The siege of Havana was a successful British siege against Spanish-ruled Havana that lasted from March to August 1762, as part of the Seven Years' War. After Spain abandoned its former policy of neutrality by signing the family compact with France, resulting in a British declaration of war on Spain in January 1762, the British government decided to mount an attack on the important Spanish fortress and naval base of Havana, with the intention of weakening the Spanish presence in the Caribbean and improving the security of its own North American colonies. A strong British naval force consisting of squadrons from Britain and the West Indies, and the military force of British and American troops it convoyed, were able to approach Havana from a direction that neither the Spanish governor nor the Admiral expected and were able to trap the Spanish fleet in the Havana harbour and land its troops with relatively little resistance.

The Spanish authorities decided on a strategy of delaying the British attack until the strength of the city's defences and the onset of seasonal rains inflicting tropical diseases would significantly reduce the size of the British force via disease, along with the start of hurricane season would force the British fleet to seek a safe anchorage. However, the city's main fortress, the Morro Castle was overlooked by a hill that the governor had neglected to fortify; the British installed batteries there and bombarded the fortress daily with heavy shelling. The fortress eventually fell after the officer in charge of Morro Castle, Luis Vicente de Velasco, was mortally wounded by a stray bullet. The capture of Morro Castle led to the eventual fall of the rest of the fortifications and the surrender of the city, the remaining garrison, and the naval forces present, before the hurricane season began.

The surrender of Havana led to substantial rewards for the British naval and military leaders and smaller amounts of prize money for other officers and men. The Spanish governor, Admiral and other military and civil office holders were court-martialled upon their return to Spain and punished for their failures to conduct a better defence and allowing the Spanish fleet present to fall intact into the hands of the British. Havana remained under British occupation until February 1763, when it was returned to Spain under the 1763 Treaty of Paris that formally ended the war.

Background

Havana in the late 18th century was a major port and naval base, and also the strongest fortress in Spanish America. Its royal shipyard with access to abundant supplies of resistant hardwoods was capable of building first-rate ships of the line and had been developed by the Bourbon monarchy as the most important of its three naval shipyards. There had been several previous plans to attack Havana, including one proposed to Vernon in 1739, which he rejected in favour of an attack on Porto Bello, but no successful attack since it was comprehensively fortified, and the strength of its fortifications and difficulty that large sailing warships would have in making an undetected approach from the north convinced the Spanish commanders it would be virtually impossible to capture, if its fortifications were in good order and it was properly garrisoned. Its wealth and ability to feed its population also suggested that it could resist being starved into surrender.

Britain had been formally at war with France since May 1756, but Spain under Ferdinand VI remained neutral. After Ferdinand's death in 1759, his half-brother Charles III, reversed Ferdinand's policy and, by the Treaty of Paris (1761), re-established the so-called Family Compact between France and Spain. This treaty involved an offensive alliance directed against Britain, and in December 1761, Spain placed an embargo on British trade, seized British goods in Spain and expelled British merchants. In response to this, Britain declared war on Spain in January 1762.

Spanish preparations
Before involving his country in the conflict raging in Europe and across the world, Charles III made provisions to defend the Spanish colonies against the Royal Navy. For the defence of Cuba, he appointed Juan de Prado as Captain General of Cuba, which was an administrative rather than a military position. De Prado arrived at Havana in February 1761 and began construction efforts to improve the fortifications of the city, although the work was incomplete at the time of the siege.

In June 1761, a flotilla of seven ships of the line under the command of Admiral Gutierre de Hevia arrived at Havana, transporting two infantry regiments of regulars (the España and Aragón regiments) totalling 996 men, bringing up the number of the Havana garrison to 2,400 regulars. There were also 6,300 sailors and marines aboard the ships. However, yellow fever had reduced the effective defending forces of the city by the time the siege began to 1,900 regulars, 750 marines, around 5,000 sailors and 2,000 to 3,000 militia, besides several thousand more without muskets or training to operate them. The main garrison consisted of:

 España Infantry Regiment (481 men)
 Aragón Infantry Regiment (265 men)
 Havana Infantry Regiment (856 men)
 Edinburgh's Dragoons (150 men)
 Army gunners (104 men)
 Navy gunners and marines (750 men )

Havana had one of the finest natural harbours in the West Indies with a 180 m wide and 800 m long entrance channel giving access to the harbour. Two strong fortresses defended the entrance channel. On the north side of the channel stood the very strong Castillo de los Tres Reyes del Morro (known in English as Morro Castle) on the rocky Cavannos Ridge. It had 64 artillery pieces and was garrisoned by 700 men. However, it had been noted that most of its guns faced Havana's port and bay, and that it was overlooked by the unfortified hill of La Cabana. Although it had been proposed to fortify La Cabana, the project had been delayed and no guns had been installed there by the start of the siege. The south side was defended by the older Castillo de San Salvador de la Punta. The channel could also be blocked by a boom chain extending from El Morro to La Punta. Havana itself lay on the south side along the channel and was surrounded by a wall  long.

British preparations
Two days after the declaration of war with Spain, on the advice of Lord Anson, the British cabinet chose Havana as a major objective in its attack on Spain because of its strategic importance, believing that its permanent loss would weaken Spanish influence in the Caribbean. Detailed plans were made for a combined naval and military attack on Havana, relying on the Royal Navy's superiority in numbers and effectiveness over the Spanish fleet. Vice-Admiral Sir George Pocock, with seven ships-of-the-line and a frigate and Commodore Keppel his second-in-command, was to transport a military force under the command of George Keppel, 3rd Earl of Albemarle to the West Indies, to join the West Indies naval squadron, then under the command of  Rear-Admiral Rodney, who was undertaking operations against Martinique, taking on additional troops there. The fleet was then to proceed to the northwest of Saint-Domingue (present-day Haiti) to embark 4,000 men from the British colonies in North America, commanded by Jeffrey Amherst, and be further reinforced by a squadron from Port Royal, Jamaica, commanded by Sir James Douglas. It was to keep its final destination in doubt until it launched its amphibious attack on Havana.

These plans were modified to meet circumstances, as Rodney and Robert Monckton commanding the troops had captured Martinique before Pocock sailed, 3,000 British and American troops from New York did not arrive at Havana until late July, and the plan to take up to 2,000 slaves from Jamaica to act as pioneers only produced 600 slaves, as many owners were reluctant to part with them without a scheme for compensation. A plan by Amherst to assemble a force of 8,000 men for an attack on Louisiana was dismissed by Albemarle as impractical as it would have left too few troops in the North American colonies.

During the month of February, British troops embarked; they consisted of:
 22nd Regiment of Foot
 34th Regiment of Foot
 56th Regiment of Foot
 72nd Richmond's Regiment of Foot

On 5 March the British expedition sailed from Spithead, England, with 7 ships of the line and 4,365 men aboard 64 transports and shops carrying supplies and artillery.  The fleet arrived in Barbados on 20 April.  Five days later the expedition reached Fort Royal on the recently conquered island of Martinique where it picked up the remainder of Major-General Robert Monckton's expedition, still numbering 8,461 men. Rear Admiral Rodney's squadron, amounting to 8 ships of the line also joined the expedition bringing the total number of ships of the line to 15. There was some friction between Rodney and Pocock, as the latter had been preferred for the naval command of this important expedition. On 23 May the expedition, now off the northwest corner of Saint-Domingue, was further reinforced by Sir James Douglas' squadron from Port Royal, Jamaica. The combined force now amounted to 21 ships of the line, 24 lesser warships, and 168 other vessels, carrying some 14,000 seamen and marines plus another 3,000 hired sailors and 12,826 regulars.

Siege
The normal approach to Havana, on the north coast of Cuba, was to sail west parallel to the south coast of the island on the prevailing south-easterly wind, then to round its western tip and sail east towards Havana, against the wind. This last section, more than 200 miles long, would take a large squadron at least one week, and probably several, to complete, giving ample warning for Havana to prepare. To the north of Havana, reaching as far as the Bahamas, is a wide expanse of shallow water, reefs and small islands or cays, accessible only to small boats except for one deep water channel, the Old Bahama Channel which is only some 10 miles wide at its narrowest. Although the Spanish navigators that charted it thought too dangerous for large warships, it was surveyed by a British frigate, whose captain left parties of his men in the cays to mark the extremities of the channel, allowing the whole fleet to pass through it, safely and undetected.

On 6 June the British force came into sight of Havana. Immediately, 12 British ships of the line were sent to the mouth of the entrance channel to block in the Spanish fleet. After surveying the city's defences, the British planned to begin the operations with the reduction of the Morro fortress, on the north side of the channel, through a formal Vauban-style siege. The commanding position of this fort over the city would then force the Spanish commander to surrender. However, the initial survey had underestimated the strength of the Morro fortress, which was located on a rocky promontory where it was impossible to dig approach trenches and that a large ditch cut into the rock protected the fort on the land side.

Although Prado had received information of the presence of English ships two days before its arrival from a frigate that had escaped from the port of Matanzas, he did not believe that major warships could navigate the Old Bahama Channel. Prado and Admiral Hevia, surprised by the size of the attacking force, adopted a delaying defensive strategy. Prado wrote to the French in Saint-Domingue and to Spain for relief forces to be sent. He also requested reinforcements from Santiago de Cuba, which had the second strongest military force on the island, and although two relief forces set out from the Oriente Province in July, both were delayed by food shortages and high levels of sickness. One turned back and the other was still one day's march from Havana when the city surrendered. Besides hope of a relief force, Prado and the Havana garrison had several advantages. Firstly, the hurricane season would begin in late August, putting the British fleet in danger: the wet weather starting earlier in that month would probably also initiate an outbreak of yellow fever among the besiegers. Secondly, despite some losses from tropical diseases Prado had 1,500 Spanish regular soldiers and some 2,300 colonial militiamen, as well as sailors from the fleet.

There were initially 12 Spanish ships of the line in the harbour, besides two others newly constructed but not manned, and also several smaller warships and around 100 merchant ships. The presence of so many merchant ships dissuaded the council from ordering the Spanish fleet to disrupt the British landings, which was also in accordance with the instructions that Admiral Hevia had received when he left Spain to protect Cuba's commerce The fleet's gunners and marines were sent to garrison the fortresses of Morro and Punta which were placed under the command of naval officers. Most of the shot and powder of the fleet as well as its best guns were also transferred to these two fortresses. Meanwhile, regular troops were assigned to the defence of the city. Prado also ordered all women, children and the old and infirm to leave the city, leaving only men able to bear arms.

The channel entrance was immediately closed with the boom chain. Additionally, three ships of the line (Asia (64), Europa (64) and Neptuno (74)) were selected on account of their poor condition and sunk behind the boom chain. Although this made the remaining Spanish warships unable to leave the harbour, they were clearly outnumbered by the English fleet, and this move made the sailors available to defend the city. Realising the importance of the Morro, the Spanish commanders gave it top priority.

The following day British troops were landed northeast of Havana, and began advancing west the next day. They met a militia party that was easily pushed back. By the end of the day, British infantry had reached the vicinity of Havana.  The defence of the Morro was assigned to Luis Vicente de Velasco e Isla, a naval officer, who immediately took measures to prepare and provision the fortress for a siege.

Siege of El Morro

On 11 June a British party stormed a detached redoubt on the La Cabana heights. Only then did the British command realise how strong the Morro was, surrounded by brushwood and protected by a large ditch. With the arrival of their siege train the next day, the British began erecting batteries among the trees on La Cabana hill overlooking the Morro (some  higher) as well as the city and the bay. Surprisingly, this hill had been left undefended by the Spanish army despite its well-known strategic importance. Charles III of Spain had earlier instructed Prado to fortify this hill, a task that he considered the most urgent of those relating to the fortifications. The task had been started but no guns had been installed.

Two days later a British detachment landed at Torreón de la Chorrera, on the west side of the harbour. Meanwhile, Colonel Patrick Mackellar, an engineer, was overseeing the construction of the siege works against the Morro. Since digging trenches was impossible, he resolved to erect breastworks instead. He planned to mine towards a bastion of the Morro once his siege works would have reached the ditch and to create a runway across this ditch with the rubble produced by his mining activities.

By 22 June, four British batteries totalling twelve heavy guns and 38 mortars opened fire on the Morro from La Cabana. Mackellar gradually advanced his breastworks towards the ditch under cover of these batteries so by the end of the month the British had increased their daily direct hits on the Morro to 500.  Velasco was losing as many as 30 men each day, and the workload of repairing the fortress every night was so exhausting that men had to be rotated into the fort from the city every three days. Velasco finally managed to convince Prado that a raid was necessary against the British batteries. At dawn on 29 June 988 men (a mixed company of grenadiers, marines, engineers, and slaves) attacked the siege works. They reached the British batteries from the rear and started to spike guns, but British reaction was swift, and the attackers were repulsed before they caused any serious damage.

On 1 July, the British launched a combined land and naval attack on the Morro. The fleet detached four ships of the line for this purpose: HMS Stirling Castle, HMS Dragon, HMS Marlborough and HMS Cambridge. The naval and land artillery simultaneously opened fire on the Morro. However, naval guns were ineffective, the fort being located too high. Counter-fire from thirty guns of the Morro inflicted 192 casualties and seriously damaged the ships, one of which was later scuttled, forcing them to withdraw. Meanwhile, the bombardment by the land artillery was far more effective. By the end of the day, only three Spanish guns were still effective on the side of the Morro facing the British batteries. The next day however British breastworks around the Morro caught fire and the batteries were burned down, destroying the product of much of the work undertaken since mid June. Velasco immediately capitalised on this event, remounting many guns and repairing breaches in the fortifications of the Morro.

Since its arrival at Havana, the British army had heavily suffered from malaria and yellow fever and was now at half strength. Since the hurricane season was approaching, Albemarle was now engaged in a race against time. He ordered the batteries to be rebuilt with the help of men of the fleet. Many 32-pounder guns were taken from the lower deck of several ships to equip these new batteries.

By 17 July the new British batteries had progressively silenced most of Velasco's guns, leaving only two of them operational. With the absence of artillery cover, it now became impossible for the Spanish troops to repair the damage being inflicted on the Morro. Mackellar was also able to resume construction of siege works to approach the fortress.
With the army in such a bad condition, work progressed rather slowly. All hope of the British army now resided in the expected arrival of reinforcements from North America.

The progress of siege works over the next few days allowed the British to begin the mining towards the right bastion of the Morro. Meanwhile, the now unopposed British artillery was daily hitting the Morro up to 600 times, causing some sixty casualties. Velasco had now no hope but to destroy British siege works and so on 22 July 1,300 regulars, seamen and militia sallied from Havana in three columns and attacked the siege works surrounding the Morro. The British repelled the Spanish sortie who thus withdrew to their lines and the siege works were left relatively intact.

On 24 July Albemarle offered Velasco the opportunity to surrender, allowing him to write his own terms of capitulation. Velasco answered that the issue would rather be settled by force of arms. Three days later the reinforcements from North America led by Colonel Burton finally arrived. These reinforcements, who had been attacked by the French during their journey, with the loss through capture of some 500 men, consisted of:
 46th Thomas Murray's Regiment of Foot
 58th Anstruther's Regiment of Foot
 American provincials (3,000 men)
 Gorham's and Danks' Rangers – which were combined into a 253-man ranger corps.
By 25th July 5,000 soldiers and 3,000 sailors were sick.

On 29 July the mine near the right bastion of the Morro fort was completed and ready to explode. Albemarle vainly feigned an assault, hoping that Velasco would finally decide to surrender. On the contrary, Velasco decided to launch a desperate attack from the sea upon the British miners in the ditch. At 2:00 am the next day two Spanish schooners attacked the miners from the sea. Their attack was unsuccessful and they had to withdraw. At 1:00 pm the British finally detonated the mine. The debris of the explosion partly filled the ditch but Albemarle judged it passable, and launched an assault, sending 699 picked men against the right bastion. Before the Spanish could react, sixteen men gained a foothold on the bastion. Velasco rushed to the breach with his troops, and was mortally wounded during the ensuing hand-to-hand fighting. The Spanish troops fell back, leaving the British in control of the Morro fort. Velasco was transported back to Havana, but by 31 July had died of his wounds.

The British then occupied a position commanding the city of Havana as well as the bay. Artillery batteries were brought up along the north side of the entrance channel from the Morro fort to La Cabana hill, where they could be trained directly on the town.

Surrender
On 11 August, after Prado had rejected the demand for surrender sent to him by Albemarle, the British batteries opened fire on Havana. A total of 47 guns (15 × 32-pdrs, 32 × 24-pdrs), 10 mortars and 5 howitzers pounded the city from a distance of 500–800 m. By the end of the day Fort la Punta was silenced. Prado had no other choice left but to surrender.

The next day, Prado was informed that there was only sufficient ammunition for a few more days. He made belated plans to remove the bullion in Havana to another part of the island, but the city was surrounded.  Negotiations of the articles of capitulation of the city and the fleet went on, and Prado and his army obtained the honours of war on 13 August. Hevia neglected to burn his fleet which fell intact in the hands of the British.

The great losses of men in the attack on Havana put to an end any possibility of an attack on Louisiana, and the French took advantage of the removal of so many troops from Canada to capture Newfoundland with a small force of fifteen hundred troops. Newfoundland was recaptured in the Battle of Signal Hill on September 15, 1762.

Aftermath

On 14 August the British entered the city. They had obtained possession of the most important harbour in the Spanish West Indies along with military equipment, 1,828,116 Spanish pesos and merchandise valued around 1,000,000 Spanish pesos. Furthermore, they had seized nine ships of the line in Havana harbour, representing one-fifth of the strength of the Spanish Navy, namely Aquilón (74), Conquistador (74), Reina (70), San Antonio (64), Tigre (70), San Jenaro (60), América (60), Infante (74) and Soberano (74), together with a ship of 78 guns belonging  to the Compañía de La Habana, a number of smaller armed vessels belonging to it and the Compañía de Caracas and nearly 100 merchant ships. Two new almost-completed ships of the line in the dockyard, the San Carlos (80) and Santiago (80), were burnt. In addition, two small frigates or corvettes and two 18-gun sloops, including the Marte commanded by Domingo de Bonechea, and several smaller vessels were captured either along the Cuban coast or in Havana harbour.

After the capture, Prize money payments of £122,697 each were made to Pocock as naval commander and to Albemarle as military commander, with £24,539 paid to Commodore Keppel, the naval second-in-command who was Albemarle's younger brother. Each of the 42 naval captains present received £1,600 as prize money. The military second-in-command,  Lieutenant-General Eliott, received the same amount as Commodore Keppel, as the two shared a fifteenth part of the prize pool, as against the third shared by their commanders. Elliot was able to buy Bayley Park in East Sussex which he altered and enlarged. Privates in the army received just over £4 and ordinary seamen rather less than £4 each.

During the siege the British had lost 2,764 killed, wounded, captured or deserted, but by 18 October also had lost 4,708 dead from sickness. One of the most depleted brigades was transferred to North America where it lost a further 360 men within a month of arrival. Three ships of the line were lost either as a direct result of Spanish gunfire or severe damage received which would cause their demise later. Shortly after the siege  was declared unserviceable and was stripped and scuttled. HMS Marlborough sank in the Atlantic due to extensive damage received during the siege, and  was lost while returning to Britain for repairs.

Charles III appointed a commission of generals to try Prado and others considered culpable for the loss of Havana on their return to Spain. Prado, Hevia and nine other military and civil officials were accused of treason and their trial was, in effect, a court martial, although it examined their actions during Prado's governorship as well as tactical decisions taken during the siege and although Prado and several officials were not military officers. The commission placed most of the blame on Prado and Hevia, finding them to have failed to fortify the Cabana hill properly and to have abandoned it too easily; to have crippled the Spanish fleet by sinking blockships that prevented the remainder taking action against the British and surrendered them intact rather than burning them; they had not mounted any significant counterattacks and, finally, had not removed the royal treasury before the surrender. After a lengthy trial, Prado was found guilty and sentenced to death, but was reprieved and died in prison. Hevia was sentenced to 10 years' house arrest and the loss of his office and titles, but was later pardoned and reinstated: a leading official, Julián de Arriaga, was dismissed from office. Velasco's family was ennobled and his son was created Marqués de Velasco del Morro, and Charles III decreed that there should thereafter be a ship named Velasco in the Spanish fleet. The loss of Havana and Western Cuba was a serious blow to Spain. Not only were the financial losses considerable; the loss in prestige was even greater. This defeat, together with the conquest of Manila by the British one and a half months later, meant the loss of Spain's 'Key to the New World and Rampart of the West Indies' as well as its colonial capital of the Spanish East Indies. These events confirmed British naval supremacy and showed the fragility of the Spanish Empire. Just as the earlier War of Jenkins' Ear had forced the British government into a thorough review of its military, this war forced the Spanish government into undertaking a similar process. The invasions of Havana and Manila were the catalyst for profound political and military reforms in the Spanish overseas empire.

It was clear to the Spanish authorities that their regular army in Cuba could not match the strength that the British army in America could concentrate against it. It was therefore necessary to form a disciplined colonial militia, with adequate weapons and training, supervised by experienced officers and non-commissioned officers,  with an organisation and uniforms similar to the regulars. The regular garrison of about 3,200 would be backed by a disciplined militia of eight infantry battalions and one regiment each of cavalry and dragoons, totaling 7,500 soldiers, with many of the officers from prominent Cuban families. Havana and Manila were returned to Spain as a result of the Treaty of Paris signed in February 1763, but the British occupation lasted until two months later, when a newly appointed  Captain General of Cuba, Alejandro O'Reilly, arrived to re-establish Spanish rule. Spain agreed to cede Florida and Menorca to Great Britain. The loss of Florida and the Spanish acceptance of British occupation of the  Miskito Coast heightened Cuba's value as the first line of defence for the Spanish South American colonies.  Spain received French Louisiana as a payment for intervening in the war on the side of the French and as compensation for having lost Florida.

Gallery
Numerous paintings and drawings of the battle were made, notably by Dominic Serres:

See also
 Great Britain in the Seven Years War
 British occupation of Manila

References

Sources

 Clowes, W. L. (1898). The Royal Navy: A History from the Earliest Time to the Present, Vol. III, Sampson Low, Marston and Company, London.
 Corbett, J.S, (1907). England in the Seven Years' War: A Study in Combined Strategy, Vol II, Longmans, Green and Co| location = New York
 Danley, Mark and Speelman, Patrick (2012). The Seven Years' War: Global Views, Brill, Leiden.
 Diefendorf, Jeffry M. and Dorsey, K. (2006). City, country, empire: landscapes in environmental history. Univ of Pittsburgh Press.
 Fortescue, J. W. (1899), A History of the British Army Vol. II, MacMillan, London.
 Greentree, David (2010). A Far-Flung Gamble, Havana 1762; Osprey Raid Series #15, Osprey Publishing.

 José Guiteras, Pedro (1856). Historia de la conquista de la Habana. (1762), Perry and McMillan, Philadelphia.
 La toma de La Habana por los ingleses (Spanish)
 Kuethe, Alan (1981). The Development of the Cuban Military As a Sociopolitical Elite, 1763–83. The Hispanic American Historical Review, Vol. 61, No. 4, pp. 695–704
 Lavery, Brian (2003). The Ship of the Line – Volume 1: The development of the battlefleet 1650–1850. Conway Maritime Press. .
 Marley, David (1998). Wars of the Americas: a chronology of armed conflict in the New World, 1492 to the present. ABC-CLIO.
 Pocock, Tom (1998). Battle for Empire: The very first world war 1756–63. Michael O'Mara Books Ltd. .

 Syrett, David, (1970) The Siege and Capture of Havana, 1762 Navy Records Society.
 Thomas, Hugh, (2013). Cuba: A History. Penguin.

Further reading

 Pezuela y Lobo, Jacobo de (1859) Sitio y rendición de la Habana en 1762: Fragmento de la historia inédita de la isla de Cuba, M. Rivadeneyra, Madrid.
 Sanchez-Galarraga, Jorge, "Luis de Velasco — Siege of Havana, 1762", Seven Years War Association Journal Vol. XII No. 2

Havana
Seven Years' War
Havana (1762)
Havana (1762)
1762 in Cuba
Spanish colonial period of Cuba
History of Havana
Havana
Anglo-Spanish War (1762–1763)
Havana 1762
Havana 1762


Freitas may refer to:

People

Sports
 Alcindo Martha de Freitas, Brazilian football player
 Acelino Freitas (born 1975), Brazilian boxer
 Francisco José de Freitas (born 2003), Brazilian football player
 Getúlio Vargas Freitas Oliveira Júnior (born 1983), Brazilian football player
 Jesse Freitas (American football, born 1921), American football player
 Jesse Freitas (American football, born 1951), his son, American football player
 Makoa Freitas (born 1979), American football player
 Manoel Cassiano de Freitas (born 1963), Brazilian football player
 Márcio Miranda Freitas Rocha da Silva (born 1981), Brazilian football player
 Miguel Freitas (born 1984), Portuguese racing driver
 Pedro Henrique Carvalho Freitas (born 1985), Brazilian football player
 Ricardo de Freitas Carreira (born 2001), Brazilian football player
 Rocky Freitas (1945–2022), American football player
 Tony Freitas (1908–1994), American baseball pitcher

Other professions

Ángela Freitas, East Timorese politician
 Diogo Freitas do Amaral (1941–2019), Portuguese politician
 Eduardo Freitas, Portuguese motorsports official and race director
 Nick Freitas (born 1979), American politician
 Paulin Freitas (1909–1989), Togolese politician and diplomat
 Robert Freitas (born 1952), American nanotechnologist

Places
 Freitas (Portugal), a village in Fafe, Portugal
 Estádio Bento Freitas, a stadium in Pelotas, Brazil
 Mark Edward Freitas Ice Forum, a hockey rink in Connecticut, United States

See also
 Freitas (surname)
 De Freitas (disambiguation)

Portuguese-language surnames


Lodderena is a genus of minute sea snails or micromolluscs, marine gastropod molluscs, formerly in the family Skeneidae. Following a morphological reevaluation, it was excluded from Skeneidae and treated as incertae sedis within the superfamily Trochoidea.

Species
Species within the genus Lodderena include:
 Lodderena arifca (Bartsch, 1915)
 Lodderena bunnelli Redfern & Rolán, 2005
 Lodderena emeryi (Ladd, 1966)
 Lodderena formosa Powell, 1930
 Lodderena janetmayae Rubio, F., E.M. Rolán & C. Redfern, 1998
 Lodderena minima (Tenison-Woods, J.E., 1878)
 Lodderena nana Powell, 1930
 Subspecies Lodderena nana pooki Fleming, 1948
 Lodderena omanensis Moolenbeek, 1996
 Lodderena ornata (Olsson & McGinty, 1958)
 Lodderena pachynepion (Pilsbry & Olsson, 1945)
 Lodderena pulchella (Olsson & McGinty, 1958)
 Lodderena tanae Moolenbeek, 1996
 Lodderena vladimiri Chernyshev, Rolán & Rubio, 2016
Species brought into synonymy
 Lodderena catenoides (Monterosato, 1877): synonym of  Skenea catenoides (Monterosato, 1877)

References

 Powell A. W. B., New Zealand Mollusca, William Collins Publishers Ltd, Auckland, New Zealand 1979
 GBIF
 ZipCodeZoo
 Rolán E., 2005. Malacological Fauna From The Cape Verde Archipelago. Part 1, Polyplacophora and Gastropoda.

Skeneidae
Extant Miocene first appearances
Gastropod genera


The 1993 FIVB Volleyball World League was the fourth edition of the annual men's international volleyball tournament, played by 12 countries from 21 May to 31 July 1993. The Final Round was held in São Paulo, Brazil.

Pools composition

Intercontinental round

Pool A

Pool B

Final round
Venue:  Ginásio do Ibirapuera, São Paulo, Brazil

Semifinals

3rd place match

Final

Final standing

Awards
Most valuable player
  Giovane Gávio
Best spiker
  Dmitriy Fomin
Best setter
  Mauricio Lima
Best blocker
  Oleg Shatunov
Best server
  Dmitriy Fomin
Best receiver
  Gilmar Teixeira
Best digger
  Damiano Pippi

External links

1993 World League Results
1993 World League results
Sports123

FIVB Volleyball World League
FIVB World League
Volleyball
Volleyball


Saint-Uniac (; ; Gallo: Saent-Tuniau) is a commune in the Ille-et-Vilaine department in Brittany in northwestern France.

Population
Inhabitants of Saint-Uniac are called Saint-Uniacais in French.

See also
Communes of the Ille-et-Vilaine department

References

External links

Official website

Mayors of Ille-et-Vilaine Association

Communes of Ille-et-Vilaine


was a retainer beneath the Oda clan throughout the late Sengoku period of Feudal Japan. Shichiroemon was a vassal of the Saitō clan, recorded serving Saitō Tatsuoki, and then passed his loyalties onto Oda Nobunaga after Tatsuoki died.

In the year 1569 he served with distinction in the battles waged against the Miyoshi clan, and was awarded lands in the Echizen province. However, in 1582, at the time of the tragic loss at the Honnō-ji—the Incident at Honnō-ji—Shichiroemon was killed at Nijo Gosho.

Notes

Samurai
1582 deaths
Year of birth unknown


Gotta Get It is a collaboration album by rappers, Juvenile and JT the Bigga Figga. The album was released on October 2, 2002, from Get Low Recordz/UTP Records and was produced by Juvenile and JT the Bigga Figga.

Track listing
"Holla At Ya Thugz"(Juvenile & Ball Or Fall Family) - 2:48
"Got G'z On It" (Yukmouth, Killa Tay & Mac Mall) - 4:24
"I Know" (Ant Dog, Tac & London) - 5:09
"Reptillian" (Priceless {from K.C.}) - 4:44
"Gotta Get It" (Juvenile, JT the Bigga Figga, Billy Cook & Young Buck) - 3:39
"Gotta Love It" (Cozmo & PDS {of the Recruits}) - 4:12
"Open Arms" (London) - 4:49
"Cold World" (PDS {of the Recruits}) - 5:19
"Risky Business" (Killa Tay & Marvaless) - 4:24
"Ride Or Die" (Outlawz & Murder One) - 3:01
"C.E.O. Stacks" (Juvenile, Young Buck, Skip & JT the Bigga Figga) - 4:17
"Step To The Side" (Tha Gamblaz & Sean T.) - 3:44
"Dump Dump" (Tac & Killa Tay) - 3:59
"Thug Life" (Messy Marv) - 4:29

References

Juvenile (rapper) albums
JT the Bigga Figga albums
2002 albums


Saint-Thurial (; ; Gallo: Saent-Turiau) is a commune in the Ille-et-Vilaine department in Brittany in northwestern France.

Population
Inhabitants of Saint-Thurial are called Thurialais in French.

See also
Communes of the Ille-et-Vilaine department

References

External links

Official website

Mayors of Ille-et-Vilaine Association

Communes of Ille-et-Vilaine


Wilcher is a surname shared by several notable people:

 Geneice Wilcher (born 1980), American beauty pageant titlist
 Mike Wilcher (born 1960), retired American professional football player
 Phillip Wilcher (born 1958), Australian pianist and composer
 Thomas Wilcher (living), American collegiate and pre-collegiate champion track and field athlete


Saint-Thual (; ; Gallo: Saent-Tuau) is a commune in the Ille-et-Vilaine department in Brittany in northwestern France.

Population
Inhabitants of Saint-Thual are called Saint-Thualais in French.

See also
Communes of the Ille-et-Vilaine department
Jean-Marie Valentin

References

External links

Mayors of Ille-et-Vilaine Association

Communes of Ille-et-Vilaine
Micronations in France


Saint-Sulpice-la-Forêt (; ) is a commune in the Ille-et-Vilaine department in Brittany in northwestern France.

Population
Inhabitants of Saint-Sulpice-la-Forêt are called Sulpiciens in French.

See also
Communes of the Ille-et-Vilaine department

References

External links

Mayors of Ille-et-Vilaine Association

Communes of Ille-et-Vilaine


Saint-Sulpice-des-Landes (; ) is a commune in the Ille-et-Vilaine department in Brittany in northwestern France.

Population
Inhabitants of Saint-Sulpice-des-Landes are called sulpiciens in French.

See also
Communes of the Ille-et-Vilaine department

References

External links

Mayors of Ille-et-Vilaine Association

Communes of Ille-et-Vilaine


Eel Glacier is located to the north of Mount Anderson and east of West Peak, in Olympic National Park in the U.S. state of Washington. The northward-facing glacier starts at about  in elevation, with an arm extending up to . As the glacier flows north, it descends in elevation to about  at its terminus. Meltwater from the glacier gives rise to Silt Creek, which flows through the  Olympic Mountains and Olympic National Park. Between 1920 and 2009, Eel Glacier has retreated significantly, losing 50 percent of its surface area.

Eel Glacier's name was obtained by taking mountaineer Fairman B. Lee's last name and spelling it backwards. Lee was a member of the first expedition to summit Mount Anderson in 1920.

See also
List of glaciers in the United States

References

Glaciers of the Olympic Mountains
Glaciers of Jefferson County, Washington
Glaciers of Washington (state)


The Nuova Cronica (also: Nova Cronica) or New Chronicles is a 14th-century history of Florence created in a year-by-year linear format and written by the Italian banker and official Giovanni Villani (c. 1276 or 1280–1348). The idea came to him after attending the first Jubilee in the city of Rome, in 1300, where he realized that Rome's many historical achievements were well-known, and he desired to lay out a history of the origins of his own city of Florence. In his Cronica, Villani described in detail the many building projects of the city, statistical information on population, ordinances, commerce and trade, education, and religious facilities. He also described several disasters such as famines, floods, fires, and the pandemic of the Black Death in 1348, which would take his own life. Villani's work on the Nuova Cronica was continued by his brother Matteo (from April 1348 until July 1363) and his nephew Filippo (until 1364) after his death. It has been described as the first introduction of statistics as a positive element in history.

The oldest manuscript is Vatican Library BAV Chigiano L VIII 296, dating to the time of composition.

Organization

Giovanni Villani's Cronica is divided into twelve books; the first six deal with the largely legendary history of Florence, starting at conventionally Biblical times to 1264. The second phase, in six books, covers the history from 1264 until his own time, all the way up to 1346. Villani outlines the events in his Cronica, not by theme, but through year-to-year accounts; for this, he has gained criticism over the years for writing in an episodic manner lacking a unifying theme or point of view. Villani's chronicles are intercut with historical episodes reported just as he heard them, with little interpretation; this often led to historical inaccuracies in his work, making most of his mistakes in the biographies of historical or contemporary people living outside of Florence (even with well-known monarchs). However, his description of such events as the Battle of Crécy in 1346 was fairly accurate according to historian Kelly DeVries. Both Kenneth R. Bartlett and Louis Green state that Villani's Cronica represented a departure from medieval chronicles in that a more modernistic approach was taken in describing events and statistics, yet still medieval in that Villani relied on divine providence to explain the outcome of events.

Notable passages

Battle of Montaperti, 1260

In his Cronica, Villani writes that the Guelph defeat by the Ghibellines at Montaperti in 1260 was a major setback to the historical progress of the Republic of Florence. In this civil war, the Guelphs were a faction united with the papacy in Rome, while the Ghibellines were allied with the descendants of Emperor Frederick II of the Holy Roman Empire and supported by Siena. According to Villani, the Florentine Guelphs' last stand was in defending the Carroccio, a chariot which symbolized the independence of the Commune of Florence. Villani estimated that 2,500 Florentine troops were killed and 1,500 captured during the battle, which Roberta J.M. Olson states are conservative numbers in regards to subsequent historians writing of the battle's casualties.

Florence Cathedral, 1296

Villani describes the rebuilding of Florence after the 1293 rebellion of one Giano della Bella; he notes that by 1296 conditions were once again in a "tranquil state". He states that the citizens of Florence were discontented with the small stature of their cathedral, one that did not fit the greatness of their city, and so agreed in 1296 to expand and renew the building. A new foundation was laid in September of that year, adding new marble and sculptural figures. Villani mentions the cardinal legate sent by the Pope in Rome who laid the first stone of the foundation, a significant event since it was the first papal legate to visit Florence. Villani relates that for the construction of the church, it was required of the Commune of Florence that a subsidy of four denari on each libra be paid out of the city treasury in addition to a head-tax of two soldi for each adult male.  On July 18, 1334, work began on the new campanile (bell tower) of the cathedral, the first stone placed by the bishop of Florence in front of an audience of clergy, priors, and other magistrates. Villani notes that the commune chose "our fellow-citizen Giotto" as the designer of the tower, a man who was "the most sovereign master of painting in his time".

Palazzo Vecchio, 1299

According to Villani, in 1299, the commune and people of Florence laid the foundation for the Palazzo Vecchio, to replace the town hall that was located in a house behind the church of San Brocolo. The new Palazzo Vecchio was to serve as a protective municipal palace for the priors and magistrates, shielding them from the factional strife of the Guelphs and Ghibellines as well as the brawls between the people and magnates over the renewal of the priors every two months. The Uberti family houses had formerly stood at the location of the new piazza, but the Uberti were "rebels of Florence and Ghibellines" and thus the plaza was intentionally laid upon the former location of their homes so they could never be rebuilt. According to Villani, the Uberti family was not even allowed to return to Florence. In planning for the large expanse of the plaza, the commune of Florence purchased the homes of citizens such as the Foraboschi family, so that they could be demolished to make room for construction. In fact, the main tower of the Palazzo was built upon a previously existing tower of the Foraboschi family known as "La Vacca" or "The Cow".

Trend of building country homes, early 14th century
Villani boasts of Florence's pristine architecture in its monasteries and churches, as well as its ornate houses and beautiful palaces. His opinion is clear even in the title of the chapter he devotes to this topic, "More on the greatness and status and magnificence of the city of Florence". However, Villani is quick to add that those who spent too much on the lavish excesses of continuous remodelling and refurnishing of homes were sinners and could be "considered crazy because of their extravagant spending". Villani also describes the growing trend in the early 14th century of affluent Florentine citizens building large country homes far outside the walls of Florence, in the hills of Tuscany.

Works sponsored by Robert of Naples, 1316
While holding the signoria of Florence, Robert of Naples (1277–1343) had the eastern part of the Bargello in Florence constructed, where he had his vicar the Count of Battifolle reside. Villani writes in 1316 that Robert's vicar oversaw the construction of a large part of the new palace, which would suggest Robert's vicar had a great amount of influence in the construction of the eastern addition of the Palazzo del Podestà, including its Magdalen Chapel.

Famine of 1328

There was a famine in 1328 which not only devastated Florence, but caused the people of Perugia, Siena, Lucca, and Pistoia to turn away any beggars who approached their towns because they could not provide them with food. Villani reports that Florence did not turn away beggars, but cared for anyone who approached the city and was in need of immediate subsistence. According to Villani, the Florentines sought grain from Sicily, having it brought into port at Talamone and transporting all the way to Florence at great expense. Florence also sought aid and food supplies from Romagna and Arezzo. Villani writes of the bread riots of the poor who could not afford a whole staio of wheat with their meager salaries:

...as long as the scarcity lasted, disregarding the heavy charge upon the public purse, it kept the price of the staio at half a gold florin [which would be two and a half times the normal figure] although to affect this reduction it permitted the wheat to be mixed to one-fourth its volume with coarser grain. In spite of all the government did, the agitation of the people at the market of Or San Michele was so great that it was necessary to protect the officials by means of guards fitted out with ax and block to punish rioters on the spot with the loss of hands or feet.

Villani states that the commune of Florence spent more than 60,000 gold florins to mitigate this effects of this disaster. In order to save their own funds and calm the rage of the riotous poor, all the baker's ovens in the city were requisitioned by the commune and a loaf of bread weighing 170 g (6 oz) was then sold at a meager four pennies. This price was fixed in consideration that poor workers who made only eight to twelve pennies a day could now buy enough bread to survive.

Villani also describes in vivid detail the effects of another widespread famine in Tuscany during the year 1347, which killed an estimated 4,000 people in Florence a year before the Bubonic Plague.

Fires of 1331 and 1332

On June 23, 1331, a fire broke out toward the left bank of the Ponte Vecchio bridge, destroying all twenty shops located on the bridge. Villani notes that this was a heavy loss to local craftsmen of Florence, while two craftsman apprentices died in the fire. On September 12 of that same year a fire broke out at the household of the Soldanieri, killing six people in a house of carpenters and a blacksmith that was located near the church of Santa Trinità.

On February 28, 1332, a fire broke out in the palace of the podestà, the leading magistrate of the city. This fire destroyed the roof of the palace and destroyed two-thirds of the entire structure from the ground floor up, prompting the government to rebuild the palatial residence totally out of stone, all the way up to the roof. On July 16 of that year the palace of the wool guild caught fire and everything from the ground floor up was destroyed, prompting the wool guild to reconstruct a new palatial residence on a larger scale and with stone vaults leading up to the roof.

Flood of 1333

Villani states that by noon on Thursday, November 4, 1333, a flood along the Arno River spread across the entire plain of San Salvi. He wrote that by nightfall the eastern wall of the city that was damming the water became damaged and then washed away in the flood, allowing the flood waters to breach and fill the city streets. He claims that the water rose above the altar in the Florence Baptistry, reaching over half the height of the porphyry columns. Bartlett notes that these columns, presented to Florence by the Pisans more than two hundred years before, have scratched lines to this day indicating the water level reached by the flood in 1333. Villani further claims that the height of the flood water in the courtyard of the commune's palace (residence of the podestà) reached 3 m (10 ft). The Carraia bridge collapsed with the exception of two of its arches, while the Trinità bridge collapsed except for one pier and one arch located towards the church of the Santa Trinità. The Ponte Vecchio—save the two central piers—was swept away when huge logs in the rushing water became clogged around it, allowing the water to build and leap over the arches, states Villani. There was an old statue of Mars that stood on a pedestal near the Ponte Vecchio, but this too was taken by the flood along the Arno.

Black Death of 1348

Villani describes how the plague of Black Death in 1348 was much more widespread amongst the inhabitants of Pistoia, Prato, Bologna, Romagna, Avignon and the whole of France than it was in Florence and Tuscany. He notes that the Black Death also killed many more in Greece, Turkey (Anatolia), in countries amongst the Tartars and in places "beyond the sea", across the whole Levant and Mesopotamia in the areas of Syria and "Chaldea", as well as the islands of Cyprus, Crete, Rhodes, Sicily, Sardinia, Corsica, Elba, and "from there soon reached all the shores of the mainland". Relating the course of events and the sailors from Genoa who brought the plague to mainland Europe, Villani writes:

And of eight Genoese galleys which had gone to the Black Sea only four returned, full of infected sailors, who were smitten one after the other on the return journey. And all who arrived at Genoa died, and they corrupted the air to such an extent that whoever came near the bodies died shortly after. And it was a disease in which there appeared certain swellings in the groin and under the armpit, and the victims spat blood, and in three days they were dead. And the priest who confessed the sick and those who nursed them so generally caught the infection that the victims were abandoned and deprived of confession, sacrament, medicine, and nursing. . .And many lands and cities were made desolate. And this plague lasted till. . .

Villani was unable to complete this last sentence, since he himself died of the plague while writing the Cronica.

Municipal statistics

Giovanni Villani recorded many statistics associated with the city of Florence. This included—but certainly wasn't limited to—figures such as 80 banks located in the city, 146 bakeries, 80 members in an association of city judges with 600 notaries, 60 some physicians and surgical doctors, and 100 some shops and dealers of spices. Each week the city consumed 13,200 bushels of grain while the city annually consumed 4,000 oxen and calves, 60,000 mutton and sheep, 20,000 goats, and 30,000 pigs. He wrote that annually, in the month of July, some 4,000 melons were imported through Porta San Friano.

Population
Villani states that the whole population of Florence—men, women, and children—in reference to the years 1336 to 1338, was estimated to be 90,000 due to the amount of bread needed daily. Villani recorded an exact figure of 94,000 residents (which he says was very reliable data that included even the poor) in April 1347, a year before the Black Death. A black bean was deposited for every male child baptized and a white bean deposited for every female child baptized in the Florence Baptistry—from these baptisms the average annual birth rate was figured at 5,500 to 6,000. Villani pointed out that the newborn males often outnumbered the newborn females by 300 to 500 on each count. He noted that in his day the adult, male citizen population of the city was about 25,000 (those between the age of fifteen and seventy who could bear arms); 1,500 of these were noble and upper class citizens. Giovanni Villani stated that at all times there were about 1,500 foreigners, transients, and soldiers in the city.

Education
Besides population statistics, Villani also offered statistics on education. He wrote that boys and girls learning to read numbered 8,000 to 10,000 each year. There were 1,000 to 1,200 children learning to use the abacus and algorism for mathematics. In the four large, prestigious schools of Florence, there were always 550 to 600 students in attendance to learn proper grammar and scholastic logic.

Religious facilities
Villani also offered statistics on religious and health facilities. The total number of churches in Florence and its suburbs was 110—including 57 parishes, five abbeys with two priors and 80 monks each, 24 nunneries with some 500 women, 10 orders of friars, and 30 hospitals with over 1,000 beds to offer to the sick and dying. Overall there were 250 to 350 chaplain priests in the city.

Commerce and trade

Besides religious facilities, Villani also provided information on commerce and trade. He states that there were about 200 workshops overseen by the Arte della Lana (guild of wool merchants and entrepreneurs in the woolen industry) of Florence. He states that these workshops produced some 70,000 to 80,000 pieces of cloth a year, with a total worth of 1,200,000 gold florins. He states that a third of this sum "remained in the land" as a reward for labor, while 30,000 people lived from this sum of money. Giovanni notes that earlier in Florence there were actually 300 workshops producing 100,000 pieces of cloth annually, but these were of coarser quality and lesser value (before the importation and knowledge of English wool). Giovanni noted that the rise of the Florentine wool industry in the 13th century came about with this shift from producing a mass of cheap woolen products to high-margin luxury fabrics produced in limited qualities with high demand.

The guild of the Arte di Calimala (importers, refinishers, and sellers of French and Transalpine cloth) annually imported 10,000 pieces of cloth worth 300,000 gold florins; these were sold on the streets of Florence, while a large but unknown amount was exported back out of Florence. There was a large flux of international traders entering Florence, so much so that Villani states all attempts at creating market fairs in the early 14th century failed because "there always is a market in Florence."

Knights and the ordinances
Villani states that there were only 75 full-dress knights in his day and not 250 knights as in the previous government of Florence, because the popular second government denied the magnates much of their authority and status, "hence few persons were knighted." In 1293, new city ordinances were passed that stated anyone who did not belong to a guild or a council of the captain of the people were to be barred from serving as priors, standard-bearers of justice, or judges. This effectively excluded the powerful magnates of the city from holding important offices, while a prison for magnates was built in 1294, and Giovanni Villani writes that the first magnates punished for failing to adhere to these ordinances were the Galli.

Legacy

The Nuova Cronica by Villani stands as a milestone achievement in the history of European chronicles. Mark Phillips writes that Villani's account provided the basis for the historical works of Leonardo Bruni and Niccolò Machiavelli. Villani's extensive work has also allowed for greater study of his contemporary Dante Alighieri by modern historians. Yet the Nuova Cronica also has its limitations, mostly with relying on inaccurate accounts of eras preceding its compilation. Earlier chronicles, such as the Chronica de origine civitatis of 1231, provided little substantive or factual material, relying instead on legendary accounts and not venturing to analyze their historicity or question their validity. The historian Nicolai Rubinstein called Villani's chronicle a much more "mature expression" of validated Florentine history, yet Villani still relied on the Chronica de origine civitatis for covering events of Florence's earliest history; hence he adopted some of the highly questionable legendary accounts as true historical events. Although Villani's work is most reliable when it comes to historical events that occurred within his lifetime, there are some factual errors even in the contemporary biographies he presented. Kenneth R. Bartlett writes that Villani's interest and elaboration in economic details, statistical information, and political and psychological insight signifies him as a more modern late medieval chronicler of Europe. However, he adds that Villani's reliance upon divine providence aligned him more with the medieval tradition of chroniclers than the more credible historians of the Renaissance.

See also
List of literary descriptions of cities (before 1550)

Notes

References

Bartlett, Kenneth R. (1992). The Civilization of the Italian Renaissance. Toronto: D.C. Heath and Company.  (Paperback).
Benedictow, Ole Jørgen (2004). The Black Death, 1346-1353: The Complete History. Woodbridge: The Boydell Press. .
Caesar, Michael. (1989). Dante, the Critical Heritage, 1314(?)-1870. London: Routledge. .
Chisholm, Hugh. (1910). The Encyclopædia Britannica: A Dictionary of Arts, Sciences, Literature. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
De Roover, Raymond. (2007). Money, Banking, and Credit in Medieval Bruges: Italian Merchant-Bankers, Lombards, and Money-Changers, A Study in the Origins of Banking. Cambridge: The Medieval Academy of America.
De Vries, Kelly. (2006). Infantry Warfare in the Early Fourteenth Century: Discipline, Tactics, and Technology. Woodbridge: The Boydell Press. .
Elliott, Janis. "The Judgement of the Commune: The Frescoes of the Magdalen Chapel in Florence," Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte (61 Bd, H. 4, 1998): 509–519.
Goldthwaite, Richard A. (1980). The Building of Renaissance Florence: An Economic and Social History. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press. .
Green, Louis, article "VILLANI", in Christopher Kleinhenz (dir.), Medieval Italy: An Encyclopedia, London, Routledge, 2004.
Green, Louis, "Chronicle into History : An Essay on the Interpretation of History in Florentine Fourteenth-Century Chronicles", Cambridge University Press, 1972, p. 9-43
Kleinhenz, Christopher. (2004). Medieval Italy: An Encyclopedia. New York: Routledge. .
Lopez, Robert S. and Irving W. Raymond. (2001). Medieval Trade in the Mediterranean World. New York: Columbia University Press. .
Miller, Edward (2002). Progress and Problems in Medieval England: Essays in Honour of Edward Miller. Edited by Richard Britnell and John Hatcher. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. .
Olson, Roberta J.M. "An Early Drawing by Luigi Sabatelli Rediscovered," Master Drawings (Volume 35, Number 3, 1997): 289–292.
Phillips, Mark. "Machiavelli, Guicciardini, and the Tradition of Vernacular Historiography in Florence," The American Historical Review (Volume 84, Number 1, 1979): 86–105.
Rubinstein, Nicolai. "The Beginnings of Political Thought in Florence. A Study in Mediaeval Historiography," Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes (Volume 5, 1942): 198–227.
Rudolph, Julia. (2006). History and Nation. Danvers: Rosemont Printing & Publishing Corp; Cranbury: Associated University Presses. .
Spilner, Paula. "Giovanni di Lapo Ghini and a Magnificent New Addition to the Palazzo Vecchio," The Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians (Volume 52, Number 4, 1993): 453–465.
Vauchez, André, Richard Barrie Dobson and Michael Lapidge. (2000). Encyclopedia of the Middle Ages. Chicago: Fitzroy Dearborn Publishers. .
Wicksteed, Philip H. (1906). Villani's Chronicle: Being Selections from the First Nine Books of the Croniche Fiorentine of Giovanni Villani. Translated by Rose E. Selfe. London: Archibald Constable & Co. Ltd.

External links

Online English translation of selections of the Nuova Cronica
Full original text of the Nuova Cronica (ed. Giovanni Porta, 3 vols., Parma: , 1991)

Italian chronicles
14th century in the Republic of Florence
14th-century history books
14th-century illuminated manuscripts
Economic history of Italy
Italian books
Illuminated histories
History books about Florence


Saint-Suliac (; ; Gallo: Saent-Suliau) is a commune in the Ille-et-Vilaine department in Brittany in northwestern France. It is one of Les Plus Beaux Villages de France.

Population
Inhabitants of Saint-Suliac are called Suliaçais in French.

See also
Communes of the Ille-et-Vilaine department

References

External links

Mayors of Ille-et-Vilaine Association

Communes of Ille-et-Vilaine
Plus Beaux Villages de France


Saint-Senoux (; ; Gallo: Saent-Senór) is a commune in the Ille-et-Vilaine department in Brittany in northwestern France.

Population
Inhabitants of Saint-Senoux are called Sennonais in French.

See also
Communes of the Ille-et-Vilaine department

References

External links

Mayors of Ille-et-Vilaine Association

Communes of Ille-et-Vilaine


Saint-Séglin (; ; Gallo: Saent-Segelein) is a commune in the Ille-et-Vilaine department in Brittany in northwestern France.

Population
Inhabitants of Saint-Séglin are called Séglinois in French.

See also
Communes of the Ille-et-Vilaine department
Maria Justeau

References

External links

Mayors of Ille-et-Vilaine Association

Communes of Ille-et-Vilaine


Saint-Sauveur-des-Landes (; ) is a commune in the Ille-et-Vilaine department in Brittany in northwestern France.

Population
Inhabitants of Saint-Sauveur-des-Landes are called Salvatoriens in French.

See also
Communes of the Ille-et-Vilaine department

References

External links

Mayors of Ille-et-Vilaine Association

Communes of Ille-et-Vilaine


Jean-Jacques Susini (30 July 1933 – 3 July 2017) was a French political figure, militant and cofounder of the Organisation armée secrète (OAS), a paramilitary organization opposing Algerian independence from France.

Life
Born in Algiers, French Algeria to Corsican parents. Susini became head of the student association there in 1959. In January 1960, he, Pierre Lagaillarde and Joseph Ortiz were responsible for the journée des barricades ("day of the barricades") in Algiers.

In 1960 he was detained at La Santé Prison in Paris. In the prison he was visited by Jean-Marie Le Pen. He took advantage of his parole to escape to Spain, with Pierre Lagaillarde, Jean-Maurice Demarquet, Marcel Ronda and Fernand Féral Lefevre, where he joined Raoul Salan and founded the OAS with him and Pierre Lagaillarde on 3 December 1960. He was responsible for psychological action and propaganda (APP). After the arrest of Raoul Salan in April 1962, Susini became the head of the OAS for Algiers and Constantine.
In June 1962, he brokered an (ultimately failed) agreement with the FLN.
Beginning in 1962, Susini hid for five years in Italy under a false identity.
During this time he was wanted in France for various attempts to assassinate Charles de Gaulle (in particular the one of 15 August 1964, near the "Mont Faron" in Toulon) and for his role in the OAS. He was twice condemned to death in absentia.

Susini benefited from an amnesty in 1968 by Charles de Gaulle, returning to France.
In 1970, he was imprisoned for 16 months. In 1972 he was imprisoned again for two years. He was believed to have been responsible for the 1968 disappearance of colonel Raymond Gorel, alias "Cimeterre", the former cashier of the OAS.  Again, he benefited from an amnesty by the government by François Mitterrand.

He was a member of the far-right National Front and wrote a multivolume history of the OAS, the first volume of which covered the period from May to July 1961, has been published.

Susini later ran unsuccessfully for office in Marseille on the National Front ticket in the 1997 elections.

References

Sources
 Clément Steuer: Susini et l'OAS. l'Harmattan, Paris 2004,
 Henri Pouillot: La villa Susini. Tortures en Algerie. Edition Tirésias, Paris 2001,
 Jean-Jacques Susini: Histoire de l’O.A.S. Edition de la Table Ronde, Paris 1963.
 Rearguard Action for Terror Time magazine, 29 June 1962

1933 births
2017 deaths
Politicians from Algiers
Pieds-Noirs
Members of the Organisation armée secrète
National Rally (France) politicians
People sentenced to death in absentia by France
Recipients of French presidential pardons


Saint-Rémy-du-Plain (; ) is a commune in the Ille-et-Vilaine department in Brittany in northwestern France.

Population
Inhabitants of Saint-Rémy-du-Plain are called rémois in French.

See also
Communes of the Ille-et-Vilaine department

References

External links

Mayors of Ille-et-Vilaine Association

Communes of Ille-et-Vilaine


Nabi Musa (, meaning "The Prophet Moses", also transliterated as Nebi Musa) is a mosque and a Palestinian locality in the Jericho Governorate of Palestine, in the West Bank, believed to contain the tomb of Moses (Musa, in Islam) according to local Muslim tradition. It is also the name of a seven-day long religious festival that was celebrated annually by Palestinian Muslims, beginning on the Friday before Good Friday in the Orthodox calendar used by the Greek Orthodox Church of Jerusalem. Considered in the political context of 1920 as "the most important Muslim pilgrimage in Palestine", the festival centered on a collective pilgrimage from Jerusalem to what was understood to be the Tomb of Moses, near Jericho. A great building with multiple domes marks the mausoleum of Moses.

The Palestinian locality of Nabi Musa is defined as an administrative area of c. 113 km² south of Jericho, in which 66 Palestinian households were counted in 2007, a population defined in 2012 as "nomads". By 2017, Nabi Musa had a population of 343 residents.

Location
The shrine of Nabi Musa lies  south of Jericho and  east of Jerusalem, in the Judaean Desert. A side road to the right of the main Jerusalem-Jericho road, about  beyond the sign indicating sea level, leads to the site.

"Tomb of Moses" tradition

Death and burial of Moses in Islam
The biblical book of Deuteronomy records that Moses "was buried in a valley in the land of Moab, opposite Beth-peor" (east of the Jordan River) and that "no one knows the place of his burial to this day" ().

In Islam however, in a hadith narrated by Abu Hurairah (603–681), when Moses chooses the time of his death, he asks Allah to
"let him [Moses] die close to the Sacred land so much so that he would be at a distance of a stone's throw from it."
To which Abu Hurairah added,
"Allah's Messenger, peace and blessings be upon him, said, "If I were there, I would show you his grave below the red sand hill on the side of the road.""

Tradition and scholarly theories
In Islam, Moses' burial place is also considered to be unknown. However, local Muslim tradition places the "Tomb of Moses" at the maqam (Muslim shrine) of Nabi Musa ("Prophet Moses"). It is not known when this tradition has first emerged. The Jerusalem-Jericho road was one of the primary routes used by Mediterranean Arabs to make a pilgrimage to Mecca. The site where the shrine stands since the 13th century is located at what would have marked the end of the first day's march in that direction. Originally, it was simply a point from which pilgrims could rest, look across the Jordan Valley, catch a glimpse of Mount Nebo where (as suggested by the Hebrew Bible) the tomb of Moses used to be, and worship it from this spot.

It seems that by the time when Mamluk sultan Baibars visited the site in 1269 while returning from his hajj, "there must have been some association", since he set about building an extensive shrine. Murphy-O'Connor considers that gradually, the lookout point for Moses' distant gravesite beyond the Jordan was confused with Moses' tomb itself, laying the ground for the cultic importance Nabi Musa was to acquire in the Sunni reverence of saints (walis). According to Uri M. Kupferschmidt, it appears to have become a fixed point in the local Muslim calendar from the time of Saladin. In any case, tradition holds that the spot where the shrine now stands was shown to Saladin in a dream, which prompted him to built a mosque at the site, later expanded by Baibars.

The Arab geographer Mujir al-Din from Jerusalem, writing in the 1490s, admits that the tradition has only a weak chance of authenticity, but that Nabi Musa still is the most popular among several sites with similar claims.

The Taiyabi and Dawoodi Bohra Isma'ili sects also believe in this tradition.

Festival date
Although being a religious Muslim festival, its date is set in relation to the Greek Orthodox calendar: the main event, which took one week, always started on the Friday preceding Good Friday. Starting in the mid-19th century, the participants gathered in Jerusalem already in the week before that, and prayers were held in the city. Then followed the week-long celebrations at the shrine, and after that, the pilgrims returned to Jerusalem on the day the Orthodox Christians celebrated Holy Thursday. The next day, on Friday, which coincided with Orthodox Good Friday, the Muslim crowds went in procession to Al-Aqsa Mosque and the Dome of the Rock. On that Friday and the following Saturday (Orthodox Easter Eve), the participants left Jerusalem with flags and music.

History

Ayyubid beginnings
Popular Palestinian tradition holds that the festival was inaugurated in the time after Saladin's recapture of Jerusalem from the Crusaders in 1187. The mainstream opinion among historians is that the shrine was built by Baibars some eight decades later, and that the Saladin myth is a 19th-century reaction to Western encroachment; this, however, doesn't preclude some scholars from finding merit in the Saladin narrative. In modern times, the holiday has been popularly associated with Saladin as a symbol for the victorious struggle against the West, embodied by the Crusaders. It is claimed that Saladin, after defeating the Europeans, wanted to ensure that future Crusades wouldn't take advantage of the large annual Easter pilgrimage to Jerusalem in order to again wrestle the Holy City from the Muslims. To this end, the participants in the Nabi Musa mawsim, or celebrations, would ensure the city's protection. This is however not documented.

Mamluk period
In 1269, the Mamluk sultan Baibars al-Bunduqdari built a small shrine there, as part of a general policy he adopted after conquering towns and rural areas from Lebanon down to Hebron from the Crusaders. The shrines were mostly dedicated to biblical prophets and the companions of Mohammed, and their maintenance was funded by an waqf, an endowment from properties that formerly belonged to the Latin Church. In the case of Nabi Musa, the waqf fund was secured from ecclesiastical assets expropriated in nearby Jericho.

Baibars' construction inscription is still to be seen, and it indicates the year the shrine was built, AH 668 (1269-70 CE), and the fact that he "ordered the building of this noble sacred place over the tomb of Moses" while he was on his way from Mecca, where he had performed his hajj, towards Jerusalem. Although the sultan's secretary doesn't mention the construction, one of his biographers, Ibn Shaddad al-Halabi, does so, be it with little detail. The inscription is full of praise for Baibars' military prowess and, other than other similar plaques of its age, is written in easily legible script and placed low enough as to be read by the visitor, letting everyone know about Baibars' might and piety.

Baibars al-Bunduqdari's constructive piety set a precedent for others. Over the late medieval period, hostels for travellers were built adjacent to the shrine, and the hospice in its present form was completed in the decade between 1470 and 1480.

Ottoman period
During Ottoman rule, Nabi Musa would be visited by Muslim pilgrims returning from the Hajj in Mecca on their way to Syria. Pilgrims visiting the shrine would have departed from the main body of the caravan east of the Jordan to visit Jerusalem and stopped in Nabi Musa en route to the city. The Nabi Musa site effectively served as a halting station for such pilgrims. Its permanent staff provided pilgrims with food and supplies, as well as religious services and information about the safety conditions of the route to Jerusalem, which was often subject to raids or robberies by the Bedouin present in the area. In the mid-16th century, Muhammad Celebi al-Naqqash, the Ottoman official charged with restoring the walls of Jerusalem, was assigned with rehabilitating the Nabi Musa complex.

Around 1820, the Ottoman authorities had to almost fully rebuild the shrine complex, which had, over the previous centuries, fallen into a grave state of dilapidated disrepair. In addition, they promoted a festive pilgrimage to the shrine that would always coincide with the Orthodox Christian celebration of Easter, creating a counter-balance to the Christian ceremonial activity in the city. This 'invention of tradition', as such imaginative constructs are called, made the pageantry of the Nabi Musa pilgrimage a potent symbol of both political and religious identity among Muslims from the outset of the modern period.

Over the 19th century, thousands of Muslims would assemble in Jerusalem, trek to Nabi Musa, and pass three days in feasting, prayer, games and visits to the nearby tomb of Moses' shepherd, Hasan er-Rai. They were then entertained, as guests of the waqf, before returning on the seventh day triumphantly back to Jerusalem.

James Finn, the British Consul in Jerusalem (1846–1863), described the "Neby Moosa pilgrimage" as follows:
The Neby Moosa pilgrimages—to the reputed tomb of the prophet Moses, near the Dead Sea (on the West)—have been instituted so as to coincide with the Christian pilgrimages to the Holy Sepulchre, and the influx of devout Moslems was doubtless intended to counterbalance the effect of so many thousands of sturdy Christians being present in Jerusalem. The Moslems come from every part of the Mohammedan world—from India, Tartary, even to the confines of China, from all the countries of Central Asia, and also from Egypt, Nubia, Morocco, the Eastern shores of Africa, as well as from Arabia proper and the Turkish provinces in Europe and Asia. These pilgrims—for the most part extremely fanatical, and in a high state of religious excitement—are a formidable and dangerous body of men. During the continuance of the Russian war these Moslem pilgrims were wrought up to an extra pitch of fervour and ostentatious demonstration. There was always danger lest, in the crowded streets and bazaars, through which they forced their processions, they might come into collision with some equally fervid pilgrims on the Christian side. In this case a passing fray might, in the twinkling of an eye, be turned into downright fight, and fight could scarcely end otherwise than in massacre. We always breathed more freely when the Moslem pilgrimages were over, and when their noisy drumming and shouting were at an end, and the usual quiet of Jerusalem was restored.

As part of the mid-19th-century Ottoman modernisation and reform period, the newly created local council for Jerusalem was put in charge of organising the Nabi Musa festivities. Its members, all of which belonged to the rich and influential families of the city, changed the main emphasis from the desert shrine to Jerusalem. The festival had taken its traditional shape since the start of the Ottoman era in the 16th century, but now it was restructured, with the main events focusing on the Haram ash-Sharif (the Muslim holy site on the Temple Mount), with the district mufti of Jerusalem already playing a distinct role which would only increase later on.

In the late 19th century, the Ottomans appointed the al-Husayni family as official custodians of the shrine and hosts of the festival, though their connection with the cult may date back to the previous century. According to Yehoshua Ben-Aryeh, the governor of Jerusalem Rauf Pasha (1876–1888), was the first to attempt to exploit the festival to incite Muslims against Christians. Ilan Pappé offers a different view:
'It is more likely, however, that the governor and his government were rather apprehensive of such an anti-Christian uprising as it could stir instability and disorder at a time when the central government was trying to pacify the Empire. This had been indeed the impression of the engineer (seconded to the Palestine Exploration Fund) Claude Conder. The Hebrew paper, Ha-havazelet, at the time blessed the Ottoman government for imposing law and order in the Nabi Musa affair. The travelogues of Francis Newton testify as well to a peaceful execution of the ceremonies. Indeed, the Turkish government must have acted here against popular feelings, shared by the Husaynis as the masters of the ceremony that Nabi Musa was celebrated in the most unfavourable conditions for the Muslims. It was the iron fist imposed by the Turks that prevented the situation from deteriorating into an all out riot.'Pappé (2000)

The procession moved off from Jerusalem under a distinctive Nabi Musa banner which the Husaynis conserved for the annual occasion in their al-Dar al-Kabira (the Great House). On arriving at the shrine, the al-Husaynis and another rising Jerusalem family of notables (A'ayan), the Yunis clan, were required to provide two meals a day over the week for all worshippers. Once their vows were taken, or vows previously taken were renewed, they were offered to the festival. The priestly family conducting events would provide about twelve lambs, together with rice, bread, and Arab butter, for a communal meal every day. It was customary to bring young boys aged five, six or older to the two major Palestinian annual pilgrimage sites of Nebi Musa and Nebi Rubin, where they would be circumcised. Sheep were sacrificed in front of the maqam door, and the blood of the victim was smeared on the threshold.

Writing in the early 20th century, Samuel Curtiss recorded that an estimated 15,000 people from all over the country attended the Nabi Musa festival every year.

British period

For some years from 1919 onwards, pilgrims made their trek back from Jericho to Jerusalem to the sound of English military music.

The anti-Jewish and anti-British 1920 Nebi Musa riots took their starting point during that year's Nebi Musa pilgrimage, with Arabs attacking Jews in the Old City of Jerusalem and causing several deaths. The young Hajj Amin al-Husseini, who had held an anti-Zionist speech to the masses before the riots broke out, was pointed out by the British authorities as the principal instigator, which only helped him gain in popularity among the Arabs. After analysing the situation, the British took steps to appoint him Grand Mufti of Jerusalem, in the hope that he would help them maintain order in the future.

In 1921, while in the process of becoming Grand Mufti, Amin al-Husseini started redesigning the festival according to his view of the national interest of the Palestinian Arabs. A representative of the Jerusalem elites, he pursued a balancing act, avoiding direct confrontation with the British authorities, while transforming the festival from a religious one focused on the area between Nablus north of Jerusalem, and Hebron to its south, to a nationalist event of the entire British-ruled Palestine. By detaching Palestine from the Ottoman Empire and uniting several former distinct provinces under this new name, for which they organised both a civilian representation for its Arab inhabitants, and a religious one for the Muslim majority, the British had created the base and institutions for the development of a burgeoning national identity. Even Palestinian Christians came to Jerusalem during the festival to support the nationalist cause. Hajj Amin al-Husseini, as custodian of the Nabi Musa pilgrimage and as the head of the Supreme Muslim Council, became the architect of a new concept for the Nabi Musa festival, which he very energetically used as a tool for his national and political plans.

The 1922 census of Palestine does not mention Nabi Musa, but the 1931 census lists Nabi Musa as home to three Muslims, all living in one house. The 1938 village statistics lists Nabi Musa as having 967 residents (692 non-Jews and 275 Jews). The 1945 village statistics lists Nabi Musa, along with the northern Palestine Potash Commission, as having 2,650 residents (1,330 Muslims, 1,270 Jews, 30 Christians, and 20 others).

In 1937, during the Arab revolt in Palestine, Hajj Amin al-Husseini had to flee the country. With the Mufti abroad and the revolt suppressed by the British Army, the festival shrunk in scale and lost the political dimension it had gained in the previous decades. The 1937 decline has not been reverted until the present day.

Jordanian period
During the 1948 Arab-Israeli war, Jordan took over and eventually annexed the West Bank in 1950. The Jordanian authorities were aware of the potential of the Nabi Musa festival of stirring Palestinian nationalist feelings and riots, and immediately after the 1951 assassination of King Abdullah I by a Palestinian Arab connected to the powerful al-Husayni family, which were also the custodians of Nabi Musa, they suspended the mass gathering in Jerusalem and the procession, allowing only for the celebrations at the desert sanctuary to be held.

1967 and aftermath

After the 1967 Six-Day War, Israel occupied the West Bank. In 1987 the pilgrimage from Jerusalem to Nabi Musa was authorised again, but after the outbreak of the First Intifada in December, the festival was again prohibited.

Since 1995, control over the tomb itself has been allocated to the Palestinian National Authority.

After the Oslo Accords (1993, 1995), the Palestinian Authority took charge of organising the pilgrimage, but without any events taking place in Jerusalem. The festivities combine a nationalist and political, as well as a religious and traditional character.

Between 1997 and 2000 the festival did take place, but after the September 2000 outbreak of the Second Intifada, Israeli authorities banned it again until it being renewed in 2007.

Israeli settlement activity
After 1967, Israel has constructed near Nabi Musa several Jewish settlements, in addition to tourist sites, using Nabi Musa-owned land:
1977: 524 dunams for Almog
1978: 968 dunams for Mitzpe Yericho
1980: 618 dunams for Vered Yeriho
1980: 506 dunams for Beit HaArava
472 dunams for the northern Dead Sea tourist beaches ("Attractzia")
692 dunams for Dead Sea-North ponds (now Og Reservoir for sewage treatment)
1,147 dunams for tourist site "Lido Yehuda"

After the 1995 accords, 1.7% of Nabi Musa's land was classified as Area A, the remaining 98.3% as Area C.

Description

Shrine

Tomb of Moses' shepherd
The large tomb two kilometres south of the maqam is traditionally identified as that of Moses' shepherd, Hasan er-Rai.

Moses rocks
Negev Bedouin tribes produced oil from the bituminous shale rocks found in the area around the shrine to Moses which they called "Moses rocks" (). The Bedouin not only shared in the belief surrounding the sanctity of the site, but further believed that God had blessed this place where Moses was buried with 'fire rocks' and water wells. Tawfiq Canaan, in his work Mohammedan Saints and Sanctuaries (1927), noted that the black rocks around the shrine would burn when placed in fire and were also used as amulets after being cut into square and triangular forms and inscribed with protective texts.

Gallery

Procession: old descriptions

The journalist Philip Perceval Graves, the brother of the poet and mythographer Robert Graves, gave a vivid description of the colorful re-entry of worshipers back from the countryside into Jerusalem as they passed through the Jaffa Gate in a book published in 1923:

As they entered the old city, the enthusiasm of the crowds reached its highest intensity. Men with the set blank stare of extreme excitement danced round and round, bareheaded, their long locks flying wildly as they revolved. . . Last came the green banner of Hebron surrounded by a guard of ten wiry swordsmen. Proudly they walked with their flag, until they came to where the narrow Street of David plunges down into the labyrinth of the old city. For the last time they whirled their bright blades above their heads and disappeared into the shadows of the streets.

In Letters from Jerusalem: During the Palestine Mandate (1922–25), Eunice Holliday describes the procession to the Tomb of Moses in a letter to her mother as follows:
"The procession was the queerest thing I have ever seen, a more disorganised affair you could not imagine, but then that is typical of the country. The people came along in batches, just a crowd with banner of silk, of all colours, then a crowd dancing - Arabic dancing is a joke - then a crowd singing and waving swords or sticks and, interspersed, groups of mounted police and soldiers to see there was no fighting. Quite the nicest part of the day was to see all the fellaheen (peasants from the villages) in their new clothes. The colours were wonderful, bright pink, purple or blue velvet coats, yellow dresses with embroideries in red and green et cetera, and all wore a white veil. It was a gorgeous sight [...]"

Palestinian population
The census conducted in 1931 by the British Mandate authorities counted at Nabi Musa a population of three males in one house.

The 2007 census undertaken by the Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics (PCBS) registered a residential population of 309 in 65 housing units, a rise from 45 in 1997 and constituting a "Palestinian local development committee".

In 2012, Nabi Musa has been defined as a "Palestinian locality in the Jericho Governorate" which "has no local authority; as the residents of the locality are nomads who keep moving from one area to another."

See also
1920 Nebi Musa riots
Nabi Rubin
Religious significance of the Syrian region

References

Bibliography

 (Marti and Schick, 1880, p. 16)

External links
A detailed account of the Nabi Musa festival is to be found, in Arabic, in the book of K. J. Asali (Kamil Jamil al-ʿAsali), Mawsim al-Nabi Musa fi Filastin: Tarikh al-mawsim wal-maqam (The Nabi Musa Festival in Palestine: The history of the festival and the shrine), Amman, Dar al-Karmil, 1990.
Nabi Musa photographic gallery
Welcome To al-Nabi Musa at palestineremembered.com
An Nabi Musa aerial photo, (ARIJ)
Survey of Western Palestine, Map 18: IAA, Wikimedia commons
Photos of Nabi Musa from the Manar al-Athar photo archive

Villages in the West Bank
Shrines in the State of Palestine
Palestinian culture
Public holidays in the State of Palestine
Musa
Archaeological sites in the State of Palestine
Moses
Holidays based on the date of Easter
April observances
Judaean Desert


Saint-Pern (; ; Gallo: Saent-Pèrn) is a commune in the Ille-et-Vilaine department in Brittany in northwestern France.

Saint-Pern is the burial place of Saint Jeanne Jugan, where the motherhouse for the Little Sisters of the Poor at La Tour St. Joseph was located.

Population
Inhabitants of Saint-Pern are called saint-pernais in French.

See also
Communes of the Ille-et-Vilaine department

References

External links

Mayors of Ille-et-Vilaine Association

Communes of Ille-et-Vilaine


The Bank of the Commonwealth, also known as the Old Stone Bank, is a historic building on the National Register of Historic Places in Shepherdsville, Kentucky. According to its registration it was constructed around 1809 and operated by Abraham Field as Kentucky's first bank. Although Field, a local merchant, purchased the property in 1821, the rest of this history is in doubt, as is the building's connection to the state-owned Bank of the Commonwealth.

See also

References

National Register of Historic Places in Bullitt County, Kentucky
Bank buildings on the National Register of Historic Places in Kentucky
1809 establishments in Kentucky
Federal architecture in Kentucky
Commercial buildings completed in 1809


You Can't Win is the third full-length by Dolorean, released in 2007 on Yep Roc Records. The album was largely well received by professional critics, and met with positive reviews in Q and Uncut.

History

Production
On a post on Yep Roc's Website, frontman Al James wrote "Neil Young used to book studio time and shows for himself and Crazy Horse without rehearsing new songs with the band." James booked several shows and several subsequent dates in a recording studio as a result. "The performances were raw, passionate, and loose - everything that we hadn't been able to capture on previous recordings." Beyond Dolorean, Emil Amos of Holy Sons also contributed guitar.

Release and reception

You Can't Win was released on February 20, 2007 on Yep Roc. That year it would come out as a digital download, a CD, and a vinyl LP. The album was largely well received by professional critics, and met with positive reviews in Q and UnCut.

AllMusic gave it a rating of 3.5/5, and reviewer Margaret Reges described the album as "the kind of terrain traversed by other introspective, rustic, youngish men like Jeff Tweedy, Joe Purdy, and (to an extent) Will Oldham -- the kind of place you go if you're looking for empty stretches of pavement and hulking, rusted-out factories moldering in the tall grass. Dolorean's lead singer and songwriter, Al James, is interested in stories about men on the outskirts; You Can't Win, to put it in the words of writer James Salter, concerns itself with 'a breed of aimless wanderers' who 'have an infuriating power, that of condemned men. They can talk to anybody; they can speak the truth.'" PopMatters gave it 7/10, and wrote that "Dolorean play in a relaxed lockstep befitting James’ tales of emotional drift." No Depression gave it a glowing review.

Track listing
All songs written by Al James. All songs arranged and performed by Dolorean.

Personnel
Dolorean
Al James - vocals, acoustic guitar
James Adair - bass guitar
Jay Clarke - piano, organ
Ben Nugent - drums, percussion, vocals

Additional personnel
Emil Amos - electric guitar, vocals

References

External links
DoloreanMusic.com

2007 albums
Dolorean albums
Yep Roc Records albums