Public Monument and Sculpture Association National Recording Project
  4. ^ Washing line row hits flood plans, BBC News, online, 5 July 2005
  5. ^ Waterproof! Lympstone tidal defence scheme complete[permanent dead link], Exe-press News, Spring 2006
  6. ^ "St Peter's Preparatory School". Retrieved 30 November 2018.
  7. ^ Burke's Peerage, Baronetage & Knightage, 107th edition, volume 2, 2003. pages 2721–2731.
  8. ^ "Debrett's Peerage, Baronetage, Knightage, and Companionage". Kelly's Directories, 1973 – Gentry, page 781. 1973. Retrieved 14 March 2018.

Further reading[edit]

  • Smith, Rosemary (2005). The Lympstone Story (Revised and Updated ed.). Lympstone, Devon: The Lympstone Society. ISBN 0-9504102-2-5.

External links[edit]


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Wikiversity:Guided tour/Community Portal

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The content below is from Community Portal. This page is a main hub for all your needs. News, requests for help, how to help, links to help you learn and understand Wikiversity and its policies, and much more.

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Welcome to the Wikiversity Community Portal Area[edit source]

Are you new to Wikiversity? Visit our Introduction and Welcome pages where you will find information about Wikiversity.

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text:
A test ride of Brisbane’s Lime Scooters

The Last Mile problem (not to be confused with the Three-Body Problem, but possibly as hard to solve) is the struggle that transport planners have in getting commuters to use public transport if they have to walk the first or last stretch.  Transport infrastructure may be fantastic for the most part, but if a passenger needs to walk for twenty minutes after hopping off their train, they may look to take a car instead.

Bicycles make a lot of sense, as they can chew up the distance from the station to home or the office, but they are mostly cumbersome to have on the train, especially during rush hour.  In Melbourne, I’d often get passed by people on skateboards while walking from Flinders Street station to the South Bank.  This is not a bad option, as skateboards can be popped onto the back of a backpack and carry pretty well, but they’re not for everyone.  The few times in my life that I’ve been on a skateboard I’ve feared for my knees, elbows and life.

So this weekend, my little family tried out the Lime scooters which are being rolled out (pun intended) in Brisbane.  These surprisingly tall and heavy electric scooters are found scattered around the CBD, and along the side of the river.

They cost AUD1 to unlock, then AUD0.30 per minute to ride.  We had a fun time up and down the river’s edge, dropping a smooth AUD11 for our little half hour adventure.  You download the app, locate a nearby scooter and scan its QR code.  Then it’s unlocked and you can take it for a ride.  The app will show how much distance is left in the scooter’s battery.

It’s hard to say how many scooters are dotted around Brisbane, but the app shows that they are fairly ubiquitous in the CBD.  And people are using them.  Everywhere you walk people pass you on them.  They are quiet, very quick and easily accessible.

One of the problems with bike rentals is finding a drop off point, which can make them inconvenient.  When you’re finished with the scooters you just tap out, and leave them on the side of the road.  Ready for the next eager scooterer to hop on.

And when they start getting low on juice?

“Our Lime-S electric scooters are monitored remotely by both local staff and an independent team of Lime Juicers. When a scooter is running low on power, our Juicers will pick it up, charge the battery and then redeploy the Lime-S out in the community.” – Lime

Many of the scooters have helmets hanging off of them, but there are many people cruising around without one.  My conscientious husband asked a passing policeman if they were mandatory (apparently they are).  It was also pointed out that only one person was allowed on at a time.  Pictures below reflect compliance…

Our son enjoyed it and I was surprised at the oomph provided by the little motor.  A great overall experience.


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Lighting Installation in Houston, Texas

Do you need the lighting in your home or business repaired, inspected, or replaced? The experts at Engleton Electric Co, LLC can help! Engleton Electric Co, LLC can fix Houston lighting issues on your property in a timely and cost-effective manner. We have 6 years of experience so we are able to help you with any lighting issue you may be experiencing.

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Lighting in Houston TX by Engleton Electric Co, LLC.Upgrading or Installing Lighting in Houston, Texas?

Known as the contractor to call for lighting in Houston, Texas, Engleton Electric Co, LLC has been servicing the local area since 2015. Our installers have worked in countless homes and businesses across the region, providing lighting design and installation both indoors and out. Our experienced electricians are trained in local building codes. Working in Houston for years, Engleton Electric Co, LLC technicians have completed outdoor lighting projects, as well as indoor lighting design and installation. Our staff must maintain up to date skills and Engleton Electric Co, LLC provides fully licensed services for lighting projects of any size and serve both residential and commercial customers.

Why Call Engleton Electric Co, LLC for Your Houston, Texas Lighting?

Engleton Electric Co, LLC deals with the leading lighting manufacturers, offering Houston customers the best and latest technology, fixtures and controls. Combine quality materials with expert installation and your Houston lighting project will be well taken care of by Engleton Electric Co, LLC’s professional staff. From modern ceiling fans and light fixtures to the latest track lighting and recessed lights, Engleton Electric Co, LLC offers high-quality materials in both classic and modern styles. Lighting design and installation projects move forward efficiently with Engleton Electric Co, LLC at the helm. Houston residents can rely on prompt service from the estimate stage, straight through to the installation and final inspection. Engleton Electric Co, LLC electricians aim to create trust with every Houston customer, keeping their word and doing a careful job every time.

Customers that are planning to install lighting in your Houston, Texas home, office, or facility, you can trust the experience and reliability of Engleton Electric Co, LLC. For high-quality materials and professional technicians, call Engleton Electric Co, LLC at (346) 209-2866 to arrange for your free quote.

Call for FREE Lighting Installation Quote

(346) 209-2866

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View all testimonials

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Zavec "Not Surprised" as Berto Reportedly Fails Drug Test

Los Angeles/Ljubljana, 19 May - Slovenia's best boxer Dejan Zavec is not surprised by news of a failed drug test by the man who stripped him of his IBF welterweight crown last year.

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