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Judi Dench To Put On ‘Italian Shoes’ With Kenneth Branagh & Anthony Hopkins

Judi Dench To Put On 'Italian Shoes' With Kenneth Branagh & Anthony Hopkins

Now free from any obligations with the “Thor” franchise, director Kenneth Branagh, having dipped his toes in the tentpole world, is doing something on the total opposite end of the spectrum. First announced very early this year, Branagh it looking to bring an adaptation of Henning Mankell‘s “Italian Shoes” to the big screen and with Anthony Hopkins already eyed for a lead role, he’s got another distinguished thesp looking to join as well.

Variety reports that Dame Judi Dench is in talks for the picture as well, with Branagh willing to flex and shift his schedule in order to land the two actors. Branagh is no stranger to the works of Mankell, having successfully adapted the author’s popular books centered around policeman Kurt Wallander for British television, but this is completely different terrain. Penned by “Wallander” scribe Richard Cottan, the lower key story centers a retired surgeon living on a remote island in Sweden, who is forced to confront his past mistake of amputing the wrong arm of a patient, when he’s reunited with an old flame.

“The nuance, delicacy and flavor is so based on the perfect casting,” Branagh told the trade about his pursuit of both Hopkins and Dench, and it’s hard to deny that the pair would be a formidable choice. “Italian Shoes” would also be a reunion of sorts for everybody involved. For Dench and Hopkins, it will mark their second film together following “84 Charing Cross Road” more than two decades ago. And for Dench and Branagh, it continues a frutiful relationship between the pair as they have collaborated on screen with “Henry V,” “Hamlet” and “Ghosts” and on stage where the actress directed the Shakespeare vet in “Much Ado About Nothing” and “Look Back In Anger.”

But this will be a way off just yet. Filming isn’t exepcted to start until late 2012 at the earliest or possibly 2013 depending on how scheduling shakes out.

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White City OR Tires & Auto Repair Shop

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Industrial Tire Service is the top tire dealer and auto repair shop in the White City OR area. We have been providing affordable tires and auto repair services to the White City community. We carry a wide range of White City OR tires including MICHELIN®, BFGoodrich®, and Uniroyal® tires. Here at Industrial Tire Service we want to provide a quick and rewarding shopping experience for our customers. That is why we have an easy to use online tire catalog for you to look up the right tire for your car or truck. This will make buying and getting a quote for a new set of tires in White City that much easier. Once you buy a set of tires, we will service them too, providing you with regular and low profile installation, computer spin balancing, road force balancing, flat repairs, and rotations. We also offer great deals on White City OR wheels and rims for the community of White City Oregon. Besides selling top name brand tires and wheels, Industrial Tire also offers high quality White City OR auto repair services.

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Tire Brands Portland, OR

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The Official Ubuntu Book, 5th Edition: Using Kubuntu

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This chapter covers information ranging from what exactly Kubuntu is to how to manage and keep your Kubuntu system up to date with the latest applications and fixes.
This chapter is from the book
  • Introduction to Kubuntu
  • Installing Kubuntu
  • Navigating in Kubuntu
  • Customizing Kubuntu
  • System Administration
  • Managing Files with Kubuntu
  • Common Applications
  • Finding Help and Giving Back to the Community
  • Summary

The kubuntu project strives to take the best of Ubuntu and the best of the K Desktop Environment (KDE) to produce a great Linux distribution. This chapter covers information ranging from what exactly Kubuntu is to how to manage and keep your Kubuntu system up to date with the latest applications and fixes. The goal of Kubuntu is to provide a graphically beautiful and easy-to-use Linux operating system, an OS that is simple to customize to your desire.

Introduction to Kubuntu

Kubuntu is an official product of Ubuntu—a complete implementation of the Ubuntu OS led by Jonathan Riddell (an employee of Canonical, Ltd.) and an army of developers. However, Kubuntu uses KDE as the graphical user interface instead of GNOME, as in Ubuntu. The main goal of Kubuntu is to be an integrated Linux distribution with all of the great features of Ubuntu, but based on KDE. Since Kubuntu is an official part of the Ubuntu community, it adheres to the same Ubuntu manifesto: Great software should be available free of charge and should be usable by people in their own language and regardless of disability. Also, people should be able to customize and alter their software in ways they deem fit.

Like Ubuntu, Kubuntu makes the following commitments: Kubuntu will provide the very best translations and accessibility infrastructure that the free software community has to offer; Kubuntu will always be free of charge, and there is no extra cost for an "enterprise" version; and Kubuntu will always provide the latest and best software from the KDE community.

Looking for a certain piece of software? Kubuntu has it, with more than 1,000 pieces of software in its repositories, including the latest kernel version and, of course, the latest KDE. The standard desktop applications (Web browsing, e-mail, word processing, and spreadsheet applications) allow Kubuntu to replace any current desktop OS. If you are running servers—whether they're Web servers, e-mail servers, or database servers—Kubuntu can do that as well.

A History of KDE

In 1996, Matthias Etrich posted a now famous newsgroup post that described some of the problems he had with the UNIX desktop.

  • UNIX popularity grows thanks to the free variants, mostly Linux. But still a consistent, nice looking, free desktop environment is missing. There are several nice either free or low-priced applications available, so that Linux/X11 would almost fit everybody's needs if we could offer a real GUI. . . .
  • IMHO a GUI should offer a complete graphical environment. It should allow a user to do his everyday tasks with it, like starting applications, reading mail, configuring his desktop. . . . All parts must fit together. . . .
  • The goal is NOT to create a GUI for the complete UNIX-system or the System-Administrator. . . . The idea is to create a GUI for an ENDUSER.

With that post, he started building the KDE Project. KDE originally stood for the Kool Desktop Environment but was adapted to be K Desktop Environment. The mascot for KDE is a green dragon named Konqi, who can be found in various applications.

Matthias chose to develop KDE around the Qt toolkit, and by 1997, the first large, complex applications were being released. However, there was much debate because Qt was not licensed with a free software license. Two projects came about from this debate, one named Harmony, which would use only free libraries, and another project called GNOME. In 1998, the Qt toolkit was licensed under a new open source license called the Q Public License (QPL), and in 2000, Qt was released under the GNU General Public License.

KDE is primarily a volunteer effort. However, many companies employ developers to work on this project. Some of these companies include Novell (through the purchase of SUSE Linux) and Trolltech (the company that produces the Qt toolkit).

KDE 4.0 came with a great number of changes to the desktop environment, including the introduction of Plasma, Solid, Krunner, and many other infrastructure changes, most of which are discussed throughout this chapter.

KDE 4.4 is the current version of KDE that ships with Kubuntu 10.04. Significant improvements have been made over the first release of KDE.

For more information on KDE, visit the project's Web site at www.kde.org. The project's home page also provides information on how you can help with the project and contribute to the KDE community.

A History of Kubuntu

When Ubuntu was first being discussed, there were rumors that it would be based only on GNOME and that KDE would be left out. Jonathan Riddell, a KDE developer, posted an article on his blog that soon became the Number 1 hit on Google for Ubuntu Linux. The article states:

  • The signs are there that this could be something big, more so than the likes of Linspire, Xandros or Lycrosis. Unlike those companies, they [Canonical, Ltd.] understand Free Software and open development. It is likely to be a GNOME-based job, but maybe there is a KDE developer out there who is working for them without letting on. If not I'm always available.

This post started a flurry of activity for both Riddell and the others who wanted to participate.

A lot of changes needed to be made to get Kubuntu working correctly. The hardware abstraction layer (HAL) and other programs and packages had to be changed to fit the philosophy of Ubuntu. A clean Kmenu had be created, and more people were needed to join the project. It was a conscious decision to keep the default KDE colors and icons in order to remain as close to KDE as possible.

A lot of great releases have come since the first of Kubuntu, and 10.04 will build on them. Kubuntu was the first released distribution to include KDE 4.0 by default, in Kubuntu 8.10.

Like Ubuntu, Kubuntu 10.04 is a long-term release; however, it is only the second long-term release for the Kubuntu team. As mentioned elsewhere in the book, a long-term release means 10.04 will be supported on the desktop for 3 years.

Prior to the 10.04 release, a group of Kubuntu developers got together to discuss what exactly needed to be changed and improved. Out of these discussions came what has been named "Project Timelord" with the goals to focus on translations, marketing, software, user–developer interaction, and recruitment. An example of this is the Firefox Installer, discussed later in the chapter.

Kubuntu 10.04 also includes the first official release of a netbook-specific edition called Kubuntu Netbook Remix.

Kubuntu is quickly building a sizable community of its own. There are more dedicated package maintainers joining the Kubuntu community as well as a growing and equally dedicated documentation team. In addition, many community and enthusiast sites help provide both support and current information. These include sites such as www.kubuntuforums.net. Kubuntu has grown tremendously from just one developer to a large group as it continues to improve the quality of the distribution.

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The Hermit, Or The Gift Of Corn
Native American Lore

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In a deep forest, far from the villages of his people, lived a hermit. His tent was made of buffalo skins, and his dress was made of deer skin. Far from the haunts of any human being this old hermit was content to spend his days. All day long he would wander through the forest studying the different plants of nature and collecting precious roots, which he used as medicine. At long intervals some warrior would arrive at the tent of the old hermit and get medicine roots from him for the tribe, the old hermit's medicine being considered far superior to all others.

After a long day's ramble in the woods, the hermit came home late, and being very tired, at once lay down on his bed and was just dozing off to sleep, when he felt something rub against his foot. Awakening with a start, he noticed a dark object and an arm was extended to him, holding in its hand a flint pointed arrow.

The hermit thought, "This must be a spirit, as there is no human being around here but myself!"

A voice then said: "Hermit, I have come to invite you to my home." "How (yes), I will come," said the old hermit. Wherewith he arose, wrapped his robe about him and followed.

Outside the door he stopped and looked around, but could see no signs of the dark object.

"Whoever you are, or whatever you be, wait for me, as I don't know where to go to find your house," said the hermit. Not an answer did he receive, nor could he hear any noises as though anyone was walking through the brush. Re-entering his tent he retired and was soon fast asleep. The next night the same thing occurred again, and the hermit followed the object out, only to be left as before.

He was very angry to think that anyone should be trying to make sport of him, and he determined to find out who this could be who was disturbing his night's rest.

The next evening he cut a hole in the tent large enough to stick an arrow through, and stood by the door watching. Soon the dark object came and stopped outside of the door, and said:

"Grandfather, I came to -- ," but he never finished the sentence, for the old man let go his arrow, and he heard the arrow strike something which produced a sound as though he had shot into a sack of pebbles. He did not go out that night to see what his arrow had struck, but early next morning he went out and looked at the spot about where he thought the object had stood. There on the ground lay a little heap of corn, and from this little heap a small line of corn lay scattered along a path. This he followed far into the woods. When he came to a very small knoll the trail ended. At the end of the trail was a large circle, from which the grass had been scraped off clean.

"The corn trail stops at the edge of this circle," said the old man, "so this must be the home of whoever it was that invited me." He took his bone knife and hatchet and proceeded to dig down into the center of the circle. When he had got down to the length of his arm, he came to a sack of dried meat. Next he found a sack of Indian turnips, then a sack of dried cherries; then a sack of corn, and last of all another sack, empty except that there was about a cupful of corn in one corner of it, and that the sack had a hole in the other corner where his arrow had pierced it. From this hole in the sack the corn was scattered along the trail, which guided the old man to the cache.

From this the hermit taught the tribes how to keep their provisions when traveling and were overloaded. He explained to them how they should dig a pit and put their provisions into it and cover them with earth. By this method the Indians used to keep provisions all summer, and when fall came they would return to their cache, and on opening it would find everything as fresh as the day they were placed there.

The old hermit was also thanked as the discoverer of corn, which had never been known to the Indians until discovered by the old hermit.

This story and all of the other Native American Lore on this site were given to me by someone that found them on a CD at a yard sale.

I dont' know of anyway to get up with anyone about copyrights or any other thing of that type.

If there are any copyright infringements I will be glad to either take any or all of the stories off, or work out some other compromise.

The stories are so entertaining and teach such GREAT lessons/morals that I only want to share them with anyone that wants to read them.

They might help someone learn of their history, or be of some other help to them. I just want to share them.


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Continuous Improvement Through Uncompromising

NNPGearsIt may sound contradictory to everything you know of business agility and innovation in the Digital Age, but there are still some areas in which a business simply cannot afford to compromise. Which changing and adapting is essential, the underline principles and vision of an organisation must remain solid and strong in order to withstand the flood.

In fact, it is the very ability for the most innovative companies of today to remain steadfast in their mission or ultimate goal that makes them kings in this economy. As Kenny Rogers himself might say, you’ve got to know when to fold ’em and know when to fold ’em.

Areas in business that are ripe for change may include operations, systems, tools, approach. Areas that simply are not up for debate are your established Non-Negotiable Principles. Hence the name!

But what happens in corporations which either do not have NNPs, or have not effectively communicated them throughout the team? This is where size can truly kill. The key is to be sure that your Non-Negotiable Principles are clear, succinct, and adopted by every single employee. Even – or especially – massive companies with thousands of employees MUST have a guiding force to help all operations run smoothly, breed agility, and boost innovation.

Continuous improvement is not only possible, it is necessary. You MUST learn to lead the pack rather than run with it. The larger the pack, the more work you’ve got.

InnoFuture has a very special FREE event coming up on this very subject. Learn the core of NNPs, how you can develop them, and the best ways to communicate them to your team in a 60-minute with Margaret Manson. With a free pricetag and multiple events scheduled, there is no excuse not to get your organisation in shape NOW.

What are your thoughts or questions on Non-Negotiable Principles? Comment below or tweet @InnoFuture!


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Articles by Kristi Lee Jacobsen

Found 1 articles
2012, Vol. 3 No. 2
This study explored the concept of marketplace advocacy within the context of General Electric's "Ecomagination" environmental campaign. The study looked at what makes marketplace advocacy campaigns successful, how these campaigns are used to conceal... Read Article »

Kristi Lee Jacobsen wrote this article as a student at Elon University.

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In addition to a shorter review period, the fee supports the journal's continued operation. Standard submissions are always free. Learn more »

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Inquiries Journal provides undergraduate and graduate students around the world a platform for the wide dissemination of academic work over a range of core disciplines.

Representing the work of students from hundreds of institutions around the globe, Inquiries Journal's large database of academic articles is completely free. Learn more | Blog | Submit


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Old 07-21-2010, 03:11 AM   #1
I don't get picked last at the park anymore
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Default How would an Aussie guy...

Go about getting in to a basketball college? I'm interested in playing college ball when I'm a bit older, but I've heard from others on this forum that you need to send the colleges tapes of you playing in high school games, which they judge you off.
Seeing as I'm not in America and can't simply do that, how would someone from overseas get into a college basketball team without coming to play HS ball first?
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Instant-G was formed in 1989 and initially traded in wheels and performance chip upgrades.  With roots in PCA Driver's Education, the owners are approaching 30 years with the Porsche Club of America.

Map and Contact

The Owners are Drs. Steven and Lydia Timmins.

Steven Timmins holds a Bachelors of Science in Accounting (1984), Finance (1984) and Mechanical Engineering (1988) along with a Ph.D. in Mechanical Engineering - Kinematics, (1997).  All degrees are from the University of Delaware.  He has worked as an accountant (1984-1986) and as an IT Professional for the University of Delaware (1986-Present).  Dr. Timmins is an active member in the ΠKA - Delta Eta alumni association

Affiliated Sites

How did I, and later we, get so wrapped up in Porsches?

February 1988

In February 1988, on a Friday afternoon, I was reading the newspaper (remember them?).  On a lark a buddy of mine decided to head over to the Porsche dealer and drive a used 84 944.  No interest in buying, just burning time and blowing off work.  I had never driven a Porsche of any sort, and had been a "Triumph Guy" in college (1980-1984) and still owned a GT6 and a spitfire.

Holy crap was this a nice car.  Black Leather.  Silver paint. Fuchs wheels. 150 HP, whcih was not bad in the time when a Mustang GT or a Corvette made 225 and weighted half a ton more.  I had no intention of buying a $16,500 used car.  That was a HUGE amount of money for a used car in the 80s when a new VW GTI was $12,000 and starting salary for an IT guy was way less than twice that. I called my mother, the voice of reason, to talk some sense into me. She said "You work hard, if you like it you should buy it".  Done.

That summer I did two track events at Watkins Glen, the first with Potomac and the second with Reisentoter region.  The at the end of the first day of the second event Bill Love (owner OG Racing) and I were moved to Blue.  He had six prior events.  We have been buds ever since.  It was also at that event that I encountered 944turbos...and had to have one.  More about that later.

That car was great, it carried me to my first PCA club outing, Holbert Racing in late October 1988. Al had just passed away in a small aircraft mishap, and the shop was still active racing 962.  We were met by Bob Russo, a friend to this day, and were given teh grand tour, which included the Miller and Lowenbrau 962 and the new Indycar project which was housed there.  An unexpected bonus was a brand-new 959, silver with a gray plaid interior, parked right out front.  Just next door was a fenced in holding yard with TEN red 959s which were being held there outdoors pending approval for import. As it turns out they all got sent back because Porsche refused to crash-test them.  The numbers I heard were that they were being sold for $230,000 (in a time when a 930 cost $85K and was considered a ton of money), and they had cost Porsche in excess of $850,000 each to produce.  I was hooked.

December 31, 1988 944 turbo

December 1991 Between Porsches

July 1991 The Golden Goose

June 1992 The Tealamonstre

June 1995 The Plot Widens

June 17, 1995, A Porsche Perfect Wedding

October 1997 Dr. T gets a shop

June 1999 A Conversion Takes Root


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Kazakhstan raises oil exports by 22% y/y to 20.383mn tonnes in Q1.

By bne IntelliNews May 15, 2014

Kazakhstan increased oil exports by 22% y/y to 20.383mn tonnes in Q1, the State Stat Agency has informed. In monetary terms, exports expanded by 20.7% y/y to USD 16.7bn in the reported period. Significantly, we believe that the increase in exports is driven by transit of Russian oil via Atasu-Alashankou oil pipeline to China which was launched this year. Production of oil in Kazakhstan slightly decreased - from 20.6mn tonnes of oil in Q1/13 to 20.2mn tonnes in the first three months of this year.

Kazakhstan also exported 1.072mn tonnes of petroleum products which means a growth of 5.3% y/y. The value of exports increased by 4.5% y/y to USD 637.6mn. Oil products imports to the country decreased by 9.6% y/y to 541thsd tonnes worth USD 340.6mn (drop of 14.8% y/y).

Natural gas exports shrank by 1.4% y/y to 5.167bcm while in monetary terms it dropped by 13.7% y/y to USD 485.9mn. Similarly, natural gas imports decreased by 8.5% to 1.614bcm worth USD 121.7mn (drop of 28.9% y/y). Kazakhstan exports gas mainly to Russia where it is processed at gas complex in Orenburg and then re-imported to Kazakhstan. Small volumes of gas are also sent to Kyrgyzstan.

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Romanian natural gas transport company Transgaz will soon open an office in Chisinau to speed up the construction of Ungheni-Chisinau pipeline that will bring Romanian gas to Moldova’s main ... more

Russia's Rosneft sets foot in Mediterranean with $1.125bn Eni deal

Russia's largest oil producer state-controlled Rosneft has acquired 30% in the largest natural gas field in the Mediterranean from Italian Eni, the company announced on October 9. Rosneft that ... more


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This Web page has been archived on the Web

Information identified as archived is provided for reference, research or recordkeeping purposes. It is not subject to the Government of Canada Web Standards and has not been altered or updated since it was archived. Please contact us to request a format other than those available.

BOX: Performance of Small, Medium, and Large-sized Firms in Canadian Exports During the Global Financial Crisis

Value of Exports, by Firm Size, 1999-2009

This figure depicts the value of exports (C$ billion), by firm size, between 1999 and 2009.

Small firms exported C$86 billion in 1999, which expanded to a high of C$122 billion in 2005 before falling to C$ 120 billion in 2007, C$103 billion in 2008 and further to C$68 billion in 2009; Medium sized firms exported C$31 billion in 1999, which gradually expanded to C$51 billion in 2009; Large firms exported C$199 billion in 1999, which expanded to a high of C$245 billion in 2008 before falling to C$ 157 billion in 2009.

Source: Statistics Canada, Exporter Register.


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Real Name: Minami Johji

Identity/Class: Cyborg

Occupation: Defender of humanity

Affiliations: Pegas (his giant robot), Amachi Horomi; Andro

Enemies: The Waldstar

Known Relatives: None

Aliases: The Space Knight, Barry Galager (secret identity in U.S. dub), Teknoman

Base of Operations: Terra Azzurra (his spaceship)

First Appearance: Uchuu no Kisi Tekkaman (Tatsunoko Productions, 2nd July 1975)

Powers/Abilities: Able to use a crystal to transform into Tekkaman. As Tekkaman, he possessed superhuman strength, could survive in space, and was armed with an expandable staff/spear.

History: As mankind prepared to evacuate the Earth to escape it's polluted death, one of their ships is destroyed by the forces of the Waldstars, a hostile alien species. Doctor Amachi, who had been the scientist in charge of the evacuation, turned his genius to creating a defence against the extra-terrestrials' technologically superior weaponry. He designed a giant robot, Pegas, capable of transforming a human host into a cybernetic warrior, the Tekkaman. However, people capable of surviving the process were rare, and things looked hopeless until Minami Johji proved to be capable of enduring the transformation. Alongside Andro, a friendly alien from Sanno, and the Doctor's daughter Hiromi, the Tekkaman was mankind's last hope for survival.

Johji unmasked.Comments: Created by Kenji Yoshida and Ippei Kuri. He was voiced by Katsuji Mori. The story was planned to run for 52 half-hour episodes, but poor ratings saw it cut down to 26 episodes. It was released in America in the mid-1980s by William Winckler Productions.

There have been two sequels/re-makes, Uchu no Kishi Tekkaman Blade (1992) and Uchu no Kishi Tekkaman Blade II (1997), featuring new Tekkaman.

Top image provided by Fausto Morello. Other images on this page courtesy of Anime Cel.Com. Used with their kind permission.

CLARIFICATIONS: Not to be confused with

Any Additions/Corrections? Please let me know.

Back to Japanese heroes main page

All images and characters depicted on this site are copyright their respective holders, and are used for informational purposes only. No infringement is intended and copyrights remain at source.


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Watch Over Me (2013)

Discussion in 'XXX Full Movies' started by Swarovski, Apr 17, 2013.

  1. Swarovski

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Portfolio Re-Balancing – why is it important and how you can do it

Over the course of the year, the market value of each security within your portfolio earned a different return, resulting in a change in the allocation pie. This might change the investor's risk profile. While in the short term this may not have an adverse impact, such changes in risk profiles can have a far-reaching impact in the longer run. Portfolio rebalancing is a strategy that allows individuals to keep their risk level in check and minimize risk.

What is re-balancing?
Re-balancing is the process of buying and selling portions of your portfolio in order to set the weight of each asset class back to its original state. In addition, if an investor's investment strategy or tolerance for risk has changed, he or she can use rebalancing to readjust the weightages of each security or asset class in the portfolio to fulfill a newly devised asset allocation. Assume an investor's portfolio worth Rs 1,00,000 is invested in equity funds (40%), Bond Funds (40%) and liquid funds (20%). In other words, Rs 40,000 will be invested in equity funds, Rs 40,000 will be invested in bond funds and Rs 20,000 will be invested in liquid funds. Let's assume that in Year 1, equity funds deliver 50% return, bond funds loose 2% and liquid funds give a modest 4% return. Overall, the portfolio has returned 8%, but that's more due to the equities.
In year 2, assume equity markets fall. So assume, equity funds fall by 10%. Also assume that Bond funds on the other hand rebound and return 9%, while liquid funds continue with 4%.
Now assume two scenarios, viz. one where the above investor switches back to his original asset allocation, and the other where the investor doesn't reallocate his assets as per his original allocation and ignores the change.

while the rebalanced portfolio appreciates to Rs 1,20,480, the value of the ignored portfolio actually falls to Rs 1,18,360. As can be seen, the ignored portfolio got swayed by the equity return in Year 1 and therefore chose not to go back on the original asset allocation, not knowing that equities as an asset class can be quite volatile in the short run. A fall drop in the equities in Year 2 was enough to result in the ignored portfolio to under-perform the rebalanced portfolio. Re-balancing strategy is, therefore, the optimal strategy.

Benefits of portfolio rebalancing

Disciplined investingRe-balancing is a vital part of investment policy - there can be no asset allocation target without the discipline to preserve that target.
Reduces riskA plan may incur higher risk if no rebalancing policy exists. This is true particularly for equity allocations, which can rapidly rise in a bull market. For instance, portfolio rebalancing ensures that in rising equity markets, the asset allocation doesn't get skewed towards equities and the portfolio correctly reflects the investor's risk profile. It also ensures that the portfolio is adequately diversified.
Buy low, sell highRebalancing is a mechanism for sensible timing - the process naturally buys low and sells high. This strategy ensures that the portfolio returns are enhanced. A clear re-balancing policy avoids the risks of ad-hoc and costly portfolio revisions.
Balanced Funds – a better way to portfolio re-balancingOne way to rebalance the portfolio is to do it ourselves. In other words, investments can be made in equity and debt funds separately and then adequate re-balancing can be done depending on how the equity and debt markets perform.
Another simple way to ensure portfolio re-balancing is to invest in Balanced Funds. Here, the fund manager does the re-balancing and not the investor. Usually, all balanced funds invest around 65-70% in equity markets and the rest in debt and money market instruments as per their stated asset allocation mix.
So when equity markets keep rising consistently, Balanced Funds are mandated to book profits and bring their equity allocation back to their stated levels. This way, balanced funds carry a low downside risk as when equity markets fall, balanced funds take a lesser hit than diversified equity funds, as their exposure to equities is low.
Thanks to HDFC Bank

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Marker Outlook by Rajat K Bose,

Initially, we don't think we would get an opportunity to press sales since the gap down opening takes away that. Any aborted attempt at recovery would create the ground for fresh short positions.

While the Asian markets are giving mixed signals in the morning, the Indian market would most likely be ruled by its own specificity today, at least in the initial stages. The RBI has increased both CRR and Repo rates after the close of the Friday's trading session. Even if there has been a hint from the Finance Minister about further monetary tightening hardly anybody expected it to happen so soon. Thus, there has not been much of an immediate impact of the Finance Minister's statement on last Friday and this event of RBI raising rates would be more of an instance of totally unanticipated event.

However, market tends to discount quickly what it hasn't. And thus, expect a sharp gap down open. Once that is through we need to see whether the market manages to recover after the initial fall or its recovery attempt gets aborted and the fall continues further.

Initially, we don't think we would get an opportunity to press sales since the gap down opening takes away that. What we would have to do is to watch any attempt at subsequent recovery very closely-if it were to be successful then some buying may be done while any aborted attempt at recovery would create the ground for fresh short positions. The latter scenario, as of now, appears to be the more likely case.

Banks and manufacturing stocks are likely to be the hardest hit. However, pharmaceuticals and sugar stocks may not be that affected, and in case of any bounce back they are likely to do better than the rest. Among the sectors to be really badly hit would be retail, auto, consumer durables, realty, housing and construction sectors and broadly the manufacturing sector as a whole.

We have now got a clear signal from the RBI of a dear money policy. This indicates that we are in higher interest rates regime. This is corroborated by the high interest rates of 9.5% or above offered on deposits having a tenure of three years by even a conservative institution like HDFC.

Higher interest rates cause consumers to scale back big-ticket purchases and usually not long after, businesses cut back production to compensate. This stamps out inflation, but may trigger a recession. Case in point is the late 1990s when manufacturing sector went into a recession but inflation was surely controlled in the wake of a tight money policy.

The sign that should be most closely watched is the sales performance of the retail and consumption sectors. If they start faltering that would be a sure indication of a likely recession going forward. Thus, it would be better to get out of those sectors that are going to be affected. In the second half of the 1990s the saving grace has been the information technology sector but this time we need to see how they perform.

Some are of the opinion that services sector would not be affected but this may not be true. While it may not be as badly affected as the manufacturing sector but the spillover effect due to cut in spending by the consumers would also affect this sector as well. We need to be constantly on the guard to take whatever action necessary for our portfolios.

Now, with a tight money led high interest rate regime there are chances of further contraction in the PE multiple. Thus, even if the performance numbers for the last quarter continue to be good, the chances of investors settling for lower valuations of stocks appear to be fairly high.

Protection of capital is to be given primacy in such a situation. Cavalier stances in investing and/or trading might cost us dearly. Be watchful

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Why Busan

  • Strategic Place for Global Logistics
  • Business - Friendly City
  • Foreiner - Friendly City

Strategic Industries

  • Port Logistics Industry
    • With an aim to become the marine capital in the northeastern era connecting the world and the future and a principal city that will create international order, Busan is exerting its utmost effort to construct port logistics infrastructure around a world-class port and state-of-the-art logistics complex.

  • The knowledge service infrastructure
    • Busan, which is the largest movie and visual city in Asia, the representative tourism city in Korea and a specialized financial center located near the world’s largest shipbuilding yard, is intensively promoting the infrastructure of the knowledge service industry. This will serve as the base for next-generation growth engine and foreign investment promotion.

  • The future strategic and new gorwth industry
    • Busan intends to strengthen the competitiveness of the convergence industry as a new growth engine to create sustainable future. Also, it is carrying out various projects in future strategic industry areas including IT, offshore and shipbuilding, bio, robots and green energy industry.

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Big names announced for Manx Litfest 2016

Manx Litfest 2016 Announcement
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This year's Manx Litfest line-up has just been released with best-selling authors Martina Cole and Sally Gardner featuring in the list. The two authors will be joined by fellow authors Cathy Cassidy, Sharon Blackie, Kevin MacNeil, Jon Bounds and Danny Smith, poet Hollie McNish and writer, filmmaker and broadcaster Andrew White.

Following on from the success of Manx LitFest 2015 the organisers have been making fine adjustments in order to make this year's festival even better for both guests and audiences. The schedule for this year's festival includes Schools' Day, Family Day and Writers' Day, the latter being a day full of workshops, panel discussions, talks and agent pitch slots.

With more announcements regarding the festival's line-up expected over the next few months, be sure to be kept up-to-date by following the festival on Twitter and Facebook. More information about Manx Lit Fest 2016 can be found on the festival's website.

A sponsored body of
The Department of Education and Children
Rheynn Ynsee
Isle of Man Government
Reiltys Ellan Vannin
Isle of man Government


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KAYSĀNIYA (occasionally referred to also as Moḵtāriya), the Shiʿite sectarian movement(s) emerging from the Kufan revolt of Moḵtār b. Abi ʿObayd Ṯaqafi in 66-67/685-87, which revered Moḥammad b. Ḥanafiya (d. 81/700) as their imam and the Mahdi. Moḥammad was the third son of Imam ʿAli b. Abi Ṭāleb and Ḵawla, a woman from the tribe of Banu Ḥanifa, who had been brought to Medina as a slave after the defeat of her tribe at the battle of ʿAqrabāʾ in 12/633.

The sect’s sobriquet Kaysāniya appears nowhere as a term of self-designation, and its precise origins seem to have mystified the heresiographers, who must have adopted it from much earlier usage.  A cryptic imami tradition, for example, censures the sons (wold) of a certain Kaysān for spreading the secrets of the imams “on the roads and in the valleys of the Sawād” (Kolayni, II, p. 223).  The heresiographers generally provide two explanations for the sect’s name, asserting that either (1) it derived from the leader of Moḵtār’s personal guard (ḥaraṣ) of mawāli, Abu ʿAmra Kaysān, or (2) Kaysān was the nickname of Moḵtār himself.  In turn, the second explanation appears in several iterations.  Some claim that Moḵtār adopted the name of ʿAli’s mawlā, Kaysān, after the latter’s death at Ṣeffin, because it was he who first convinced Moḵtār to join the ʿAlid cause.  Others claim that either ʿAli or Ebn al-Ḥanafiya named Mokṯār ‘Kaysān,’ because of his cleverness/shrewdness (Ar. kays; see Ebn Qotayba, p. 622; Nawbaḵti, pp. 20-21; Ps.-Nāšeʾ, pp. 22-23; Kašši, p. 117; cf. Qāżi, 1974, pp. 55-56).

Contemporary observers, whose testimonies are preserved almost entirely in the form of poetry, epistles (if authentic) or history (aḵbār), refer to the sect, or at least factions thereof, under several different names: Ḵašabiya (i.e., those who fight wielding wooden clubs, ḵašab), Sabaʾiya (see below), extremists (ḡolāt), etc.  In the course of Moḵtār’s revolt, one finds numerous self-designations utilized by his acolytes and supporters, such as “partisan’s of Moḥammad’s household” (šiʿa āl Moḥammad), “vanguards of the weak” (anṣār al-żaʿif), and the like, but most salient and unique to Moḵtār’s movement seems to be the moniker šorṭat Allāh (God’s elite troop), an appellation attested as late as the 70s/690s (Balāḏori, IV/2, pp. 196, 202, 211; Bar Penkāyē, p. 158; Ṭabari, II, pp. 618, 672, 716; cf. Anthony, 277-85).  In any case, Kaysāniya came to encompass all sects arising out of this revolt that traced the imamate through Moḥammad b. Ḥanafiya.

The Kaysāniya were the product, rather than the impetus, of Moḵtār’s revolt, yet the revolt’s political and religious currents made a defining mark on the sect’s history by combining a reverence for Ebn al-Ḥanafiya as imam and theMahdi with a staunchly activist political program that was strongly colored by apocalyptic beliefs.  Although the term mahdi had been utilized by previous movements (cf. the Tawwābun’s designation of Imam Ḥosayn b. ʿAli [d. 61/680, q.v.] as al-mahdi b. al-mahdi in Ṭabari, II, p. 546; tr., XX, p. 132; cf. Halm, 1991, pp. 28-29; tr., pp. 20-21; Crone and Hinds, pp. 36-37, 102), Moḵtār’s revolt marks the first time that the title unambiguously conveyed the sense of an apocalyptic redeemer (Qāżi, 1974, pp. 122-28).  Ebn al-Ḥanafiya neither denied nor endorsed the appellation of mahdi outright; however, Ebn Saʿd preserves a fascinating anecdote, wherein, in response to being addressed as mahdi, Ebn Ḥanafiya retorts, playing off the ambiguity of the title, saying: “Indeed, I am a mahdi, for I guide to righteousness and what is good (ahdi ela’l- rošd wa’l-ḵayr)” (Ebn Saʿd, pp. 68-69). Titling himself wazir al-Mahdi (among other things; e.g., see Balāḏori, IV, p.176), Moḵtār established an oft-repeated precedent by acting as the imam’s proxy in the political arena and accommodating, if not encouraging, an entirely passive role for Ebn al-Ḥanafiya.  Throughout the revolt, Ebn al-Ḥanafiya’s passivity contrasted to the political activism of his deceased half-brother, Ḥosayn b. ʿAli (d. 61/680, q.v.).

Moḵtār also articulated the ideologyof his revolt as in an idiom of social justice and as being based upon “the Book of God, the tradition (sonna) of the Prophet, the pursuit of vengeance for the blood of the Prophet’s family (ahl al-bayt, q.v.), the waging of jehād upon the violators of God’s law, and the protection of the weak” (Ṭabari, II, p. 633; tr., XX, pp. 217-18; Balāḏori, IV/2, p. 165). His ultimate aim was perhaps to hand over rule of the Muslim community to a member of the Prophet’s family chosen by a consultative assembly of his descendants (šurā fi āl al-rasul; Ṭabari, II, p. 633; tr., XXI, p. 89). Most of these aims were fully realized.  The legacy of Moḵtār’s successful (albeit ephemeral) rebuff of Zobayrid irredentism and his establishment in Kufa of an autonomous state governing the northern part of Iraq and the Jazira on the basis of ʿAli’s policies (sira) in the name of his mahdi ensured that Moḵtār’s legacy would go far beyond the Omayyad period.  His revolt marked the first appearance of an ʿAlid/Hashemid theocracy since ʿAli’s assassination in 40/661, and it was distinguished by his political and martial enfranchisement of non-Arab mawāli (i.e., the aforementioned żoʿafāʾ) and his ferocious pursuit and execution of the old enemies of the ʿAlids and their partisan.  This final achievement reached its zenith at the defeat and death of ʿObayd-Allāh b. Ziād, the man considered most responsible for the murder of Ḥosayn b. ʿAli, and his Syrian army on the banks of the Ḵāzer River near Mosul in Moḥarram 66/August 686.

Moḵtār’s revolt was to a great extent animated by an apocalyptic eschatology that served as the basis of a revolutionary Kaysāni religious activism well after Moḵtār’s death. During the height of his revolt, Moḵtār claimed possession of an Ark of Covenant (tābut al-Sakina; cf. Qurʾān 2.248) in the shape of ʿAli’s former chair (korsi).  Moḵtār surrounded this ark with audacious displays of pageantry and wielded it as a talisman of political authority and military victory.  Much of this pageantry echoed an array of late antique apocalyptic expectations, both Muslim and non-Muslim, concerning the reappearance of the Ark of the Covenant (Anthony, 2011, pp. 265-77).  It was this ark that he carried into battle to vanquish Ebn Ziād.  One account even suggests that he intended to use the ark to capture Damascus (Ebn Sallām, I, p. 439).  Such an eclectic and ostentatious anti-Omayyad apocalypticism appealed strongly not only to the oppressed, disenfranchised, and quasi-islamicized mawāli who radically identified with the plight of the Banu Hāšem thereafter, but also to the southern Arabian tribesmen who rallied to his cause (cf. Djaït, pp. 168 ff.).

The Omayyad and Zobayrid opponents of Moḵtār reviled him as a false-prophet (kaḏḏāb) due to his movement’s notorious sponsorship of the Kufan ḡolāt and Sabaʾiya, who awaited Imam ʿAli’s imminent parousia (rajʿa).  Syriac historians, perhaps as early as Theophilus of Eddessa (695-785), replicate these charges, calling Moḵtār a deceiver (dagālā) and self-proclaimed prophet (nabīyā;  Hoyland, pp. 178, 184; cf. Ṭabari, II, p. 686; tr. XXI, p. 52; and Ebn Aʿṯam, VI, p. 292, where Moḵtār’s enemies call him an antichrist (dajjāl). Such accusations against Moḵtār were rootedin his alleged practice of divination (kahhāna) and his hailing of his ark as a vessel of revelation (waḥy), whereby he and his acolytes foretold future events.  Some of his propheciesproved to be mistaken(e.g., the prophesied defeat of Ebn Ziād and Moṣʿab b. Zobayr, respectively; see Balāḏori, IV/2, pp. 197-198, 212), leading to his doctrine that his erroneous predictions resulted from the changing of God’s mind (badāʾ, q.v.; Ṭabari, II, p. 732; tr. XXI, p. 99). Among the Shiʿites and their sympathizers, however, the evaluation of Moḵtār remained somewhat ambivalent, given that he had successfully exacted revenge on their enemies and aided Ebn al-Ḥanafiya to escape his imprisonment at the hands of Ebn al-Zobayr.  Ebn ʿAbbās apparently refused to denounce Moḵtār as a kaḏḏāb for this very reason (Balāḏori, II, p. 661).  Some historians, such as Ebn Aʿṯam Kufi (VI, pp. 225-47, 254-94), would write accounts of Moḵtār’s revolt purged of any hint of these controversies.  By the Safavid period, Shiʿite memory of Moḵtār’s revolt had considerably evolved in a direction favorable to his revolution, and his deeds were ensconced in the popular sagas and epics relating the martyrdom of Imam Ḥosayn b. ʿAli and extolling Moḵtār’s quest for vengeance in various Moḵtār-nāmas (Calmard, 2003, pp. 321 ff.).

The Zobayrids were ruthless in their suppression of the vestiges of Moḵtār’s supporters once Moṣʿab b. Zobayr retook Kufa on 14 Ramażān 67/3 April 687, but a significant faction survived their leader’s death by absconding to the northern Jazira and consolidating a small, independent city-state in Nisibis (Naṣibin).  The sources invariably refer to this remnant as Ḵašabiya, likely indicating that the majority were poorly armed mawāli (Crone, 2000, pp. 174 ff.).  At this point, the Kaysāni movement nearly falls off the historiographical map for most annalistic sources.  Nisibis in the Sufyanid period abided on the margins of Muslim empire and, thus, remained of minimal concern until its full integration into the empire by the Marwanids (Robinson, pp. 42 ff.).  Where one does encounter the rare historical notice on the region, the details are often sketchy, or contradictory, until the Marwanids’ decisive incorporation of the city under Moḥammad b. Marwān b. Ḥakam’s administration of the Jazira in the mid-70s/690s.

Acting as Moḵtār’s general and governor of Mosul, Ebrāhim b. Aštar appointed his brother ʿAbd-al-Raḥmān as governor of Nisibis; however, the remnant of the Kaysāniya that survived Moḵtār’s downfall rebelled against him and appointed their own leader from Moḵtār’s partisans, “preferring to be led by one of their own number,” according to John bar Penkāyē (p. 158).  Of this leader we know very little besides his name, Abu Qāreb Yazid b. Abi Ṣaḵr Kalbi.  Unlike most of the Ḵašabiya, who were undoubtedly mawāli, Yazid himself appears to have been an Arab numbered among the Arab tribal notables (ašrāf) of Jazira (cf. his genealogy in Ebn al-Kalbi, II, p. 352).  He was likely to have been among the 2,000 cavalrymen said to have resettled in Nisibis (Masʿudi, III, p. 307).  Abu Qāreb’s Ḵašabiya, therefore, seems to have followed the precedent first established during Moḵtār’s revolt, in which a large contingent of club-wielding mawāli was led by a smaller unit of Arabian tribesmen (Anthony, 211, p. 284).  The length of Abu Qāreb’s tenure in Nisibis is uncertain; however, it is clear that he maintained Kaysāni control of Nisibis while weathering the storm of Zobayrid attempts from the east and of Marwanids from the west.  Abu Qāreb’s repulse of repeated Zobayrid attempts to take the city led by Mohallab b. Abi Ṣofra finds a firm attestation in a poem, in which Aʿšā Hamdān chides Mohallab for having underestimated and failed to defeat his enemy at Bājarmā, whom Mohallab derided for merely bearing staffs (Aḡāni³ VI, pp. 50-51; Bakri, I, p. 220).  According Syriac historians, the hold of the Ḵašabiya over Nisibis outlasted the defeat of Moṣʿab b. Zobayr and ʿAbd-al-Malek b. Marwān’s entrance into Kufa in 72/691.  Theophanus of Edessa (d. 785 CE) perhaps serves as the source for the Syriac report that in the lead-up to ʿAbd-al-Malek’s offensive against Moṣʿab, the Omayyad caliph’s brother Moḥammad b. Marwān easily took the cities of northern Jazira except Nisibis, which remained in the hands of a certain BWDYR (Anonymi auctoris I, p. 293; cf. Michael the Syrian, IV, pp. xi-xv, with variant BWRYDĀ), likely a corrupted form of the name Yazid.  The holdout against the Marwanid advance in the Jazira, however, seems to have been short-lived, likely due to the intrigues of certain physician named Mardānšāh, who “aided Moḥammad, the brother of ʿAbd-al-Malek, in taking Nisibis and expelling those rebels who were there (fa-ṭarada man kāna behā men al-moḵālefin; Ps.-Māri b. Solaymān, I, p. 64).  Although initially abandoning the administration to Christian proxies (Syr. mdabberānē), Moḥammad b. Marwān eventually deposed and crucified Mardānšāh and his associates, bringing the city definitively into the orbit of Omayyad preeminence (Morony, 1984, p. 352 f.; Robinson, pp. 50 ff.).

The beliefs of the Nisibine Kaysāniya are not well documented.  There exists good evidence that they maintained the apocalyptic eschatology discernible in Moḵtār’s revolt, which is an outlook they seem to have shared with their contemporaries (Bar Penkāyē, p. 167; cf. Reinink, pp. 81 ff.).  One testimony mentions that they expected Moḵtār’s resurrection (rajʿa) alongside ʿAli and his two deceased sons, Ḥasan and Ḥosayn (Ḏahabi, III, p. 436).  According to the Ḥasan b. Moḥammad b. Ḥanafiya (d. ca. 90s/710s), holdouts of Moḵtār’s revolt in Kufa, whom Ḥasan calls Sabaʾiya, also expected an imminent reversal (dawla), which they believed would be achieved through a resurrection (fi baʿṯ) before the Hour or before the coming (qiām) of the Hour (see Van Ess, 1974, p. 27).  One finds scant trace of this in the heresiographical accounts, but these earlier testimonies are likely to be more reliable.

Heresiographers usually begin their account of the Kaysāniya with the post-Nisibine phase.  They focus on the two deepest, early crises met by the sect: (1) Ebn al-Ḥanafiya’s oath of allegiance (bayʿa) to the Omayyad caliph ʿAbd-al-Malek b. Marwān after Ebn al-Zobayr’s defeat in 73/692, and (2) Ebn al-Ḥanafiya’s death in 81/700, leaving the Kaysāniya’s messianic expectations unfulfilled. These crises divided the Kaysāniya into a myriad of sub-sects, concerning whose number and precise beliefs the heresiographers disagree (Qāżi, 1974, pp. 14 ff. provides clearest summary of the various heresiological taxonomies of the Kaysāni sects). The general trends can be summarized as follows.

Contrary to the expectations of his Kaysāni devotees, Ebn al-Ḥanafiya maintained cordial relations with ʿAbd-al-Malek and even went as far as to visit him in Damascus in 78/697-98.  In the final years of his life he was even content to live comfortably off the caliph’s largesse.  This was an odd posture for a mahdi whose existential enemies were allegedly the Omayyads (see Ps.-Nāšeʿ, p. 27).  After Ebn al-Ḥanafiya’s death, one finds several attempts among the Kaysāniya to accommodate these realities.  Imamiheresiographers claim that the followers of Abu ʿAmra Kaysān declared themselves to be in a state of spiritual wandering without an Imam (fi’l-tih lā emāma lahom) following Ebn al-Ḥanafiya’s apparent death, while also declaring Ebn al-Ḥanafiya’s passing not to have been a true death.  Rather, God caused Ebn al-Ḥanafiya to be concealed (ḡāʾeb) from the world of men, a divine punishment inflicted upon him for his sin of submitting to ʿAbd-al-Malek. Citing parallels with Adam’s fall and Jonah’s sojourn in the belly of the whale, they declared that God had removed their mahdi from his home along with a set number of his companions to dwell in a mountain until the time came to fulfill his redemptive mission.  In the interim, the imamate had been deposited (wadiʿa) with his son Abu Hāšem, who acted as the silent (ṣāmeṭ) Imam vis-à-vis his father, the speaking (nāṭeq) Imam (see Nawbaḵti, pp. 23-24;  tr., pp. 50-51; Ebn Ṣaʿd, pp. 22-23; cf. Abu’l-Qāsem Balḵi, in ʿAbd-al-Jabbār, p. 178).  Other Kaysānis, such as Abu Kareb and the Karebiya, rejected the notion of Ebn al-Ḥanafiya’s concealment as a punishment and regarded it as an act of divine protection.  According to this view, Ebn al-Ḥanafiya resided in the crags of Mt. Rażwā west of Medina, where he was guarded by a lion to his right and a leopard to his left and sustained by water and honey.  He would remain in this state until the appointed hour of his reappearance (Ašʿari, p. 19; cf. Nawbaḵti, tr., pp. 50-51).

The notion of the Mahdi’s concealment (ḡayba, q.v.) appears here for the first time as a tenet of Islamic belief. It is undoubtedly not coincidental that most non-Kaysāni accounts subsequently also maintain that, like Ebn al-Ḥanafiya, the qāʾem (a descendant of the Prophet, who is expected to rise and restore justice in the world) will bear both the Prophet’s forename (Moḥammad) and konya (Abu’l-Qāsem).  This notion of a concealed and/or imprisoned messianic redeemer resonates rather strikingly with Jewish beliefs concerning the Davidic Messiah (e.g., see the state of Messiah, son of David Menahem bar ʿAmiel before his advent in Sefer Zerubbabel in Reeves, p. 5; cf. Berger, pp. 1-17; cf. Anthony, 2012 on a Jewish messianist who enters occultation in Damascus in ca. 715-717 CE).  Other scholars have attempted to draw attention to precursors to the ḡayba doctrine in Zoroastrian beliefs (see Kippenberg, pp. 49-80).  What is more, the belief resonates with and culminates the apocalyptic eschatology that placed Ebn al-Ḥanafiya as its central hero and had characterized the sect since its origins among the acolytes of Moḵtār.  It is these salient beliefs (i.e., rajʿa, ḡayba, and badāʾ) that most profoundly influenced later Imami doctrine, albeit in modified forms.

The most rudimentary and abiding Kaysāni beliefs evolved out of a reverence for Ebn al-Ḥanafiya as the head of the Banu Hāšem; by the end of 1st/7th century, this reverence for Ebn al-Ḥanafiya had produced three beliefs: Ebn al-Ḥanafiya’s imamate as Imam ʿAli’s successor (waṣi), recognition of him as the Mahdi, and the belief in his ḡayba.  This triad of tenets features prominently in the poetry and anecdotal reports of the sect’s adherents well into 2nd/8th century and, therefore, seem to represent the most authentic doctrine of the Kaysāniya.  They appear in the verses of the most prominent Kaysāni poets, namely, the saḥābi (Companion) Abu Ṭofayl ʿAmr b. Wāṯela (d. ca. 102/720, who reputedly met the Prophet as a boy), Koṯayyer ʿAzza (d. 105/723), and especially Sayyed Ḥemyari (d. ca. 173-79/789-95; cf. Qāżi, pp. 305 ff.), and in anecdotes about adherents of Kaysāni doctrine from the 2nd/8th century, such as Moraqqaʿ b. Qomāma Asadi, ʿAli b. Ḥazawwar/Ḥazawur (d. ca. 130-40/747-57), and Ḥayyān Sarrāj (d. after 183/799; Kašši, pp. 96-97, pp. 314 ff.; Ebn Bābuya, p. 45).  Most notably, however, the belief in Ebn al-Ḥanafiya’s ḡayba appears to have tamed the activist core of the so-called pure Kaysānis and resulted in a swift dwindling of their numbers.  By the 3rd/9th century, their mention becomes exceedingly scarce, only to disappear altogether by the following century (Qāżi, pp. 264 ff.; van Ess 1992, I, pp. 305-7).  Shaikh Mofid (d. 413/1032) claims that in his time the Kaysāniya “had no remnant(lā baqiata lahom; Šarif Morṭażā, p. 305); however, writing further east, his younger contemporary Abū Rayḥān Biruni (d. 440/1048, q.v.), claimed that even in his time there existed people who believed that Ebn al-Ḥanafiya was alive in Mt. Rażwā, waiting to return as the Mahdi (Āṯār, p. 212).

Other Kaysāni sects veered into the realm of the ḡolāt (extremists), often by denying or significantly modifying either one of the three aforementioned tenets and by augmenting their doctrine with extremist beliefs (ḡoluw), such as the divinity of the imams and metapsychosis (tanāsoḵ).  One of the first Kaysānis to do so was Ḥamza b. ʿAmāra Barbari, who after 90/709 proclaimed Ebn Ḥanafiya to be god and himself his prophet (Qāżi, pp. 205 ff.).  However, the majority of the Kaysāni ḡolāt branched off from those Kaysānis who recognized Ebn Ḥanafiya’s son, Abu Hāšem ʿAbd-Allāh, as his father’s successor, either by affirming the reality of Ebn Ḥanafiya’s death or by accommodating Abu Hāšem’s Imāmate as an interim dispensation preceding his father’s ultimate return.  Although some sources give the impression that, like his father, Abu Hāšem remained largely aloof from his devotees, others attribute to him a much more active role and claim, for example, that he “collected the Hadith of the Sabaʾiya” (Fasāwi, II, pp. 737, 742) and that he maintained radical partisans of Moḵtār in his personal employ (Aḵbār al-ʿAbbās, pp. 174, 180-81).  Easier to discern than Abū Hāšem’s own predispositions, however, is the considerable influx of non-Shiʿite, Iranian religious influences, such as the Mazdakites and Ḵorramdiniya, in the doctrines of his acolytes (Madelung, 1998, pp. 9-10; Crone, 2012, chap. 4; cf. Balḵi’s statement to similar effect in ʿAbd-al-Jabbār, p. 178). This trend is exemplified most clearly by the sect known as the Ḥarbiya/Ḥāreṯiya (Nawbaḵti, pp. 32 ff.; Saʿd Qomi, pp. 44 ff.; Ps.-Nāšeʾ, p. 37; Abu Ḥātem Rāzi, p. 298).

Abu Hāšem having died without offspring in 98/717-18, his devotees splintered into numerous sectarian movements collectively known as Hāšemiya.  A number of Abu Hāšem’s devotees, such as Esḥāq b. ʿAmr and the Esḥāqiya, asserted that following their imam’s death the imamate transferred to Abu Hāšem’s younger brother, ʿAli b. Moḥammad b. Ḥanafiya, and then to his son Ḥasan b. ʿAli b. Moḥammad b. Ḥanafiya, after whose death the imamate ceased until Ebn al-Ḥanafiya’s return (Nawbaḵti refers to this group as the pure ḵollaṣ: p. 28; tr., p. 55). Others recapitulated the claim made for Abu Hāšem’s father and declared him to be concealed in Mt. Rażwā until the advent of the eschalon.  The numbers of Kaysāni devotees to embrace these positions appear to be few, and by 2nd/8th century, their numbers were swiftly absorbed by the ḡolāt offshoots of the Kaysāniya or the increasingly prominent Imamiya who recognized Moḥammad al-Bāqer and his son, Jaʿfar al-Ṣādeq (qq.v.), as imam.  Thus, early on in the 2nd/8th century, most of the Hāšemiya appear to have chosen new leaders, all of whom laid some claim to Abu Hāšem’s legacy (waṣiya) and engaged in some level of radical political activism.  Such currents produced the most spectacular of Moḵtār’s epigones, such as the Kufan rebel and would-be prophet Bayān b. Samʿān (crucified in 119/737 by Ḵāled b. ʿAbd-Allāh Qasri) and the Talebid rebel ʿAbd-Allāh b. Moʿāwia Ḏu’l-Janāḥayn (executed in prison by Abu Moslem Ḵorasāni, q.v., in 131/748-49; see Ps.-Nāšeʾ, pp. 36-37, 40-41; Saʿd Qomi, pp. 37-39).  It is from the latter movement of Ebn Moʿāwia that perhaps the most influential of extremistsects emerged (if the heresiographers are to be believed) under the leadership of ʿAbd-Allāh b. ʿAmr b. Ḥarb/Ḥāreṯ Madāʾeni.  Though at one time a follower of Ebn Moʿāwia, Ebn Ḥarb in time founded his own sect, the Ḥarbiya, proclaiming himself imam.  His ideas include notions such as the pre-existence of souls as shadows (aẓella) and the divinity of the prophet Moḥammad and the Imams, whom he declared were successively indwelt with the Holy Spirit and who represent the earliest iteration of what would later evolve into the quintessential beliefs of the Noṣayriya and the ʿAbbasid ḡolāt (Ps.-Nāšeʾ, pp. 30-40; Ašʿari, pp. 5-13; Nawbaḵti, pp. 31-47; Saʿd Qomi, pp. 39-46).  Of all the successor movements that branched from the Hāšemiya, however, the most preeminent would be the ʿAbbāsiya, whose daʿwa traced its origins from the Abu Hāšem’s alleged bequeathal of the imamate to Moḥammad b. ʿAli b. ʿAbd-Allāh b. ʿAbbās b. ʿAbd-al-Moṭalleb and led to the founding of the ʿAbbasid dynasty.

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ʿAbd-al-Qāher Baḡdādi, al-Farq bayn al-feraq, ed. Moḥammad Badr, Cairo, 1910, pp. 27-38.

Abu Ḥātem Rāzi, Ketāb al-zina, in ʿAbd-Allāh Sāmarrāʾi, al-Ḡoluw wa’l-feraq al-ḡālia fi’l-ḥażāra al-eslāmiya, Baghdad, 1972, pp. 297-300.

Abu Meḵnaf (Ps.-), Aḵbār al-Moḵtār b. Abi’l-ʿObayd aṯ-Ṯaqafi, ed. K. S. Jabburi, Beirut, 2000; tr. in Ferdinand Wüstenfeld, as “Der Tod des Ḥusein ben ʿAli und die Rache: Ein historischer Roman aus dem Arabischen,” Abhandlungen der Königlichen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaft zu Göttingen: Historisch-philologische Classe 30, 1883, pp. 149-213.

Abu Tammām, Ketāb al-šajara, in Wiferd Madleung and Paul E. Walker, eds. and trans., An Ismaili Heresiography: The “Bāb al-shayṭan” from Abū Tammām’s Kitāb al-shajara, Leiden, 1998, pp. 98-05 (Ar.), 94-99 (Eng.).

Aḵbār al-ʿAbbās: see Aḵbār ad-dawla al-ʿAbbāsiya.

Aḵbār al-dawla al-ʿAbbāsiya wa-fihi aḵbār al-ʿAbbās wa waladehi, ed. ʿAbd-al-ʿAziz Duri and ʿAbd-al-Jabbār Moṭallebi, Beirut, 1997, pp. 165, 173 ff.

Anonymi auctoris Chronicon ad annum Christi 1234 pertinens, ed. Jean B. Chabot, Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium 81, Leuven, 1920.

Sean W. Anthony, The Caliph and the Heretic: Ibn Sabaʾ and the Origins of Shiʿism, Leiden, 2011, chap. 7.

Idem, “Who Was the Shepherd of Damascus? The Enigma of Jewish and Messianist Responses to the Islamic Conquests in Marwānid Syria andMesopotamia,” in Paul M.Cobb,ed., The Lineaments of Islam: Studies in Honor of Fred McGraw Donner, Leiden, 2012, pp. 21-59.

Abu’l-Ḥasan ʿAli b. Esmāʿil Ašʿari, Maqālāt al-eslāmiyin wa eḵtelāf al-moṣallin: Die dogmatischen Lehren der Anhänger des Islam, ed. Hellmut Ritter, 4th ed., Beirut, 2005, pp. 18 ff.

Abu ʿObayd Bakri, Moʿjam mā staʿjam, ed. M. Saqqā, 4 vols., Cairo, 1945-51.

Balāḏori, Ansāb al-ašrāf II, ed. Wilferd Madelung, Beirut 2003, pp. 647 ff.; III, ed. ʿAbd-al-ʿAziz Duri, Beirut, 1978, pp. 80-81; IV/2, ed. ʿAbd-al-ʿAziz. Duri and ʿI. ʿOqla, Beirut, 2001, pp. 144-232.

T. Bayham-Daou, “Hishām b. al-Ḥakam (d. 179/795) and His Doctrine of the Imām’s Knowledge,” Journal of Semitic Studies 48/1, 2003, pp. 71-108.

Abraham Berger, “Captive at the Gate of Rome: The Story of a Messianic Motif,” Proceedings of the American Academy for Jewish Research 44, 1997, pp. 1-17.

Abu Rayḥān Biruni, Ketāb al-āṯār al-bāqia ʿan al-qorun al-ḵālia, ed. Eduard Sachau, as Chronologie orientalischer Völker von albérûnî, Leipzig, 1878; tr. Eduard Sachau, as The Chronology of the Ancient Nations, London, 1879.

Jean Calmard, “Moḥammad b. al-Ḥanafiyya dans la religion populaire, le folklore, les legends dans le monde turco-persan et indo-persan,” Cahiers d’Asie Centrale 5-6, 1998, pp. 201-20.

Idem, “Popular Literature under the Ṣafavids,” in Andrew J. Newman, ed., Society and Culture in the Early Modern Middle East: Studies on Iran in the Ṣafavid Period, Leiden, 2003, pp. 321 ff.

Michael A. Cook, Early Muslim Dogma: A Source-Critical Study, Cambridge 1981, ch. 9.

Patricia Crone, “The Significance of Wooden Weapons in al-Mukhtār’s Revolt and the ʿAbbāsid Revolution,” in Ian Richard Netton and Caroline Hillenbrand, eds., Studies in Honour of Clifford Edmund Bosworth I: Hunter of the East, Arabic and Semitic Studies, Leiden, 2000, pp. 174-87; repub. in idem, From Arabian Tribes to Islamic Empire: Army, State and Society in the Near East, c. 600-850, Aldershot, UK, 2008.

Idem, The Nativist Prophets of Early Islamic Iran: Rural Revolt and Local Zoroastrianism, Cambridge, 2012, chap. 4.

Patricia Crone and Martin Hinds, God’s Caliph: Religious Authority in the First Centuries of Islam, Cambridge, 1986.

Farhad Daftary, The Ismāʿilis: Their History and Doctrines, 2nd ed., Cambridge, 2007, pp. 57-71.

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Abu Ḥanifa Dinavari, Aḵbār al-ṭewāl, ed. Vladimir Guirgass, Leiden, 1888, pp. 296 ff.

ʿAbd al-Ameer A. Dixon, The Umayyad Caliphate 65-86/684-705: A Political Study, London, 1971, chap. 2.

Hichem Djaït, “Les Yamanites à Kūfa au Ier siècle de l’hégire,” JESHO 19, 1976, pp. 148-81.

Ebn Aʿṯam al-Kufi, Ketāb al-fotuḥ, ed. ʿAli Širi, 8 vols., Beirut, 1991, VI, pp. 225-47, 254-94.

Ebn Bābuya al-Ṣaduq, Kamāl al-din wa tamām al-naʿma, ed. Ḥosayn Aʿlami, Beirut, 2004, pp. 42-46.

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Ebn Qotayba, Ketāb al-maʿāref, ed. Ṯawrat ʿOkāša, Cairo, 1969.

Ebn Saʿd, Ketāb al-ṭabaqāt al-kabir, ed. Eduard Sachau et al., 9 vols., Leiden, 1904-40, passim, esp. V, pp. 66-86.

Ebn Sallām Jomaḥi, Ṭabaqāt foḥul aš-šoʿarāʾ, ed. Maḥmud M. Šāker, 2 vols., Cairo, 1974.

Yaʿqub b. Sofyān Fasāwi, Ketāb al-maʿrefa wa’l-taʾriḵ, ed. Akram Ż. ʿOmari, 3 vols., Baghdad, 1974-76.

Israel Friedländer,“The Heterodoxies of the Shiites in the Presentation of Ibn Ḥazm,” JAOS 28, 1907, pp. 1-80; 29, 1908, pp. 1-183.

Heinz Halm, Das islamische Gnosis: Die extreme Schia und die ʿAlawiten, Zürich, 1982, pp. 43 ff.;

Idem, Das Reich des Mahdi: der Aufstieg der Fatimiden (875-973), Munich, 1991; tr. Michael D. Bonner, as The Empire of Mahdi: The Rise of the Fatimids, Leiden and New York, 1996.

Gerald R. Hawting, “Mukhtār b. Abi ʿUbayd,” in EI² VII, 1965, pp. 521-24.

Sayyed Ḥemyari, Diwān, ed. Šāker H. Šokr, Beirut, n.d.

Robert G. Hoyland, Theophilus of Edessa’s Chronicle and the Circulation of Historical Knowledge in Late Antiquity and Early Islam, Liverpool, 2011.

Moḥammad Kašši, Eḵtiār maʿrefat al-rejāl al-maʿruf be-rejāl al-Kašši, ed. Ḥasan Moṣṭafawi, Mashad, 1969 (an abridged version of Kašši’s Ketāb maʿrefat al-nāqelin).

Hans Gerhard Kippenberg, “Die Geschichte der mittelpersischen apokalyptischen Traditionen,” Studia Iranica 7, 1978, pp. 49-80.

Abu Jaʿfar Moḥammad b. Yaʿqub Kolayni, al-Kāfi, ed. ʿAli-Akbar Ḡaffāri, 8 vols., Tehran, 1957-61.

Koṯayyer ʿAzza, Diwān, ed. Eḥsān ʿAbbās, Beirut, 1971.

Wilferd Madelung, “Kaysāniyya,” in EI2 IV, 1978, pp. 836-38.

Idem, “The ‘Hāshimiyyāt’ of al-Kumayt and Hāshimi Shiʿism,” Studia Isamica 70, 1989, pp. 5-26.

Idem, Religious Trends in Early Islamic Iran, Albany, 1998, pp. 9-10.

Māri (Ps.-) b. Solaymān, Ketāb  al-majdal, ed. Henricus Gismondi, Rome, 1989.

Abu’l-Ḥasan ʿAli Masʿudi, Moruj al-ḏahab wa maʿāden al-jawhar, ed. Barbier de Meynard and Pavet de Courteille, revised new ed. by Charles Pellat, 7 vols., Beirut, 1966-79, III, pp., 298-301; tr. Barbier de Meynard and Pavet de Courteille as Les Prairies d’or, revised and corrected by Charles Pellat, 3 vols., Paris, 1962-71.

Michael the Syrian, Chronique de Michel le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d'Antioche (1166-1199), ed. and tr. Jean B. Chabot, 4 vols., Paris, 1899-1910.

Moḥammad b. Yazid Mobarrad, al-Kāmel fi’l-loḡa wa’l-adab, ed. Moḥammad Abu’l-Fażl Ebrāhim, Cairo, n.d., III, pp. 260-69.

Michael G. Morony, Iraq after the Muslim Conquest, Princeton, 1986, index.

S. Moscati, “Il Testamento di Abū Hāšim,” Rivista degli studi orientali 27, 1952, pp. 28-46.

Idem, “Per una Storia dell’Antica Šiʿa,” Rivista degli studi orientali 30, 1955,  pp. 251-67.

Nāšeʾ al-Akbar (Ps.-), Oṣul al-neḥal, 26-31, secs. 40-46, in Josef Van Ess, Frühe muʿtazilische Häresiograpie: Zwei Werke des Nāšiʾ al-Akbar (gest. 293 h.), Beirut, 1971.

Ḥasan b Musā Nawbaḵti, Ketāb feraq al-Šiʿa, ed. Helmut Ritter, Istanbul, 1931, pp. 20, 23 ff.; tr. Moḥammad-Jawād Maškur, as Tarjama-ye Feraq al-Šiʿa-ye Nawbaḵti, Tehran, 1974.

John bar Penkāyē, Ktābā d-Rēš Mellē, in Alphonse Mingana, ed. and tr., Sources Syriaques, Leipzig, 1907, pp. 156-58, 167 (Syr.), 183-86, 194 (Fr. tr.); tr. Sebastian P. Brock, in idem, “North Mesopotamia in the Late Seventh Century: Book XV of John bar Penkāyē’s Riš Mellē,” Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 9, 1987, pp. 51-75.

Wadād Qāżi, al-Kaysāniya fi’l-taʾriḵ wa’l-adab, Beirut, 1974.

Idem, “The Development of the Term Ghulāt in Muslim Literature with Special Reference to the Kaysāniyya,” in Albert Dietrich, ed., Akten des vii. Kongresses für Arabistik und Islamwissenschaft, Göttingen, 1976, pp. 295-319.

Saʿd b. Abd-Allāh b. Abi Ḵalaf Qomi, Ketāb al-maqālāt wa’l-feraq, ed. Moḥammad-Jawād Maškur, Tehran, 1963, pp. 21-23, 26 ff., 50, 65.

John C. Reeves, Trajectories in Near Eastern Apocalyptic: A Postrabbinic Jewish Apocalypse Reader, Atlanta, 2005.

Gerrit J. Reinink, “East Syrian Historiography in Response to the Rise of Islam: The Case of John bar Penkaye’s Ktābā d-Rēš Mellē,” in Jan J. van Ginkel, Hendrika L. Murre-van den Berg, and Theo M. van Lint, eds., Redefining Christian Identity: Cultural Interaction in the Middle East Since the Rise of Islam, Leuven, 2005, pp. 77-89.

Chase Robinson, Empire and Elites after the Muslim Conquest: The Transformation of Northern Mesopotamia, New York, 2000.

Gernot Rotter, Die Umayyaden und der zweite Bürgerkrieg (680-692), AKM 45/3, Wiesbaden, 1982, index.

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Shaul Shaked, “From Iran to Islam: Some Symbols of Royalty,” Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 7, 1986, pp. 75-91.

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William F. Tucker, Mahdis and Millenarians: Shiʿite Extremists in Early Muslim Iraq, Cambridge, 2008, pp. 19 ff.

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Josef Van Ess, “Das Kitāb al-Irğāʿ des Ḥasan b. Moḥammad al-Ḥanafiyya,” Arabica 21/1, 1974, pp. 20-52.

Idem, “Nachträge und Verbesserungen,” Arabica 22/1, 1975, pp 49-51.

Idem, Theologie und Gesellschaft im 2. und 3. Jahrhundert Hidschra: Eine Geschichte des religiösen Denkens im frühen Islam, 6 vols., Berlin, 1991-97, I, pp.  304-6.

Idem, Der Eine und das Andere: Beobachtungen an islamischen häresiographischen Texten, Berlin, 2011, index.

Julius Wellhausen, Die religiös-politischen Oppositions-parteien im alten Islam, Berlin, 1901, pp. 87-95; tr. R. C. Ostle and S. M. Walzer, as The Religio-Political Factions in Early Islam, Amsterdam, 1975, 125-60.

Yaʿqubi, Taʾriḵ, ed. Martijn Theodor Houtsma, 2 vols., Leiden, 1969, II, pp. 308-20.

Mohsen Zakeri, Sāsānid Soldiers in Early Muslim Society: The Origins of ʿAyyārān and Futuwwa, Wiesbaden, 1993.

(Sean W. Anthony)

Originally Published: May 31, 2013

Last Updated: September 25, 2012

This article is available in print.
Vol. XVI, Fasc. 2, pp. 183-188


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