Bowen Dow Stassforth (August 7, 1926 – November 22, 2019) was an American competition swimmer who won a silver medal in the 200 m breaststroke at the 1952 Olympics and set two world records in the 200-yard (long course) breaststroke. and one world record in the 100 meter (long course) breaststroke

Biography
Born in Los Angeles on August 7, 1926, Stassforth was an eight-time All-American in swimming at the University of Iowa. At the conclusion of his career in 1952, he concurrently held 16 national breaststroke records in distances from 200 yards to 500 meters in 20 yard, short course and long course pools.  He was also the 1952 Iowa AAU Athlete of the Year and Iowa AAU's nominee for the James E. Sullivan Award.

In his early life, Bowen had an intense fear of water, which was the result of having his head put under water by his caretaker.  After his parents discovered this, swimming lessons commenced with several different instructors, all of whom were unsuccessful in helping him overcome his fear of water.  Finally, swimming lessons with Thelma Payne of the Los Angeles Athletic Club were able to help him overcome his fear of water.  His athletic career as a swimmer began at Los Angeles High School (1942–44) as well as the Hollywood Athletic Club during which time he finished second at the 1943 California State Meet in the 200 yard breaststroke to his teammate Harry Messenheimer.   In August 1944, while still in high school, Bowen enlisted in the U.S. Navy. His vision throughout his life was poor. Consequently, in order to join the Navy, he memorized the eye chart for his initial physical. During basic training, his vision problems were discovered by his superiors. As a result, he was subsequently assigned to teach swimming and water survival skills to enlisted sailors on North Island in San Diego. He was honorably discharged in 1946.

Bowen swam in the era when the accepted arm motion of the breaststroke was optional with either the contemporary underwater breaststroke or the over the water arm motion now known as the butterfly.  The leg movement was the frog kick.  In 1953, the stroke was bifurcated into the breaststroke and the butterfly using a dolphin kick.  As a result, any records he held were subsequently wiped off the record books.

At his first AAU National Outdoor Championship meet in 1945, representing Fleet Air Wing 14,  he placed second in the 200-meter breaststroke.  The next year in 1946, he placed sixth in both the AAU National Indoor and Outdoor Championship 220y/200M breaststroke behind Joe Verdeur, Charles Keating and his future coach, James Counsilman. He enrolled at the University of Iowa for the 1947-1948 school year and was coached by both David Armbruster and his assistant coach James Counsilman.  He was not allowed to compete as a freshman, however, due to conference eligibility rules at that time.  He did, however, participate in the U.S. Olympic Trials in July 1948 placing seventh in the 200-meter breaststroke with a time of 2:47.7. The following year, Bowen moved up the standings finishing third in the AAU Outdoor Championships 200 m breaststroke behind Keith Carter and Joe Verdeur the previous years' Olympic silver and gold medalists.

His first international competition came in 1950 as part of the American national swim team in several dual meets held in Japan.  This was the first time the American swim team had defeated Japan on Japanese soil. At the dual meet in Tokyo, Bowen set the world record in the 100 m breaststroke(long course) in 1:09.4 barely edging out his teammate Robert Brawner.>  Later that year, he was second in the National AAU Outdoor Championships in the 220 yard breaststroke to Robert Brawner.

In 1951, he won a bronze medal in the 200-meter breaststroke with a time of 2:47.6 and a gold in the medley relay at the 1951 Pan American Games in Buenos Aires. At the 1951 National AAU Outdoor Championships in the 200 m breaststroke, Bowen was second to John Davies but ahead of Robert Brawner, third and Jerry Holan, fourth.

After a fourth place finish behind John Davies, Jerry Holan, and Robert Brawner at the NCAA finals in 1952 in the 200 yard Breaststroke, his Big Ten rival and friend, John Davies tipped off Bowen that his training regimen needed to be improved with several adjustments.  As a result of these training adjustments, he qualified first overall at the 1952 US Olympic Trials beating both Brawner and Holan and breaking Joe Verdeur's American citizen record with a time of 2:36.0 in the 200 m breaststroke.

At the 1952 Summer Olympics in Helsinki, Finland, he qualified for the finals of the 200 m breaststroke.  While on the starting blocks of the finals, the cold air caused his muscles to tense up.  In order to counter act this, he purposely false started using the short time in the water to loosen back up.  Back up on the blocks, he was careful not to false start again. When the race was over, he placed second losing by 0.3 of a second to his Big Ten rival and friend John Davies of the University of Michigan who represented Australia.  His time of 2:34.7 set a new American record for the 200 m breaststroke (long course). Herbert Klein the world record holder in the 200 m breaststroke in both short and long courses was third.  Davies, Stassforth, and Klein were the only three swimmers to better 2:35 in history in the 200 m breaststroke (long course) prior to the bifurcation of the stroke in 1953.

He finished his career later that month as the National AAU Outdoor Champion and the American record holder in the 220-yard breaststroke (a distance 3 feet 9 inches longer than the Olympic final) with the same time of 2:34.7 as the Olympic final. After the race, Bowen remarked, "Up till now I never felt that I had done my best.  Now I'm satisfied.  That was it." Although this was the fastest (pre-1953 bifurcation of the breaststroke) 220 y breaststroke (long course) in history, it stood only as the American record since FINA only recognized the 200 y and 200 m distances for world record purposes.

Bowen was inducted into the University of Iowa Hall of Fame in 1996.  Charles Roeser, the chairman of the U.S. Olympic men’s swimming committee in a letter to his coach David Armbruster, called Bowen “one of the most cooperative athletes I have ever known in thirty years of teaching and coaching.”  He also called him “America’s greatest breaststroke champion, but more than that, a real American and gentleman whose conduct is a worthy example for others to follow.” He died at his home in Rancho Palos Verdes, California on November 22, 2019 at the age of 93.

Records

See also
 List of Olympic medalists in swimming (men)
 List of University of Iowa people
 Los Angeles High School Notable Alumni
 World record progression 200 metres breaststroke-See notes regarding records prior to 1953

Notes
Stassforth's time of 2:34.7 in the 220 yard breaststroke (long course) at the 1952 AAU Outdoor Nationals correlates to a time of 2:33 in the 200 meter breaststroke (long course).  This performance was the fastest all-time for the 220 yard breaststroke (long course) and would have been the fastest 200 meter breaststroke (long course) in history (pre-bifurcation of the breaststroke in 1953) as well if it had been dual timed.  This is evidenced by the dual distance timed race in the 1950 National AAU Indoor Championships  in the 220 yard breaststroke (short course) between Joe Verdeur and Robert Brawner. During the race, Verdeur broke the world record for 200 meters with a time of 2:28.3 (short course).  However, Brawner won the race with a time of 2:29.3 for the full 220 yards beating Verdeur who was second in 2:29.4. On July 10, 1952, Stassforth's coach,  David Armbruster, had predicted a time of 2:33 for him in the 200 meter breaststroke (long course): "In my opinion, Bowen is capable of about 2:33 and he certainly should be a strong contender for the Olympic title."

References

1926 births
2019 deaths
American male breaststroke swimmers
Iowa Hawkeyes men's swimmers
Olympic silver medalists for the United States in swimming
Pan American Games gold medalists for the United States
Pan American Games bronze medalists for the United States
Military personnel from California
Swimmers at the 1951 Pan American Games
Swimmers at the 1952 Summer Olympics
Medalists at the 1952 Summer Olympics
Pan American Games medalists in swimming
Swimmers from Los Angeles
Medalists at the 1951 Pan American Games


Vaporizing oil engine may refer to:

 spark ignition engine running on Tractor vaporising oil
 hot bulb engine
 Hornsby-Akroyd oil engine


Sharda Sinha (born 1 October 1952) is an Indian folk and classical singer. Hailing from Bihar, she predominantly sings in Maithili and Bhojpuri language. She has sung many regional songs like "Vivah Geet", "Chhath Geet". In 1991, she received the Padma Shri award for her contribution to music. She was awarded Padma Bhushan, India's third highest civilian award, on the eve of Republic Day in 2018.

Background
Sinha was born in Hulas, Supaul district of Bihar. Her in-laws home is in Sihama village in Begusarai district. She started her career by singing Maithili folk songs. Sinha sings in Bhojpuri, Maithili, Magahi and Hindi. Prayag Sangeet Samiti organised Basant Mahotsava at Allahabad where Sinha presented numerous songs based on the theme of spring season, where the advent of spring was narrated through folk songs. She regularly performs during Chhath Puja festivities. She performed when the Prime Minister of Mauritius Navin Ramgoolam came to Bihar.

Sinha performed at Pragati Maidan in the Bihar Utsav, 2010, New Delhi.

Sinha also sang the song "Kahe Toh Se Sajna" in the hit movie Maine Pyar Kia (1989), "Taar Bijli" from Bollywood film Gangs of Wasseypur Part 2 and "Kaun Si Nagaria" from Bollywood film Chaarfutiya Chhokare.

Sharda Sinha and Chhath
Sharda Sinha, a folk singer synonymous with Chhath, has come out with two new songs on Chhath after a decade in 2016. Her last album of devotional songs was released in 2006.

In the songs - with lyrics like Supawo Naa Mile Maai and Pahile Pahil Chhathi Maiya - Sharda is urging people to come to Bihar during Chhath. Other Chhath songs played during the festival include Kelwa Ke Paat Par Ugalan Suraj Mal Jhake Jhuke, Hey Chhathi Maiya, Ho Dinanath, Bahangi Lachakat Jaaye, Roje Roje Ugelaa, Suna Chhathi Maai, Jode Jode Supawa and Patna Ke Ghat Par. Though old, the songs are relevant and devotees play them every year.

"High-handedness of music companies and lack of good lyrics had kept me away all this while," Sharda told The Telegraph on 3 November 2016. "As these issues got addressed this year, I rendered my voice to the songs." It took 20 days to shoot the songs, which were released on Diwali.

The lyricist for Supawo Naa Mile Maai (5.57 minutes) is Hriday Narayan Jha and for Pahile Pahil Chhathi Maiya (6.57 minutes) both Shanti Jain and Sharda. Pahile Pahil... - produced by Neetu Chandra, Nitin Neera Chandra and Anshuman Sinha - has been released under the banners of Swar Sharda (Sharda Sinha Music Foundation), Champaran Talkies and Neo Bihar. Supawo Na Mile Maai has been released under the banner of Swar Sharda and produced by Anshuman.

Sharda's last album on Chhath, Arag, had eight songs. In her entire career, she has sung 62 Chhath songs in nine albums released by T-Series, HMV and Tips.
"Through these songs, I have tried my level best to save our rich culture and tradition," Sharda said. "There is a urban contemporary feel so that people can relate to it."

Sharda has also lent her voice to some Hindi film songs, like Kahe Toh Se Sajna in Maine Pyar Kiya, the movie in which Salman Khan made his debut. There are other songs by her in Hum Aapke Hain Kaun, Anurag Kashyap's critically acclaimed Gangs of Wasseypur (part II), Char Footiya Chokre and Nitin Neera Chandra's Deswa.

References

External links

Living people
Hindustani singers
Indian women classical singers
Indian women folk singers
Indian folk singers
Women musicians from Bihar
Singers from Bihar
Recipients of the Padma Shri in arts
People from Supaul district
Women Hindustani musicians
20th-century Indian singers
20th-century Indian women singers
Recipients of the Padma Bhushan in arts
21st-century Indian women singers
21st-century Indian singers
1952 births


Kerang Technical High School is an Australian high school located in Kerang, Victoria. Students come from Kerang and the surrounding towns of Koondrook, Quambatook, Boort, Lake Charm, Murrabit, Pyramid Hill and Macorna as well as Barham in New South Wales.

The school has approximately 420 students.  The school emblem is an ibis; a common animal in the district. Finis Cononat Opus is the school motto.

The school houses are:
Loddon
Murray

External links
Official school website

References

Secondary schools in Victoria (state)
Educational institutions established in 1913
1913 establishments in Australia
Kerang, Victoria


Howard William Bedell (born September 29, 1935 in Clearfield, Pennsylvania) is an American former Major League Baseball player, coach and front-office administrator.

Biography
An outfielder, Bedell played for the Milwaukee Braves in 1962 and the Philadelphia Phillies in 1968. He batted left-handed, threw right-handed, stood  tall and weighed . Bedell graduated from Pottstown Senior High School and attended West Chester University.

In MLB, Bedell played in 67 games and registered 28 hits,  three runs batted in and scored 15 runs. He batted .193. Fifty-eight of his 67 games played, all 15 of his runs scored, 27 of his 28 hits and two of his three RBIs were with the Braves. Bedell's lone RBI as a Phillie came in a game against the Los Angeles Dodgers at Dodger Stadium on June 8, . Pinch-hitting in the top of the fifth inning, Bedell hit a sacrifice fly to score Tony Taylor for a run that ended Don Drysdale's string of 58 consecutive scoreless innings. Earlier that game, Drysdale had broken Walter Johnson's streak of 56 consecutive scoreless innings, set in .

Bedell played almost 1,400 games in minor league baseball, and his active career stretched over 13 seasons (1957–1969). While in the American Association in , Bedell recorded a 43-game hitting streak, which ended up tied for the league record after the league folded in .

After his playing career ended, Bedell held both on- and off-field posts with MLB clubs. He was a coach with the Kansas City Royals () and Seattle Mariners (), coordinator of player development for the Royals () and Mariners (part of 1988), and farm director of the Phillies (–) and Cincinnati Reds (–). He also served as a manager in the Phillies' and Colorado Rockies' farm systems.

Bedell currently lives in Pottstown, Pennsylvania.

External links

Howie Bedell at Baseball Almanac

1935 births
Living people
Atlanta Crackers players
Austin Senators players
Boise Braves players
Cincinnati Reds executives
Jacksonville Braves players
Kansas City Royals coaches
Louisville Colonels (minor league) players
Major League Baseball farm directors
Major League Baseball outfielders
Milwaukee Braves players
People from Clearfield, Pennsylvania
Sportspeople from Pottstown, Pennsylvania
Baseball players from Montgomery County, Pennsylvania
Philadelphia Phillies players
Reading Phillies players
Sacramento Solons players
Seattle Mariners coaches
Toronto Maple Leafs (International League) players
Tulsa Oilers (baseball) players
West Chester Golden Rams baseball players
York White Roses players


Franz Joseph Maria Ludwig Anton Thassilo Prinz von Hohenzollern-Emden (English: Prince Francis Joseph of Hohenzollern-Emden; 30 August 1891 – 3 April 1964) was a member of the Roman Catholic branch of the House of Hohenzollern. He was born as Prince Franz Joseph of Hohenzollern and adopted the surname Prinz von Hohenzollern-Emden in 1933.

Early life
Franz Joseph was born in Heiligendamm in the Grand Duchy of Mecklenburg-Schwerin, the second son of Wilhelm, Prince of Hohenzollern and Princess Maria Teresa of Bourbon-Two Sicilies.  He had a twin brother, Prince Friedrich, Prince of Hohenzollern, who was born a few minutes before he was.

Military service
During World War I Franz Joseph served in Germany's Imperial Navy (Kaiserliche Marine) as the second torpedo officer on the light cruiser SMS Emden at the Battle of Cocos. The SMS Emden had an extraordinary record capturing British ships, and as a result all those who served on her, including Franz Joseph, were given the right to add the ship's name to the end of their surnames. Since Germany had converted titles of nobility into family names in 1919, he became Franz Joseph Prinz von Hohenzollern-Emden.

In 1925 Franz Joseph wrote a book recording his naval service, Emden: Meine Erlebnisse auf S.M Schiff Emden (Leipzig: Eckstein, 1925), translated into English and published as Emden: My Experiences in S.M.S. Emden (reprinted as Emden: The Last Cruise of the Chivalrous Raider, 1914, Brighton: Lyon, 1989, ).

Franz Joseph also had the rank of Konteradmiral in the Romanian Naval Forces.

Nazi Party membership
In 1933 Franz Joseph became a member of the Schutzstaffel (SS) (member number 276 691).  On 1 April 1936, he became a full member of the Nazi Party with membership number 3765580. As a leading Roman Catholic nobleman and a near relative of the Habsburg, Bourbon, and Saxon dynasties, Franz Joseph did much to lend respectability to the Nazi Party.

From 1939 to 1944 Franz Joseph commanded a marine flak battery at the Cuxhaven naval base.  In June 1944 he was released from active service.  In November 1944 he was expelled from the SS together with other upper class Nazis whose devotion was becoming suspect in the face of Germany's, by then, near-certain defeat. In a letter to Heinrich Himmler dated 3 January 1945, Franz Joseph proclaimed his continued devotion to the Nazi cause and unsuccessfully begged to be readmitted to the SS.

Marriage and family

On 25 May 1921, Franz Joseph married his second cousin Princess Maria Alix of Saxony (1901–1990), a daughter of Friedrich August III of Saxony and Archduchess Luise, Princess of Tuscany. His twin brother was married to Maria Alix's sister, Princess Margarete Karola of Saxony (1900–1962).

Franz Joseph and Maria Alix had four children:
 Karl Anton Friedrich Wilhelm Ludwig Maria Georg Manuel Rupprecht Heinrich Benedikt Tassilo Prinz von Hohenzollern-Emden; born on 28 January 1922 in Munich, Bavaria, Germany; died on 3 November 1993 in Hechingen, Baden-Württemberg, Germany; married in Rome, Italy on 15 August 1951 to Alexandra Afif (16 November 1919 - 26 June 1996)
 Meinrad Leopold Maria Friedrich Christian Ferdinand Albert Prinz von Hohenzollern-Emden; born on 17 January 1925 in Sigmaringen, Baden-Württemberg, Germany; died on 9 September 2009 in Murnau Hechendorf, Germany; married (civil) in Frankfurt, Germany on 25 August 1971 and (religious) in Sigmaringen on 11 September 1971 to Edina Freijn von Kap-Herr (born 23 August 1938
 Maria Margarethe Anna Viktoria Luise Josephine Mathilde Theresia vom Kinde Jesu Prinzessin von Hohenzollern-Emden; born on 2 January 1928 in Sigmaringen, Baden-Württemberg, Germany; died on 4 August 2006 in Hechingen, Baden-Württemberg, Germany; married (civil) in Hechingen 18 December 1965 and (religious) at Burg Hohenzollern, Hechingen on  18 December 1965 to Duke Carl Gregor of Mecklenburg, second son of George, Duke of Mecklenburg head of the House of House of Mecklenburg-Strelitz
 Emanuel Joseph Maria Wilhelm Ferdinand Burkhard Prinz von Hohenzollern-Emden; born in Munich, Bavaria, Germany on 23 February 1929; died in Hechingen, Baden-Württemberg, Germany on 8 February 1999; married (civil and religious) at Burg Hohenzollern on 25 May 1968 to Katharina Feodora Adelheid Sabine Sophie Felicitas Sieglinde, Princess of Saxe-Weimar-Eisenach (born 30 November 1943) a granddaughter of William Ernest, the last Grand Duke of Saxe-Weimar-Eisenach; divorced in 1985

Franz Joseph lived with his family at Villa Eugenia in Hechingen.

Franz Joseph died on 3 April 1964 at Tübingen, Baden-Württemberg.  He and his wife are buried in the Erlöserkirche in Sigmaringen.

Ancestry

References

External links

1891 births
1964 deaths
Princes of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen
German Roman Catholics
Royalty in the Nazi Party
Imperial German Navy personnel of World War I
People from Sigmaringen
People from the Province of Hohenzollern


The Kingdom of Paramithi is an Australian children's television series first screened on the Nine Network and Nick Jr. on 11 November 2008. The series is created by The Wiggles and Nickelodeon, with 30 half-hour episodes for pre-school children.

The Kingdom of Paramithi is a fairy tale series with stories, songs and dance. Paramithi is a Greek word for fairy tale. The series has been created by Anthony Field and Paul Field, written by Paul Field and Paul Paddick and developed with the experience of The Wiggles production team.

The program is also broadcast on the ATV World channel of Hong Kong.

Characters
 King John (Simon Pryce)
 Queen Isabella (Carolyn Ferrie)
 James (John Rowe)
 Genevieve (Kendall Goddard)
 Anastasia (Cassie Howarth)
 Johnny (John Martin)
 Mario (Paul Paddick)
 Bobby (Brad Carroll)
 Bernadette (Fiona Sullivan)
 Sarah (Jennifer Andrade)
 Carlos (Fernando Jorge Moguel)

Episodes

Home Media Releases
The Kingdom of Paramithi was released on DVD in 2009. Other DVDs released include All Time Favourite Fairytales, Tales of Enchantment and Cinderella Pantomime.

References

Australian children's television series
Nine Network original programming
Television shows set in Adelaide
2008 Australian television series debuts
Musical television series
English-language television shows


is a mystery novel by Seishi Yokomizo. It was serialized in the magazine Houseki from April to December 1946, and won the first Mystery Writers of Japan Award in 1948. It was filmed as Death at an Old Mansion in 1976. In 2019, it was translated into English for the first time by Louise Heal Kawai, and the translation was named by The Guardian as one of the best recent crime novels in 2019.

The novel introduces Kosuke Kindaichi, a popular fictional detective who featured in seventy-seven Yokomizo mysteries. In it, he solves a locked-room mystery murder that takes place in an isolated mansion (honjin) blanketed in snow. Yokomizo had read classic Western detective novels extensively, and the novel makes allusions to John Dickson Carr, Gaston Leroux, and others, with several mentions of Leroux's The Mystery of the Yellow Room as an emblematic locked-room mystery. Though writing a noir and sometimes graphic murder mystery, Yokomizo worked within the tradition of literary Japanese aesthetics. He frequently paused to include lyrical descriptions of nature, the mansion, and the characters. The novel provides a detailed sense of place, including repeated references to cardinal directions and a detailed sketch of the murder scene. Koto music, instruments, and implements play a recurring role in the case.

In addition to the central mystery, Yokomizo uses the story to illuminate the traditions, customs, and agrarian rhythm of rural Japan in the early twentieth century as well as anxieties about changing class distinctions. The omniscient narrator, in an aside to the "Gentle reader," explains that the word "lineage, which has all but fallen out of usage in the city, is even today alive and well in rural villages like this one," and the killer's motive is revealed to relate to an obsession with traditional concepts of honor and family bloodlines.

Story
The novel takes place in  1937 in an unspecified rural village in Okayama. The anonymous narrator reconstructs the events surrounding the legendary double murder of a married couple, based on witness statements and various documents.
The narrative centres around the wealthy Ichiyanagi family, living in a honjin.

Kenzo, the family's eldest son, decides to marry a simple primary school teacher against the firm protest of the tradition-conscious family. On the morning of the wedding day, an unknown man is seen in the village, with a conspicuous scar on his face and only three fingers on his right hand. He inquires about the house of the Ichiyanagi family and also appears there on the evening of the wedding, where he hands the groom Kenzo a letter. Kenzo, however, tears it up without a word.

Early in the morning after the wedding night, screams and then the music of a koto are heard from the family's nearby annexe, which was intended for the newly married couple. The residents rush to the newly wedded couple's bedroom, only to find the couple killed in a brutal fashion. A Japanese sword is later found thrust into the ground in the middle of the garden, with no footprints on the surrounding thick snow, creating a perfect locked room mystery.

During their investigation, police find a number of bloody fingerprints inside the house, which turn out to be those of the Three-fingered man. The latter had asked for a glass of water in the village the morning before, on which his prints have been found as a reference.

Ginzo, the uncle of the murdered bride, calls in Kosuke Kindaichi, an amateur detective.

A number of clues point to the Three-fingered man as the murderer. Parts of the letter to Kenzo are found, which is signed "Your Mortal enemy". In Kenzo's diary, police find a photo of the Three-fingered man, also described as "My Mortal enemy". Finally, the youngest daughter of the family, Suzuko, claims to have seen the Three-fingered man in the garden the day after the murders when she went to visit her cat's grave.

Kosuke Kindaichi comes across a large collection of various crime novels in the family's mansion, all of which belong to the family's youngest son, Saburo. The two discuss the concept of murder in a locked room.
A short time later, Saburo is found wounded at the scene of the crime. Despite life-threatening injuries, he survives and states that he had been looking for the solution to the case in the annex and had been attacked the Three-fingered man. Once again, the perpetrator cannot be found and the doors of the house are locked.

A series of letters written by Katsuko, the bride, reveal that she already had a lover before the wedding who bore a grudge against her because of their separation. To everyone's surprise, however, this lover is not the man with the three fingers.

Kindaichi finds a severed hand with three fingers in the grave of Suzuko's beloved cat and a little later the body of the Three-fingered man with a large wound in the chest in a charcoal oven near the estate.

At the crime scene, Kindaichi solves the murder. Through questioning and the impeccable state of his diary, Kindaichi is able to conclude that Kenzo was obsessed with cleanliness. When he learned that his fiancée was no longer virgin, but that he could not dissolve the marriage without losing his face, he decided to kill her and then himself, making the act look like a double murder. In order to accomplish this, he attached the sword to a string of the koto, which led out through the shutter, a traditional Japanese ranma transom with a decorative gap above the sliding door, where it was attached to a water wheel. As the wheel turned, it drew out the sword that Kenzo used in the murder. Using a koto bridge, it was flung from the string into the snow, where witnesses later found it. The koto was played by Kenzo himself to mask the sounds the string made when it slid across the bamboo in the garden. Originally, Kenzo had planned to suggest the perpetrator's escape through the window, but since he forgot to open it, the murder seemed like an impossible crime.
Also involved in the plan was his younger brother Saburo, who turns out to be the true mastermind behind the crime. After catching his brother preparing the mechanism, he became involved and decided to help him - on the one hand to get part of the life insurance, on the other to satisfy his urge for superiority as it is revealed he may be a psychopath. The crucial mechanism, according to Kindaichi, was probably inspired by the one in the Sherlock Holmes short story "The Riddle of Thor Bridge", in which a similar concept is used to make a suicide look like a murder. It was  Saburo who edited the diary pages and glued the Three-fingered man's driving licence photo into Kenzo's diary. His injury was self-inflicted as he tried to demonstrate his mechanism again, only the severity of the cut was unintentional.

The Three-fingered man was an uninvolved bus driver, who, according to the autopsy, died from exhaustion after a long hike near the estate. Kenzo discovered the corpse and cut off his hand so that he could fill the room with his fingerprints before the crime. He also disguised himself on the evening of the crime and delivered the apparent letter to himself. Saburo hid the hand in the dead cat's grave, where he is mistakenly identified as the wanted man by the sleepwalking Suzuko.

The narrator eventually elaborates that Saburo had to serve  in the Second Sino-Japanese War as a punishment, where he fell in battle. The other members of the family also died within a short time, so that the murder essentially marked the end of the family's wealth.

Main characters

Key figures
An omniscient narrator
Writer of detective stories
Kosuke Kindaichi
A private detective, summoned by Ginzo Kubo
Detective Inspector Tsunejiro Isokawa
An inspector from Okayama prefecture in charge of the case

The Ichiyanagi Family
Ihei Ichiyanagi
Great-uncle of Kenzo, Ryosuke etc.
Itoko Ichiyanagi
Mother of Kenzo, Taeko, Ryuuji, Saburo, Suzoko, widowed
Kenzo Ichiyanagi
The eldest son, the present head of family, and an independent scholar of philosophy, engaged to Katsuko Kubo
Taeko Ichiyanagi
The eldest daughter, married and living in Japanese-occupied Shanghai
Ryuuji Ichiyanagi
The second son, a doctor employed at an Osaka hospital
Saburo Ichiyanagi
The ne'er-do-well third son, an avid reader and collector of detective novels
Suzuko Ichiyanagi
The second daughter, a seventeen-year-old but with the mind of a child but a skilled koto player

Ryosuke Ichiyanagi
An Ichiyanagi first-cousin, the head of a branch of the family who shoulders much of the day-to-day management of the estate
Akiko Ichiyanagi
Ryosuke's wife

Sakue Ichiyanagi
Husband of Itoko, father of Kenzo, Taeko, Ryuuji, Saburo, Suzoko, deceased
Hayato Ichiyanagi
Uncle of Kenzo, Taeko, Ryuuji, Saburo, Suzoko, father of Ryosuke, deceased

The Kubo Family
Rinkichi Kubo
Father of Katsuko
Ginzo Kubo
Katsuko's phlegmatic uncle and guardian, prosperous and yet a tenant farmer and therefore lower class
Katsuko Kubo
A schoolteacher, fiancee of Kenzo Ichiyanagi
Shizuko Shiraki
Friend of Katsuko Kubo

References

1946 novels
20th-century Japanese novels
Novels first published in serial form
Works originally published in Japanese magazines
Locked-room mysteries
Fiction set in 1937
Novels set in Okayama Prefecture


is a junction passenger railway station in the city of Ichikawa, Chiba, Japan, operated by East Japan Railway Company (JR East) and Tokyo Metropolitan Bureau of Transportation (Toei Subway). It is the only station on the Toei Subway that is located in Chiba Prefecture.

Lines
Moto-Yawata Station is served by the Chūō-Sōbu Line of JR East and the Toei Shinjuku Line subway. The 23.5 kilometer Toei Shinjuku Line terminates at this station.

Station layout
The station is divided into two sections: the elevated JR station and the underground subway station. The areas outside the ticket gates of the two sections are connected by a passage.

JR Platforms
The JR station has one island platform serving two tracks. There is no platform for rapid and limited express services on the two other tracks of the Sōbu Main Line.

Toei Platforms
The subway station also has one island platform serving two tracks. While one end of the subway station is connected to the JR East station, the other end is connected to Keisei Yawata Station on the Keisei Main Line.

History
The station opened on the Sōbu Main Line on September 1, 1935. The Toei Shinjuku Line was extended to this station on March 19, 1989.

Passenger statistics
In fiscal 2018, the JR portion of the station was used by an average of 60,125 passengers daily (boarding passengers only).  The Toei Subway portion of the station was used by 40,500 passengers daily

Surrounding area
 Ichikawa City Hall

See also
 List of railway stations in Japan

References

External links

Moto-Yawata Station (JR East)
Motoyawata Station (Toei Subway)

Railway stations in Japan opened in 1935
Railway stations in Chiba Prefecture
Sōbu Main Line
Ichikawa, Chiba


is a passenger railway station in the city of Funabashi, Chiba, Japan, operated by East Japan Railway Company (JR East).

Lines
Shimōsa-Nakayama Station is served by Chūō-Sōbu Line local services and is located 19.0 kilometers from the starting point of the line at  and 20.2 kilometers from .

Station layout

The station consists of an elevated island platform serving two tracks, with the station building underneath. The station is staffed.

Platforms

History
Shimōsa-Nakayama Station opened on 12 April 1895.

Passenger statistics
In fiscal 2019, the station was used by an average of 24,181 passengers daily (boarding passengers only).

The passenger figures (boarding passengers only) for previous years are as shown below:

Surrounding area

South side
 Keisei Nakayama Station (Keisei Main Line)
 Hokekyō-ji Temple

North side
 Funabashi No. 6 Junior High School

See also
 List of railway stations in Japan

References

External links

 Shimōsa-Nakayama Station information (JR East)

Railway stations in Japan opened in 1895
Railway stations in Chiba Prefecture
Funabashi


is a railway station in Funabashi, Chiba, Japan, operated by East Japan Railway Company (JR East) and the private railway operator Tobu Railway.

Lines

Funabashi Station is served by the JR East Sōbu Main Line and  from the starting point of that line at Tokyo Station. It also forms the eastern terminus of the  Tōbu Urban Park Line (Tōbu Noda Line). Passengers can also transfer to nearby Keisei Funabashi Station on the Keisei Main Line.

JR East

The JR East station has two elevated island platforms, with the station building located underneath. The station has a "Midori no Madoguchi" staffed ticket office and also a "View Plaza" travel agency.

Platforms

Tobu

The Tobu station is elevated and consists of a single elevated island platform serving two tracks, with an elevated station building underneath. Access to the JR East station is by a ground-level concourse.

Platforms

History
What is now the JR East Funabashi Station opened on 20 July 1894. The Tobu station opened on 27 December 1923. The JR East (formerly JNR) station opened on 20 July 1952. It became an elevated structure from 26 October 1983. From 17 March 2012, station numbering was introduced on the Tobu Noda Line, with Funabashi Station becoming "TD-35".

Platform edge doors were installed on the Tobu Urban Park Line platforms in early February 2014.

Passenger statistics
In fiscal 2014, the JR East station was used by an average of 135,322 passengers daily (boarding passengers only), making it the 23rd-busiest station operated by JR East. The passenger figures for the JR East station for previous years are as shown below.

In fiscal 2012, the Tobu station was used by an average of 112,000 passengers daily (entering and exiting passengers).

Surrounding area
 Keisei Funabashi Station ( Keisei Main Line)
 Funabashi FACE

See also
 List of railway stations in Japan

References

External links

 JR East station information
 Tobu station information

Railway stations in Chiba Prefecture
Stations of East Japan Railway Company
Stations of Tobu Railway
Tobu Noda Line
Funabashi
Railway stations in Japan opened in 1894


is a passenger railway station in the city of Funabashi, Chiba, Japan, operated by East Japan Railway Company (JR East).

Lines
Higashi-Funabashi Station is located on the Sōbu Main Line and is served by Chūō-Sōbu Line local services, and is located 25.0 kilometers from the starting point of the line at  and 14.2 kilometers from .

Station layout
The station consists of an elevated island platform serving two tracks, with an elevated station building. The station is staffed.

History
Higashi-Funabashi Station opened on 1 October 1981.

Passenger statistics
In fiscal 2019, the station was used by an average of 20,542 passengers daily (boarding passengers only).

Surrounding area

Chiba Prefectural Funabashi High School

See also
 List of railway stations in Japan

References

External links

 Higashi-Funabashi Station information (JR East)

Railway stations in Japan opened in 1981
Railway stations in Chiba Prefecture
Funabashi


is a junction passenger railway station located in the city of Narashino, Chiba, Japan, operated by the East Japan Railway Company (JR East).

Lines
Tsudanuma Station is served by the Sōbu Main Line (rapid service and local service). It is 26.7 kilometers from the starting point of both lines at Tokyo Station.

Station layout
Tsudanuma Station consists of three island platforms serving six tracks, with an elevated station building. The station has a Midori no Madoguchi staffed ticket office.

Platforms

History
The station opened on September 21, 1895.

Passenger statistics
In fiscal 2019, the station was used by an average of 102,846 passengers daily (boarding passengers only).

The daily passenger figures (boarding passengers only) in previous years are as shown below.

Surrounding area
 Shin-Tsudanuma Station ( Shin-Keisei Line)
 Chiba Institute of Technology

See also
 List of railway stations in Japan

References

External links

Tsudanuma Station Information (East Japan Railway Company)

Railway stations in Japan opened in 1895
Railway stations in Chiba Prefecture
Sōbu Main Line
Narashino


is a railway station in Makuharihongo, Hanamigawa Ward, Chiba City, Chiba Prefecture, Japan, operated by East Japan Railway Company (JR East) and the private railway operator Keisei Electric Railway. The Keisei section of the station is officially named .

Lines
 JR East - Makuharihongō Station
 Sōbu Main Line (Chūō-Sōbu Line local service)
 Keisei - Keisei Makuharihongō Station
 Chiba Line

Station layout
Makuharihongō Station consists of two separate sections. The northern section is operated by JR East, and the southern is operated by Keisei Electric Railway.
The station building is elevated and located above the platforms, connected to the Teppozuka Overbridge.

JR East

The JR East station consists of a single island platform serving two tracks. The station has reserved seat ticket machines.

Platforms

Keisei

The Keisei section of the station consists of a single island platform serving two tracks.

Platforms

History
The JR East station opened on October 1, 1981. The Keisei section opened on August 7, 1991.

Station numbering was introduced to all Keisei Line stations on 17 July 2010; Keisei Makuharihongō Station was assigned station number KS52.

Passenger statistics
In fiscal 2018, the JR East station was used by an average of 29,796 passengers daily (boarding passengers only).

In fiscal 2018, the Keisei station was used by an average of 8,225 passengers daily (boarding passengers only).

Surrounding area
 JR East Makuhari Depot
 Keiyō Road Makuhari Interchange
 Ōnomatsu stable
 Kaihimmakuhari Station — A 14-minute bus ride from Makuharihongō Station.
 Makuhari Messe — A three-minute walk from the NTT bus stop, which is a nine-minute bus ride from Makuharihongō Station.

Connecting bus services
Keisei Bus and Chiba Seaside Bus operate local bus services from the following Makuharihongō Station bus stops.

See also
 List of railway stations in Japan

References

External links
 JR East station information
 Keisei station map
 Keisei Bus Makuhari Shintoshin route map
 Keisei Bus Narashino route map

Railway stations in Chiba Prefecture
Railway stations in Japan opened in 1981
Railway stations in Chiba (city)


is a passenger railway station located in Makuharicho, Hanamigawa-ku, Chiba, Japan, operated by East Japan Railway Company (JR East).

Lines
Makuhari Station is served by the Chūō-Sōbu Line (local service)  and is located 7.6 kilometers from Chiba Station and 31.6 kilometers from the starting point of the line at Tokyo Station.

Station layout
The station consists of an island platform serving two tracks with an elevated station building located above the platform and tracks.  The station is staffed. Tracks for non-stop Sōbu Line (Rapid) services are situated on the north side of the platforms.

Platforms

History

The station opened on 9 December 1894. With the privatization of Japanese National Railways (JNR) on 1 April 1987, the station came under the control of JR East.

Passenger statistics
In fiscal 2019, the station was used by an average of 15,944 passengers daily (boarding passengers only).

Surrounding area
 Keisei Makuhari Station (on the Keisei Chiba Line)
 JR East Makuhari Depot

See also
 List of railway stations in Japan

References

External links

 JR East station information (JR East)

Railway stations in Chiba (city)
Stations of East Japan Railway Company
Railway stations in Japan opened in 1894
Chūō-Sōbu Line


is a passenger railway station located in Hanamigawa-ku, Chiba, Japan, operated by East Japan Railway Company (JR East).

Lines
Shin-Kemigawa Station is served by the Chūō-Sōbu Line (local service) and is located 6.0 kilometers from Chiba Station and 33.2 kilometers from the starting point of the line at Tokyo Station.

Station layout
The station consists of an island platform serving two tracks with an elevated station building located above the platform and tracks. The station is staffed. There are also two express tracks north of track 2; these are used by rapid Sōbu Main Line trains that pass through the station non-stop.

Platforms

History
The station opened on 15 July 1951. The station was absorbed into the JR East network upon the privatization of the Japan National Railways (JNR) on 1 April 1987.

Passenger statistics
In fiscal 2019, the station was used by an average of 22,703 passengers daily (boarding passengers only).

Surrounding area
Kemigawa Station – Approximately 5 minutes on foot
 Higashi Kanto Expressway
Chiba City Hanazono Junior High School
Chiba City Hanazono Elementary School

See also
 List of railway stations in Japan

References

External links

Railway stations in Japan opened in 1951
Railway stations in Chiba (city)
Stations of East Japan Railway Company
Chūō-Sōbu Line


is a junction passenger railway station located in Inage-ku, Chiba, Japan, operated by East Japan Railway Company (JR East).

Lines
Inage Station is located on the Sōbu Main Line, 35.0 km from Tokyo Station, and is served by both Sōbu Line (Rapid) services and Chūō-Sōbu Line all-stations "Local" services.

Station layout
The station consists of two elevated island platforms with the station building underneath. The station has a Midori no Madoguchi staffed ticket office and also a "View Plaza" travel agency.

Platforms

History
The station opened on 13 September 1899. The station was absorbed into the JR East network upon the privatization of the Japan National Railways (JNR) on 1 April 1987.

Passenger statistics
In fiscal 2019, the station was used by an average of 49,966 passengers daily (boarding passengers only).

Surrounding area
Inage Ward Office
Inage Library
Chiba City Konakadai Elementary School
Chiba Municipal Chiba High School

See also
 List of railway stations in Japan

References

External links

 JR East station information

Railway stations in Chiba (city)
Railway stations in Japan opened in 1899
Chūō-Sōbu Line


is a passenger railway station located in Chūō-ku, Chiba, Japan, operated by East Japan Railway Company (JR East).

Lines
Nishi-Chiba Station is served by the Chūō-Sōbu Line and is located 1.4 kilometers from Chiba Station and 37.8 kilometers from the starting point of the line at Tokyo Station.

Station layout
The station consists of an island platform serving two tracks with ab elevated station building located above the platform and tracks.  The station is staffed. There are also two express tracks north of track 2; these are used by rapid Sōbu Main Line trains that pass through the station non-stop.

Platforms

History
The station opened on October 1, 1942. The station was absorbed into the JR East network upon the privatization of the Japan National Railways (JNR) on April 1, 1987.

Passenger statistics
In fiscal 2019, the station was used by an average of 22,000 passengers daily (boarding passengers only).

Surrounding area
Chiba University Nishi-Chiba campus
 University of Tokyo Institute of Industrial Science Chiba campus
 Chiba Keizai University
 Keiai University
 Chiba Prefectural Chiba Commerce High school
 Chiba Prefectural Chiba-Higashi High school

References

External links

 JR East Nishi-Chiba Station

Railway stations in Chiba Prefecture
Railway stations in Japan opened in 1942
Railway stations in Chiba (city)
Chūō-Sōbu Line


Nicasio Silverio (December 27, 1930 – July 25, 2016) was a Cuban swimmer. He was born in Havana and competed in the freestyle events. Silverio twice competed for his native country at the Summer Olympics: 1948 and 1952. He won the bronze medal in the men's 100 m freestyle event at the 1951 Pan American Games. He was inducted into the Cuban Hall of Fame for Swimming.

References

 Nicasio Silverio's profile at Sports Reference.com

1930 births
2016 deaths
Cuban male freestyle swimmers
Olympic swimmers for Cuba
Swimmers at the 1948 Summer Olympics
Swimmers at the 1951 Pan American Games
Swimmers at the 1952 Summer Olympics
Sportspeople from Havana
Pan American Games bronze medalists for Cuba
Pan American Games medalists in swimming
Medalists at the 1951 Pan American Games


Mararanjani (pronounced māraranjani) is a rāgam in Carnatic music (musical scale of South Indian classical music). It is the 25th Melakarta rāgam in the 72 melakarta rāgam system of Carnatic music. It is called Sharāvati in Muthuswami Dikshitar school of Carnatic music.

Structure and Lakshana

It is the 1st rāgam in the 5th chakra Bana. The mnemonic name is Bana-Pa. The mnemonic phrase is sa ri gu ma pa dha na. Its  structure (ascending and descending scale) is as follows (see swaras in Carnatic music for details on below notation and terms):
:
:
(the notes in this scale are chathusruthi rishabham, antara gandharam, shuddha madhyamam, shuddha dhaivatham, shuddha nishadham)

As it is a melakarta rāgam, by definition it is a sampoorna rāgam (has all seven notes in ascending and descending scale). It is the shuddha madhyamam equivalent of Kantamani, which is the 61st melakarta.

Janya rāgams
Mararanjani has a few minor janya rāgams (derived scales) associated with it, of which Janasammodini is one of the better known rāgams. See List of janya rāgams for all rāgams associated with this scale.

Compositions
A few compositions set to Mararanjani are:

Manasa srirama by Thyagaraja
Sharavati by Muthuswami Dikshitar
Ramapathina by Dr. M. Balamuralikrishna

Related rāgams
This section covers the theoretical and scientific aspect of this rāgam.

Mararanjani's notes when shifted using Graha bhedam, yields Vanaspati, a minor melakarta rāgam. Graha bhedam is the step taken in keeping the relative note frequencies same, while shifting the shadjam to the next note in the rāgam. For further details and an illustration refer Graha bhedam on Vanaspati.

Notes

References

Melakarta ragas


Zoilos I (reigned  BCE – 120 BCE), Indo-Greek king, known as "The Just", who ruled in Northern India.

Zoilos or Zoilus may also refer to:

 Zoilos II (reigned  BCE – 35 BCE), Indo-Greek king, known as "Soter" ("Saviour"), who ruled in eastern Punjab; his predecessor was Dionysios and his successor was Apollophanes
 Zoilus of Amphipolis ( BCE – 320 BCE), Greek grammarian, Cynic philosopher and literary critic from East Macedonia (Thrace); remembered as detractor of Homer; his own writings have not survived

Greek masculine given names
Masculine given names


Naganandini (pronounced naga + nandini-daughter ( nandini ) of Naga/Mountain i.e. Pārvati) is a ragam (musical scale) in Carnatic music (South Indian classical music). It is the 30th Melakarta rāgam in the 72 melakarta rāgam system of Carnatic music. It is called Nagābharanam in Muthuswami Dikshitar school of Carnatic music.

Structure and Lakshana

It is the 6th rāgam in the 5th chakra Bana. The mnemonic name is Bana-Sha. The mnemonic phrase is sa ri gu ma pa dhu nu. Its  structure (ascending and descending scale) is as follows (see swaras in Carnatic music for details on below notation and terms):
:
:
(the scale uses the notes chathusruthi rishabham, antara gandharam, shuddha madhyamam, shatsruthi dhaivatham, kakali nishadham)

As it is a melakarta rāgam, by definition it is a sampoorna rāgam (has all seven notes in ascending and descending scale). It is the shuddha madhyamam equivalent of Chitrambari, the 66th melakarta.

Janya rāgams
Naganandini has a few minor janya rāgams (derived scales) associated with it. See List of janya rāgams for all rāgams associated with Naganandini.

Compositions
A few compositions set to Naganandini are:

Nagabharanam by Muthuswami Dikshitar
Sattaleni dinamu by Thyagaraja
Dakshayani rakshamam by Dr. M. Balamuralikrishna

Related rāgams
This section covers the theoretical and scientific aspect of this rāgam.

Naganandini's notes when shifted using Graha bhedam, yields 2 other minor melakarta rāgams, namely, Bhavapriya and Vagadheeshwari. Graha bhedam is the step taken in keeping the relative note frequencies same, while shifting the shadjam to the next note in the rāgam. For further details and an illustration refer Graha bhedam on Naganandini.

Notes

External links
 Mela Naganandini – Analysis

References

Melakarta ragas


The "Transit of Venus March" is a march scored for military brass band written by John Philip Sousa in 1883 to celebrate the 1882 Transit of Venus and published by the J.W. Pepper Company.  The work was erroneously thought to be lost for over 100 years when a piano transcription published in 1896 was found by a Library of Congress employee in 2003. Copies of the original Pepper publication, however, do survive.

Background
One year after the 1882 Transit of Venus, Sousa was commissioned to compose a processional for the unveiling of a bronze statue of American physicist Joseph Henry, who had died in 1878.  Henry, who had developed the first electric motor, was also the first secretary of the Smithsonian Institution in Washington, D.C.

A Freemason, Sousa was fascinated by what the group considered mystical qualities in otherwise natural phenomena.  According to Sten Odenwald of the NASA IMAGE Science Center, this played a significant role in the selection of the time and date of the performance, April 19, 1883, at 4:00 P.M.  Dr. Odenwald points out that Venus and Mars, invisible to the participants, were setting in the west. At the same time, the moon, Uranus, and Virgo were rising in the east, Saturn had crossed the meridian, and Jupiter was directly overhead.  According to Masonic lore, Venus was associated with the element copper, a component of electric motors.

2003 resurrection
The "Transit of Venus March" never caught on during Sousa's lifetime. It went unplayed for many years, after Sousa's manuscript copies of the music were destroyed in a flood.  As reported in The Washington Post, Library of Congress employee Loris J. Schissel found copies of the old sheet music for the "Transit of Venus March" "languishing in the library's files". The piece was resurrected in time for the 2004 Transit of Venus.  The piece had been performed on compilation albums before then, but it was the 2004 transit that brought it to wide public attention.

The Library of Congress joined with NASA to celebrate the 2004 transit with this march.

Gallery

People

Transits of Venus

See also
 List of marches by John Philip Sousa

Notes

References

External links

Copies of the original march (including all player parts) published by JW Pepper in 1883
Audio recording of the march (performed 2003 by the Virginia Grand Military Band)
Video recording of the 2004 transit of venus, accompanied by the Sousa march, produced by John Walker

Sousa marches
1883 compositions
Transit of Venus


John Simmons (October 22, 1947 – March 16, 1988) was an American conductor, musical arranger, soul singer and keyboardist.

Biography
Singer Whitney Houston's enormous popularity in the 1980s gave audiences a chance to see John Simmons in action during events such as the Moment of Truth World Tour. This conquest of the international pop music audience took place in 1987 and 1988, the last years of Simmons' life, but as a keyboardist as well as a vocalist himself, Simmons was Houston's musical director and backup bandleader, an assignment he had also previously carried out for Stephanie Mills. Simmons had his own taste of chart success as a member of the Reflections, a vocal group formed in New York City in the early 1970s. His background was in gospel, a talent that logically helped push him into R&B waters, as in the case of many other performers in these related styles. Melba Moore wanted a vocal group who could hold forth with credibility during a special gospel section of her live show, settling on Simmons and colleagues including his brother Edmund Simmons. The Reflections wound up touring with Moore for more than three years. The group then began recording on its own for the Capitol label. "Three Steps from True Love" became a hit, but the only one the group managed to have while active. "She's My Summer Breeze," upon what would have to be described as subsequent Reflections, eventually turned trendy on the British rare groove scene. Simmons discography also includes sideman appearances on recordings by Mills and Peggi Blu. His greatest stretch seems to have taken place on a Lead Belly tribute concert produced by avant-garde jazz composer Heiner Stadler.

He has been credited for Rickey Minor's success as well as Stephanie Mills first gold album, Whatcha Gonna Do With My Lovin' (1979).

References

External links
Stephanie Mills Background Singer
Whitney's Band
Group Album Information

1943 births
1988 deaths
African-American songwriters
American music arrangers
American male songwriters
20th-century American musicians
20th-century male musicians
20th-century African-American musicians


Oreostemma peirsonii (formerly Aster peirsonii) is a species of flowering plant in the family Asteraceae known by the common names Peirson's aster and Peirson's mountaincrown.

It is endemic to the Sierra Nevada of California, especially around the area where Fresno, Tulare, and Inyo Counties meet. It is a plant of the alpine climate of the high mountain peaks.

Description
Oreostemma peirsonii is a small perennial herb growing from a caudex and taproot. It lies flat on the ground, growing no taller than about 8 centimeters. The leaves are located at the base of the plant and are linear in shape and narrow, growing a few centimeters long. The stem and leaves are mostly hairless and have scattered resin glands.

The inflorescence bears a single flower head lined with green or purplish phyllaries. The head contains many purple ray florets between 1 and 2 centimeters long around a center of yellow disc florets. The fruit is an achene.

External links
Jepson Manual Treatment: Oreostemma peirsonii
USDA Plants Profile
Flora of North America
Oreostemma peirsonii — U.C. Photo gallery

Astereae
Endemic flora of California
Flora of the Sierra Nevada (United States)
Flora without expected TNC conservation status


Tonatiuh Gutiérrez (born November 20, 1929) is a former swimmer from Mexico. He competed in the freestyle and the backstroke events.

Gutiérrez twice competed for his native country at the Summer Olympics of 1948 and 1952. He also won two medals (silver and bronze) in the men's freestyle events at the 1951 Pan American Games.

References
 sports-reference

1929 births
Living people
Mexican male swimmers
Male backstroke swimmers
Mexican male freestyle swimmers
Olympic swimmers for Mexico
Swimmers at the 1948 Summer Olympics
Swimmers at the 1951 Pan American Games
Swimmers at the 1952 Summer Olympics
Pan American Games silver medalists for Mexico
Pan American Games bronze medalists for Mexico
Pan American Games medalists in swimming
Central American and Caribbean Games gold medalists for Mexico
Competitors at the 1950 Central American and Caribbean Games
Competitors at the 1954 Central American and Caribbean Games
Central American and Caribbean Games medalists in swimming
Medalists at the 1951 Pan American Games
20th-century Mexican people


The Baling Talks were held in northern Malaya on 28 and 29 December 1955 in an attempt to resolve the Malayan Emergency situation.

The main participants were Chin Peng (representing the Malayan Communist Party), David Marshall (representing the Crown Colony of Singapore), and Tunku Abdul Rahman (representing the Government of the Federation of Malaya). The talks were unsuccessful because the surrender terms were not acceptable to the Malayan Communist Party. After the talks, Chin Peng retired to Thailand and Ah Hai replaced him as acting Secretary-General in Malaya.

Background

The Malayan Emergency refers to a state of emergency declared by the British colonial government of Malaya in 1948 and lasted until 1960. There was an insurrection, and guerrilla war was fought between government forces and the Malayan National Liberation Army (MNLA) during the period. The state of emergency entailed the revocation of many civil rights, the granting of special powers to the police, and other measures. He then mentioned the High Commissioner's announcement in the Legislative Council on 30 November that the British Government no longer considered "the Continuation of the Emergency" as "an obstacle to the Federation's advance to self-government" aimed at the suppression of left wing political movements, especially the Malayan Communist Party (MCP).

On 8 September 1955, the Government of the Federation of Malaya issued a declaration of amnesty to the Communists.[9] The Government of Singapore issued an identical offer at the same time. However, few Communists surrendered to the authorities. It was evident that the Communists, having had ample warning of its declaration, conducted intensive anti-amnesty propaganda in their ranks; among the mass organisations, discipline was tightened and defectors were threatened with severe punishment.

Realizing that his struggles had not come to any fruition, Chin Peng proposed a referendum to the ruling British government alongside many Malayan officials in 1955. The meeting was intended to pursue a mutual end to the conflict but the Malayan government representatives, led by Tunku Abdul Rahman, dismissed all of Chin Peng's demands. As a result, the conflict heightened and, in response, New Zealand sent NZSAS soldiers, No. 14 Squadron RNZAF and later No. 75 Squadron RNZAF; and other Commonwealth members also sent troops to aid the British.

Events prior to the talks

Government proposal

On being elected as the new President of UMNO in 1951, Tunku Abdul Rahman announced to his supporters his determination to achieve very early self-government in Malaya. However, for as long as the Communist threat persisted, the Tunku believed that the British government would not grant self-government to Malaya. The Tunku's interpretation was based on the British Government directive to Sir Gerald Templer, on his appointment as the new High Commissioner for Malaya in 1951, which stated that "Her Majesty's Government would not lay aside the responsibility in Malaya until they are satisfied that Communist Terrorism has been defeated". The termination of the Emergency was the first priority of the Alliance, and it had to attempt every means possible to achieve it.

It was to this end that, in early January 1955, the Tunku made a dramatic call for the granting of an amnesty to the Communists as part of a deal to bring to an end the state of emergency in Malaya. The Tunku's proposal envisaged that, since a more truly national form of government was about to be introduced into the Federation, the Communists could no longer assert that they were fighting against British Imperialism and would be ready to give up the struggle. His proposal contemplated the granting of amnesty and the intensification of the campaign against the Communists if the amnesty was rejected. Dato' Seri Tan Cheng Lock, then-President of the Malayan Chinese Association (MCA) echoed the Tunku's sentiment, and even went so far as to publicly volunteer to go into the jungle to negotiate with the Communists.

The public response to the Tunku's proposal was favourable for it gave hope that it would lead to an end of militant communism and relieve the country of the heavy financial commitment of waging the emergency campaign. Moreover, it coincided with the amnesty offered to the Mau Mau terrorists in Kenya, which was announced some weeks earlier, which stimulated the public interest in the prospects of a similar amnesty in Malaya.

On 12 January 1955, a meeting of the UMNO-MCA Alliance was held in Malacca to discuss the Tunku's amnesty proposal. The meeting decided to "ask the Federation Government to offer amnesty terms to the Communist terrorists". The Committee decision was that "terrorists accepting the amnesty should be sent back to People's Republic of China or be rehabilitated and allowed to remain good citizens".

The Tunku's proposal was looked at askance by the British authorities. The British did not believe that, under the circumstances in January 1955, the offer of an amnesty would be likely to entice the Communists to surrender en-bloc, than their current policy of encouraging the terrorists to surrender individually, in the understanding that they would be fairly and humanely treated.

There was also the major issue in which any amnesty offer would not be available indefinitely. There was a fear that the ending of the amnesty period would discourage further surrenders, until confidence was again built up in the treatment of surrendered Communists under normal conditions.

In a telegram to the Secretary of State for the Colonies, the High Commissioner, Sir Donald MacGillivray, noted that:

This would be unfortunate, particularly as we see nothing in the present situation which would support the belief that an offer of amnesty at this juncture would be likely to be successful.

On 11 January 1955, Tunku Abdul Rahman met the Director of Operations, Lt. General Sir Geoffrey Bourne, in connection with the amnesty proposal. The Tunku stated that his objective was not so much that the MCP would accept an offer of amnesty, but to convince the people of Malaya that everything possible was being done. For him, a greater degree of mobilisation will not be possible until after that year's elections. He was aware that any direct negotiation with the Communists was out of the question. He stressed that it would not be acceptable for the Communists Party to be allowed to operate legally.

The proposal was further discussed on 17 January by the Director of Operations Committee, which comprised not only the Director of Operations and his Service Advisers, but a number of political leaders. The Alliance was represented by Tunku Abdul Rahman and H.S. Lee. The Tunku was asked by the Committee to clarify his amnesty proposal and the eight-point arrangements for an amnesty as proposed by the UMNO-MCA Alliance meeting at Malacca. After the discussion, it was appreciated by the Tunku and H.S. Lee that an amnesty will not be an armistice - something to be negotiated separately with the Communists' leaders - but will be a standing offer of pardon for each individual terrorist. It was also agreed that the amnesty question should not become a party matter.

Further publicity about the amnesty was also considered to be undesirable as it would adversely affect conduct of the campaign to encourage the Communists to surrender to the Government. Furthermore, the Communists leaders themselves, in their clandestine news-letter, condemned the Alliance's proposal as a British intrigue, designed to cause dissension in the Malayan Communist Party and to isolate it from public support. The Tunku consented to drop the proposal. Both accordingly welcomed a suggestion that a working party should be set up to examine all the implications of an amnesty. The findings were to be recorded for the information of the Director of Operations Committee. The composition of the working party was to be as follows: the principal Staff Officer to the Director of Operations, Secretary for Defence, a representative of the Attorney-General, Tunku Abdul Rahman, H.S Lee of the Malayan Chinese Association and V.M. Menon of Party Negara. After the meeting, the following press release was issued:

The question of an amnesty was very fully discussed in every respect at the Director of Operations Committee today. It was unanimously agreed that a general amnesty should not be offered, but that the present surrender policy, which embodies a very considerable measure of amnesty should continue, and increased efforts should be exerted to bring it to the notice of the rank and file of the terrorists, so that more may be induced to follow the lead of the 1,500 who have already surrendered. It was also agreed that the matter should be kept constantly under review so that policy could be modified if it should appear at any time that a break up of the terrorist organisation could be hastened by a greater or lesser measure of amnesty.

The rejection by the Federal Government of the Alliance's proposal for an amnesty was strongly supported by the Manchester Guardian, a British newspaper. In its editorial, the newspaper commented that an amnesty was appropriate when rebels had lost the desire to continue the struggle with the Government, and in return for the act of oblivion, were willing to become law-abiding citizens again. However, this was not the case in Malaya. The active members of the MCP would accept the amnesty only if they felt that afterwards they would be in a stronger position in their struggle against the Government. The form of amnesty which was proposed by the Alliance seemed to envisage that the Communists would maintain their party organisation intact and would turn their acts of guerrilla warfare to electioneering in a constitutional way.

The Tunku however was not prepared to give way lightly to the shelving of his proposals and the Alliance restated its view on the question of an amnesty in its Election Manifesto issues in May 1955. The Manifesto contained an undertaking to offer a general amnesty to the Communists in the following terms:

... to end the emergency as soon as possible by offering a general amnesty and, if it fails, to mobilise all our resources and seek all foreign aid to increase the vigour and intensify the fight against the terrorists.

The Communists' counter offer
A month before the election, with the country increasingly gripped with political fever, the Malayan Communist Party took the initiative by putting forward a counter-offer to enter into negotiations for the termination of hostilities. The offer was contained in a letter written in Chinese, copies of which were sent to a number of leading personalities and organisations in the Federation of Malaya and in Singapore. The letter was signed by a representative of the Malayan National Liberation Army and dated 1 May, and had been posted in Haadyai in Southern Thailand. None of these letters were sent direct to the High Commissioner or to any of his officers. The letter asked a safe conduct to enable representatives of the Headquarters of the Communists terrorists to come out to negotiate both a ceasefire and the participation of the Communist Party in the future development of the country. The letter also rejected the Alliance's amnesty offer.

The imminence of the Federal elections probably explained why the MCP chose to make their offer at that particular time. Furthermore, the offer was consistent with the then International Communist policy of turning away from armed struggle to expansion by political means. At the second Conference of the Communist and Workers' Parties of the British Commonwealth, held in London in April 1954, a report entitled Malaya Fights for Freedom had been submitted by the exiled Lim Hong Bee that favoured, among other things, a provisional coalition People's government formed by all patriotic parties to achieve full national independence. In August 1954 a Malayan delegate to the Council of World Democratic Youth in Peking was quoted as saying "... they are willing to undertake peace talks to bring the Malayan war to an end..."

By November 1954 a guerrilla newssheet produced in the Kedah/Penang area carried this report together with approval of the Geneva Conference on Indochina as an example of "how disputes can be solved justly by peaceful means". The British in Malaya were specifically urged to follow the French example in Indochina.

The MCP's counter-proposal was discussed both by the Executive Council and the Director of Operations Committee. At this meeting, which was attended by Tunku Abdul Rahman and other leaders, a unanimous decision was made to reject the MCP's proposal. In a statement issued by the Federation Government on 24 June 1955, the Government made it clear that the present surrender terms were a real and continuing measure of amnesty and made adequate provisions for those fighting in the jungle to come out if they wished to do so. The Government believed that the terrorist leaders in Malaya had their own considerations to call off the war. It was thought that MCP leaders realised that they were slowly and steadily losing ground to the Security Forces and wished to concentrate their main efforts on subversion. For that purpose it was essential to them that the trained cadres should emerge from the jungle and instead organise subversive activities in the urban areas. The proposal for amnesty talks put forward by the Alliance in January was hence unacceptable to the Communist leaders because it did not seem to allow them to roam at will in the Federation; instead they were facing prospects of either a long period in detention, or deportation to the People's Republic of China.

Reactions to this refusal by the Government were varied. The rejection was supported by the Alliance and Parti Negara. The Labour Party of Malaya, however, expressed the view that the rejection was in haste and that the offer should have been more further examined. Among the Chinese newspapers, only the Nanyang Siang Pau had questioned the wisdom of the Government's rejection. This paper argued that the offer was worthy of closer attention than it had received and that nothing would have been lost by meeting the Communists at the table to test their sincerity. The other Chinese newspapers, particularly those with a KMT or Chinese Nationalist background, strongly supported the Government's rejection and described the peace offer as a manoeuvre to bring about the relaxation of military pressure which would facilitate the infiltration.

Having rejected the Communist's proposal, the Director of the Operations Committee thought that it would be necessary to take a positive step to show that the government was doing everything in its power to end the emergency. The Committee, which discussed the matter at a series of meetings held in June and July, decided to offer an amnesty to the Communists. The Committee was of the opinion that such an offer would be a timely counter-move by the Federation Government to offset the propaganda value of the Communists' counter-proposal and to convince fence-sitters that the Government was not seeking to prolong the Emergency, but to end it. Even if the hard core leaders do not respond, it was expected that large numbers of the rank-and-file might take advantage of the amnesty to give themselves up and escape from the privations of jungle life, thus inducing a split between the leaders and the rank-and-file. An all-out campaign such as leaflets and loudspeakers was thought to be necessary to bring the offer to the attention of the terrorists.

The Committee also took into consideration the declaration made by the Alliance in their Election Manifesto that, if they were successful at the Elections, they would declare an amnesty. Since the expectations were that the Alliance would be the major party, it was clearly prudent that some thoughts should be given in advance to the ways to which an amnesty offer might be made. If the Government opposed the granting of an amnesty it would play into the hands of the Communists for propaganda purposes.

The only objection to granting an amnesty, according to the Committee, was that it would have a deadline. Once the deadline lapsed, the remaining terrorists will be less willing to surrender, until confidence could be built up again.

The Director of Operations Committee concluded, however, that the advantages of offering an amnesty outweighed the possible risks and difficulties, and that the offer would carry particular weight if it were made by the new Government soon after the elections.

To this end, the Committee began to draft the wording of the amnesty terms. Malcolm MacDonald, the British Commissioner-General for Southeast Asia, suggested that the terms should be designed to appeal to the rank-and-file terrorists who, not being hardcore Communists, had been intimidated by the Communists into taking up arms and having done so, had been forced to stay in the jungle. Though those who surrender would not be prosecuted, they would be required to demonstrate their loyalty to the Government before they would be allowed to return to their families. The amnesty involved neither negotiation with the Communists nor recognition of the MCP.

The British Ministry of Defence was also involved in drafting the terms. The Ministry considered that the point to be stressed was that Communists who surrendered would not be shot, but that no hope should be held out that they would escape detention. Furthermore, it added that, it was essential that hard core Communists should be detained for some time, as it was believed if they were released into society, they would cause further trouble in Malaya and if they were deported, they would cause trouble in Southeast Asia. The Ministry thought that the amnesty terms should not include any reference to the possibility of helping a Communist who surrendered to leave the country. It was also suggested that the idea of a deadline be dropped.

The talks
The talks commenced in the Government English School (now as Sekolah Kebangsaan Tunku Putera) near Baling town in southeastern Kedah state, in northern Malaya, on 28 December 1955. They lasted more than eight hours, and were spread over two days. The MCP was represented by Chin Peng, the Secretary-General, Rashid Maidin and Chen Tien, head of the MCP's Central Propaganda Department. On the other side were three elected national representatives; Tunku Abdul Rahman, chief minister of the Federation, Dato Tan Cheng-Lock, President of the MCA, and David Marshall, Chief Minister of the Colony of Singapore.

In his opening remarks, Tunku Abdul Rahman thanked the Communists for the confidence they had shown in coming to the meeting. He reminded them that his task was to explain the amnesty terms but not to stand in judgement over them. He then detailed the political changes which had been taking place in Malaya and explained that his election victory was based on the promise that "colonialism must end and that this country must be given freedom." He then mentioned the High Commissioner's announcement in the Legislative Council on 30 November that the British Government no longer considered "the Continuation of the Emergency" as "an obstacle to the Federation's advance to self-government". The British Government intended to enter the London talks in January "on that understanding". Since then the UMNO Assembly had passed a very important resolution to the effect that independence for Malaya must be given by 31 August 1957.

The Tunku then explained to Chin Peng that the objective of his Party was to bring peace to the country. But, in his opinion, there would be no way of bringing about peace other than to offer suitable amnesty terms for the surrender of the Communists. The Tunku reiterated that if the Communists accepted the amnesty "everyone would be pardoned." The Tunku then explained the amnesty terms in full. He added that the Government had carried out its part of the terms with regard to local ceasefires but that the Communists had continued offensive action. As a result, ceasefire arrangements had been suspended by the Government, although the Security Forces would like to know the reason. The Tunku also reminded Chin Peng that he did not come to the meeting as a spokesman for the British Government, he came "neither as the stooge or running dog of colonialism" but as a "servant of the people".

Chin Peng replied that it was because he realised that the Tunku was not "the spokesman of the British Government or the running dog of the British Government" that they were prepared to meet them at a risk to their lives.

Chin Peng explained that he had not come to the meeting to argue questions of ideology but to search for peace "so that the misery of the people can be reduced". Chin Peng pointed out the MCP rejected the amnesty offer because it did not permit Communists to "enjoy equal status so that those that genuinely intended to be loyal to the Government would be helped to regain their normal position in society." Chin Peng then mentioned the past statement by the Tunku that if the MCP stopped the armed struggle, then they could enjoy a status that would enable them to fight for independence by constitutional means. The amnesty terms did not contain such a point.

To this the Tunku replied that the amnesty specifically declared that Communists who gave up communism and showed that they genuinely intended to be loyal to the government would be "helped to regain their normal position in society". First, however, the communists would have to show their loyalty to Malaysia. In his view, simply to be anti-British was not sufficient to show that one was loyal to Malaya. The Tunku pointed out that the Malayan people regarded the Communist activities as something entirely foreign to the Malayan way of life. They regarded the Communist Party as belonging to a power outside the country and considered that its members gave allegiance to that foreign country and not Malaya.

During the second session, the discussion revolved around the question of loyalty to Malaya and recognition of the Malayan Communist Party. Chin Peng asked the Tunku to explain the actual meaning of "loyalty to Malaya." The Tunku stated that one of the things the Malayan people expected was that the Communist should give up their Communist activities. Loyalty to Malaya would include acceptance of the position of the Rulers and agreement to uphold their dignity. Dato Sir Tan Cheng-Lock added that if a man wanted to live in Malaya, he should assume the responsibilities and duties of a good citizen. David Marshall defined loyalty as "loyalty to the government of the day, and loyalty to the constitutional processes in bringing about such changes for the welfare of the people."

The talk then turned to the question of the recognition of the Malayan Communist Party. Chin Peng asked for recognition of the Malayan Communist Party. He asked the Tunku whether the giving up of Communist activities meant the dissolution of the Malayan Communist Party. The Tunku answered that it did. Chin Peng stressed the point that, as a member of the Malayan Communist Party, they were not prepared to be forced by others to give up that ideology, but wished to put their ideology to the people to decide, if that were possible. The Tunku replied that if the  Malayan Communist Party was allowed to take part in free election, the people would choose the Alliance. The Tunku continued that the Communist and Malayan ideologies were not the same. The Malayan people preferred their own way of life, and the Communists must accept the way of life accepted by the majority. Chin Peng admitted that during the last few years, political progress had been made in Malaya and it was because of that he believed that the time had come when the Communist should come to the meeting with sincerity in the hope that they could solve their problems. However, he reiterated that he could not accept the amnesty conditions as they were then, because those conditions required them to dissolve the Malayan Communist Party. When asked by Chin Peng on what other means the emergency could be ended, the Tunku replied that Chin Peng and the members of the Malayan Communist Party must give up their communist activities and prove themselves loyal to the country.

Chin Peng stated that he did not see why since they were Communists they should "declare to the people that they were Communist. They did not wish to join other political parties and then do their scheming or intrigues. That is why they wanted the question of the recognition of the MCP to be settled"

Then Tunku said that he was not asking Communist to give up their ideology- "one's ideology is what one believes in" - but their activities were something quite different.

The Tunku reiterated that the Federal Government was not prepared to recognise the Malayan Communist Party because Communist activities had been associated with murder, with atrocities and with acts of violence of every kind. Furthermore, the MCP was composed of very few Malayan nationals. Chin Peng then asked whether the difference was because most of the members of the MCP in Malaya were Chinese. David Marshall replied that as far as Singapore was concerned that had nothing to do with it. The point was that the Communists were exercising violence. The Tunku added that in Malaya the situation was different because the Malays felt that the Communist owned their allegiance to Communist China.

Chin Peng put one more question before another adjournment. Was it necessary for any decisions made at the meeting to be approved by the British Government? The Tunku replied: "If I decide and Mr. Marshall agrees with me, that will be all."

The next session started at 6.30 p.m. and lasted until 8.05 p.m. Chin Peng returned with fresh vigour to the question of recognition of his party. One of several gambits turned on the question of whether his party would be accepted if its members were confined to federal citizens. "No", answered Tunku.

The talk turned to other aspects, such as the detention of surrendered terrorists for purposes of interrogation and investigation. The Tunku explained that investigation would be carried out very speedily. "We want to extract a promise from you that you will not carry on your activities, which we say are not loyal to Malaya and are prejudicial to the interests of Malaya and Malayans. We will want you to sign a declaration to that effect".

Chin Peng refused to accept this, declaring that for the "dignity of man" if this principle was insisted upon, then they would have to carry on with the struggle. This brought a question from Marshall, "Forgive me for asking, but what are you struggling for?" Chin Peng solemnly replied, "It is very simple, just for the dignity of man." Marshall exclaimed that using deed of violence to enforce their views on a population that does not want them was hardly compatible with the dignity of man. Chin Peng admitted that their outlook on this question was quite different and he was prepared to argue on it.

It was at this point that the talk really broke down. Chin Peng came back time and again to the points on which the Communists insisted: recognition of the MCP, no detention, no investigation and no restriction on their movements after surrender. The Tunku made it clear that after investigations and the removal of restriction on freedom, those Communists who remained in Malaya could join recognised political parties and to take part in politics, but they would not allowed to form a Communist Party under another name. At the end of the session, Marshall pleaded with them to try to consider the question soberly and to remember that there must be some sacrifice on their part. The Chief Ministers informed Chin Peng that they would be prepared to meet again on the following morning.

The delegations met again at 10.30 the next morning, but from the very beginning, Chin Peng continued his cardinal requests for political recognition of his party and freedom for its members. For Chin Peng, the purpose of investigation implied surrender and was unacceptable. He considered it as a humiliation: "If you demand our surrender we would prefer to fight to the last man". The Tunku replied that some surrender was inevitable. "... if you do not come out to surrender, we would rather not accept you in our society. If you want to have peace in this country, one side must give way. Either we give in to you or you give in to us." The Tunku stressed that he was not prepared to allow a situation where Malaya might be divided as had happened in the case of Korea and Vietnam. Malaya was too small and he had, therefore, to be frank with them and say that it was they who must surrender. The Chief Minister, before leaving, then appealed to Chin Peng to think of the general welfare of the people and informed him that if, in the near future, the Communists were prepared to show any change of attitude, they would not consider their pride in coming to meet him again. Within an hour, Chin Peng and his colleagues were returning to Klian Intan. The next day he joined his bodyguard and disappeared in the direction of South Thailand.

Withdrawal of amnesty offer and aftermath
Following the talks, the Tunku decided to withdraw the amnesty offer on 8 February 1956, five months after it had been offered. He stated that he would be unwilling to meet the Communists again unless they indicated beforehand their desire to see him with an intention of surrender. He said that the Communists had made it clear to him that their ideology and that of himself and his party could not exist side by side. Therefore, the war must be intensified until one or the other gave in. "I have every confidence that the people of Malaya will give their fullest support and co-operation to the action I have taken."

Despite the failure of the Baling talk, the MCP made further efforts to resume peace talks with the Malayan Government but to no avail. A few weeks after the Baling talks, Tan Siew Sin received a letter from Chen Tien, requesting a resumption of peace talks and the repeal of the emergency regulations. The request was immediately rejected by the Chief Minister and instead, discussions began in the new Emergency Operations Council to intensify the "People's War" against the guerrillas. In July 1957, a few weeks before independence, the MCP made another request for peace talks. The MCP suggested the following conditions for a negotiated peace: its members would be given privileges enjoyed by ordinary citizens and there would be a guarantee that political as well as armed members of the MCP would not be punished. The Tunku, however, did not respond to the MCP's proposal.

On 31 August 1957 Malaya achieved her Independence with Tunku Abdul Rahman as the Prime Minister. Following that, there was a marked increase in the MCPs peace proposals and in November 1957, after a direct proposal from Chin Peng, Tunku Abdul Rahman agreed to a preliminary meeting. The border town of Kroh in northern Perak was chosen as a site for possible talks. However, Chin Peng did not accept the condition that is to surrender, and the talks failed to materialize.

The MCP's strength began to decline soon after. The Malayan Government increased its military activities to suppress the MCP and by 1960 they were forced to retire over the Malayan-Thai border because of their dwindling strength. On 31 July 1960, the Malayan Government declared the end of the twelve-year emergency. There continued to be minor incidents until 1989, but the communists were no longer a threat. They had lost their reason for insurrection as Malaya had achieved independence.

References

Further reading
 Prof Madya Dr. Nik Anuar Nik Mahmud: Tunku Abdul Rahman and His Role in the Baling Talks

Malayan Emergency
1955 in Malaya
1956 in Malaya
History of Kedah
Peace processes


The 2008 MLS Expansion Draft took place on November 26, 2008, and was a special draft for the Major League Soccer expansion team Seattle Sounders FC. They made 10 selections from a pool of players from the other 14 MLS clubs.

Format

Source

 Only one player could be selected from each team. Four of the league's 14 current teams did not have a player selected.
 Teams were allowed to protect 11 players from their 28-man rosters. Generation Adidas players were automatically protected, though players who are graduated from the program to the senior roster at the end of the 2008 season were not.
 Teams with 4 or more international players were required to protect 3 of them. If a team had 3 or fewer international players, then it was required to protect all but one.
 Any developmental players selected were required to be moved up to the senior roster for the 2009 season.

Expansion Draft Results

Team-by-team breakdown

Source

Chicago Fire

Chivas USA

Colorado Rapids

Columbus Crew

DC United

FC Dallas

Houston Dynamo

Kansas City Wizards

Los Angeles Galaxy

New England Revolution

New York Red Bulls

Real Salt Lake

San Jose Earthquakes

Toronto FC

Major League Soccer Expansion Draft
Mls Expansion Draft, 2008
MLS Expansion Draft


Jason Chan (born 26 January 1984) is a former Papua New Guinea international rugby league footballer who played for the Celtic Crusaders, the Huddersfield Giants and the Hull Kingston Rovers in the Super League,  primarily as a , but also as a  or .

Background
He was born in Sydney, Australia.

He is of Chinese descent.

Early career
Chan played junior football for the Windsor Wolves in the Jim Beam Cup.  His 16 tries and 64 goals helped the Wolves to win the 2008 title.

Super League career
Chan joined the Crusaders in 2009 as they embarked on their first Super League season. Chan played 23 games for Crusaders that season, including all three of their wins.  In 2010, Chan maintained his position in first team, earning the number 12 jumper.
Following the demise of the Crusaders, Chan joined the Huddersfield Giants, starting in 2012.

Chan spent part of the 2014 season on loan at Hull Kingston Rovers. He returned to Australia at the end of the season.

Representative career
In the lead up to the 2008 Rugby League World Cup, Chan was named to the Papua New Guinea training squad and subsequently was named to the final World Cup squad. He played in all three of Papua New Guinea's matches during the World Cup, scoring a single try for the Kumuls in their loss against England.

Chan was named as part of the Papua New Guinea squad for the 2009 Pacific Cup. Chan played in both games for PNG, scoring a try in the first round against Tonga.

He played for Papua New Guinea in the 2013 Rugby League World Cup.

References

External links
RLWC profile

1984 births
Living people
Australian expatriate rugby league players
Australian expatriate sportspeople in England
Australian expatriate sportspeople in Wales
Australian people of Chinese descent
Australian people of Papua New Guinean descent
Australian rugby league players
Crusaders Rugby League players
Expatriate rugby league players in England
Expatriate rugby league players in Wales
Huddersfield Giants players
Hull Kingston Rovers players
Papua New Guinea national rugby league team players
Papua New Guinean expatriate sportspeople in England
Papua New Guinean expatriate sportspeople in Wales
Rugby league centres
Rugby league players from Sydney
Rugby league props
Rugby league second-rows
Windsor Wolves players


George Keppa is a professional rugby league footballer who plays on the  for Brisbane Norths in Australia. He is a Papua New Guinea international.

He has been named in the Papua New Guinea training squad for the 2008 Rugby League World Cup.

He has been named in the PNG squad for the 2008 Rugby League World Cup.

References

External links

Living people
Australian people of Papua New Guinean descent
Norths Devils players
Papua New Guinea national rugby league team players
Papua New Guinean rugby league players
Rugby league wingers
Year of birth missing (living people)
Place of birth missing (living people)