Ralph Ambrose O'Neill (December 7, 1896 – October 23, 1980) was a Mexican flying ace from World War I credited with 103 combat patrols and five aerial victories. He was the first "Chief" Commander of the modern Mexican Air Force. He was also a pioneer of commercial aviation.

Biography
Rafael Ambrose O'Neill was born in Durango, Durango, Mexico on 17 December 1896 to father Ralph Lawrence O'Neill, an Irish Catholic candidate for Senator in Arizona; and to a Mexican mother, Dolores (Avila) O'Neill, of Castilian lineage. He was raised in the United States and began a career in the mining industry where his father operated the newspaper for the border town of Nogales, Arizona. O'Neill entered the United States Air Service in August 1917. In March 1918, he was assigned to the 147th Aero Squadron, flying the Nieuport 28 and the SPAD S.XIII. From 2 July to 31 October 1918, teaming with such squadron mates as Kenneth Porter, James Meissner, Francis Simonds, and James Healy, he shot down five German airplanes. He was awarded a total of three of the army's highest honor, the Distinguished Service Cross with two Oak Leaf Clusters along with the Distinguished Flying Cross (United States) and the French Croix de Guerre with palm. O'Neill claimed to have made an additional six unconfirmed victories for a total of eleven. He was the winner of the Tilton prize for becoming one of the first five American aviation aces of World War I.

A real character amongst his squadron, O'Neill was given the nickname "The Snake" for his unorthodox flying techniques, and fierce aggression in seemingly unfavorable odds. He was amongst the first combat pilots to paint the now-infamous "Sharks Teeth" Nose art in order to strike fear into the enemy. After gaining notoriety, he was also said to go into battle sitting on a large frying pan, which subsequently saved his life from machine gunfire.

After the war, with his fluency in Spanish, O'Neill was hired to be the South American representative for Boeing and the Pratt & Whitney Aircraft Company, affording him introductions to many heads of state.

In August 1920, he signed a five-year contract to build a functional Mexican Air Force and train Mexican pilots, as Mexico was undergoing numerous violent ideological uprisings and military coups following the Plan of Agua Prieta. On September 9, he was made Chief of the Department of Aviation of the Mexican Army. In anticipation of O'Neill's arrival, french Farman F.50 twin-engine night bombers were purchased. According to the Secretary of War August 1920, the entire inventory consisted of only 13 aircraft. 9 were ill-equipped, mixed and matched engine, nationally-constructed biplanes. These were broadly considered still to be prototypes not suitable for concerted battle. 4 more were monoplane scouts. 5 other planes were in repair and the rest at the TNCA were considered antiquated, wrecked, or beyond repair. The branch consisted of 27 pilots, only 4 possessing over 40 hours of flight time, 17 of which were new cadets. With the current arsenal underwhelming and obsolete, O'Neill began to acquire air-cooled engines and new aircraft such as french Morane-Saulnier and 35 British Avro 504 model k and J for the flight school. These would later be copied and produced in Mexico under the name Avro Anáhuac.

"Jefe Rodolfo" as he was then known, would present himself to manufacturers and foreign leaders under made-up titles such as "Major-General" in order to garner prominence and legitimacy. He was the first to introduce the term "Fuerza Aérea Mexicana" (FAM) naming the organization as such. The next step was the formation of classified fighter, bomber, observation and forward reconnaissance squadrons, as well as the decentralization of Air Force units throughout the country at strategic bases. Other than the infrastructure itself, O'Neill was responsible for the invention of tactics, standard procedures and other scenario protocols never before implemented. O'Neill then set to work with his co-instructors German Fritz Bieler and Frenchman Joe Ben Lievre, using the first intercom, basically a hose and funnel to communicate in an open cockpit, known as the "Gosport System", invented by Robert Smith-Barry.

In 1923, O'Neill flew several decisive combat missions against ex-president Adolfo de la Huerta who had started an armed rebellion with sitting president Álvaro Obregón(O'Brien). The irony being that De La Huerta had been the one who hired and first equipped O'Neill; De La Huerta was soon to be the architect of his own demise. Under O'Neill's command, the Mexican Air Force achieved victory against overwhelming odds, where some 60% of the original Mexican army had been enticed to turn against the sitting government. After securing 17 new De Havilland DH-4B aircraft from America, O'Neill's patriots easily out-maneuvered the insurgents. On January 29, 1924, at Esperanza station, the tide of the war changed in favor of the loyalists thanks to better-organized ground and air co-operation along with new formations of synchronized aerial strafing runs and relentless resupply. . Many of the rebels had never encountered combat aircraft before and were left in utter dismay. During one such mission, O'Neill was able to single-handedly free a hi-jacked passenger train, as the rebels abandoned their posts. The loyalist forces eventually crushed the strongholds in Veracruz and Jalisco and De La Huerta Fled the country. O'Neill became the first to prove the resilience of air superiority on a truly grand scale.  On December 19, 1924, O'Neill was promoted to the now official rank of Brigadier General, being amongst the youngest in history, at the age of 28.

A military dictatorship had clearly been averted, but this was not the end of the country's woes. Many influential political and military commanders were executed by Obregón after the failed coup. Since Obregón could not run for reelection, the power vacuum was filled by an anti-catholic regime. The new Mexican president Plutarco Elías Calles promoted the creation of the Mexican Catholic Apostolic Church, independent from Rome, which led to a civil war, known as the Cristero War killing 100,000. Soon, state control was exerted over all public broadcasts. In addition, Calles rejected the Bucareli Treaty, almost starting a war with America. In the ensuing turmoil, O'Neill left Mexico in December 1925 and returned to the United States Army Air Reserve where he was reinstated to the rank of Colonel (United States).

O'Neill is widely considered to be one of the founders of civil aviation and was one of the few to see the potential of building a vast international mail and leisure network. Most did not have confidence in the future of flight outside of war. O'Neill aimed to change the public's mind. In 1929, O'Neill created his dream company, New York, Rio, and Buenos Aires Line, which operated the first airmail route from Argentina to Miami in a Sikorsky S-38. He constructed the majority of Latin America's first landing areas, which ran up the entire Atlantic seaboard. At 8,000 miles it was the world's longest trans-continental travel service. In his autobiography, "A Dream of Eagles", O'Neill describes the birth of the flying industry and his relationship with other notable friends such as Charles Lindbergh and the first use of the Consolidated Commodore luxury travel seaplanes. The airline was to become the forerunner for both Pan American World Airways and Panair do Brasil. After a forced merger, over the right to acquisition United States government mail contracts and a heated power struggle with Juan Trippe for control of the industry, NYRBA was absorbed. This was a sore point of contention with O'Neill who felt cheated of having laid the groundwork for an entire industry.  O'Neill described the entire politically motivated affair as "a shotgun wedding after a damnable rape."

His South American contacts and prowess as a diplomat allowed O'Neill to resume a career in mining exploration. In 1932, his new aerial venture, the Bol-inca Mining Corporation, opened up previously inaccessible gold deposits high in the Andes. He had combined his two lifelong passions. The company flourished for over 35 years and was such a boon to the Bolivian Government that it was forcefully expropriated and later nationalized in the 1960s.

During WWII O'Neill started a Metalcraft Company to troubleshoot issues encountered with war material in the field. After patenting various inventions and donating others to the war effort, a major breakthrough was made in the creation of an exhaust manifold for battle tanks which contributed to the victory of the Americans and British in the desert war against Rommel.

O'Neill retired to Atherton, California, where he was laid to rest in 1980.

He is a member of the OX5 Aviation Pioneers Hall of Fame and the Arizona Aviation Hall of Fame.

Military awards

Distinguished Service Cross (DSC):

First citation:
For extraordinary heroism in action near Château Thierry, France, 2 July 1918, Lt. O'Neill and four other pilots attacked twelve enemy planes. In a battle within the enemy's lines, they brought down three German planes, one of which was credited to Lt. O'Neill.

Second citation:
The Distinguished Service Cross is presented to Ralph Ambrose O'Neill, First Lieutenant (Air Service), U.S. Army, for extraordinary heroism in action near Chateau-Thierry, France: On July 5, 1918, First Lieutenant O'Neill led three other pilots in battle against eight German pursuit planes near Chateau-Thierry. He attacked the leader, opening fire at about 150 yards, and closing up to 30 yards range. After a quick and decisive fight the enemy aircraft fell in flames. He then turned on three other machines that were attacking him from the rear and brought one of them down. The other five enemy planes were driven away.

Third citation:
The Distinguished Service Cross is presented to Ralph Ambrose O'Neill, First Lieutenant (Air Service), U.S. Army, for extraordinary heroism in action near Fresnes, France, July 24, 1918: Lieutenant O'Neill, with four other pilots, engaged 12 enemy planes discovered hiding in the sun. Leading the way to an advantageous position by a series of bold and skillful maneuvers. Lieutenant O'Neill shot down the leader of the hostile formation. The other German planes then closed in on him, but he climbed to a position of vantage above them and returned to the fight and drove down another plane. In this encounter he not only defeated his opponents in spite of overwhelming odds against him, but also enabled the reconnaissance plane to carry on its work unmolested.

Croix de Guerre
Fierce combat pilot with unfailing courage.  On July 5, 1918, he destroyed two enemy planes.  On July 2, he attacked with his patrol a formation of twelve enemy battle planes and officially shot one down.  On July 24, he shot down a new adversary and put to flight a second after fierce combat.

Confirmed Victories

See also

 List of World War I flying aces from the United States
 Mexican Air Force
 Pan Am
 New York, Rio, and Buenos Aires Line

References

Bibliography
 American Aces of World War I. Norman Franks, Harry Dempsey. Osprey Publishing, 2001. , .
 The 147th Aero Squadron in World War I: A Training and Combat History of the 'Who Said Rats' Squadron. Jack Stokes Ballard, James John Parks. Schiffer Publishing, 2013. .
 Flores, Santiago (February 13, 06). Ralph O'Neill in Mexico . Air & Space Power Journal . Archived from the original on January 7, 2010 . Retrieved November 17, 2008 .
 A Dream of Eagles.'' Ralph A. O'Neill, Joseph F Hood, Houghton Mifflin. 1973. .

External links
Ralph Ambrose O'Neill The Aerodrome Forum
Nogales war hero once again honored among peers
Have you ever heard of the Nyrba?
Flores
Ralph Ambrose war hero
Arizona's Other WWI Flying Ace
Momentos Estelares

1896 births
1980 deaths
American aviators
American World War I flying aces
United States Army officers
Recipients of the Distinguished Service Cross (United States)
Mexican generals
Mexican people of Irish descent
Mexican people of Spanish descent
American people of Irish descent
American people of Spanish descent
American people of Mexican descent


The Cotton Theatre, also known as Regent Theatre and Oster Regent Theatre, is a theater located at the corner of 1st Street and Main Street in downtown Cedar Falls, Iowa, United States. It was named for local Cedar Falls resident Frank Cotton who built the theater in 1909 and 1910.

In its 1993 nomination to the National Register of Historic Places it was deemed "one of the best examples of commercial architecture on Cedar Falls' main street" and was then the only existing theatre there. It is in Italian Renaissance style.

History
The opening night of the Cotton Theatre was Thursday, June 23, 1910. On that night, The Rejuvenation of Aunt Mary, chosen from the May Robson Company, was shown. The original theater had seating for 1,000 patrons.

In 1918, the name was changed to Regent Theatre. In 1991 the Blair family along with the Beck Trust gave the theater to the Cedar Falls Community Theatre. In 1994, it was restored at a price of $1.2 million and was given the new name Oster Regent Theatre. The theater is still widely used today and seats 500 people.

The theatre was listed on the National Register of Historic Places in 1993.  In 2017 it was included as a contributing property in the Cedar Falls Downtown Historic District.

References

Further reading
Silka, Wayne E. A History of the Cotton Theatre in Cedar Falls, Iowa, from 1910-1918. University of Northern Iowa, 1973.

External links
http://www.cedarnet.org/regent/
https://web.archive.org/web/20110521070349/http://www.archiplanet.org/wiki/Cotton_Theater
http://www.osterregent.org/

Theatres completed in 1910
Renaissance Revival architecture in Iowa
Buildings and structures in Cedar Falls, Iowa
National Register of Historic Places in Black Hawk County, Iowa
Tourist attractions in Black Hawk County, Iowa
Theatres on the National Register of Historic Places in Iowa
Individually listed contributing properties to historic districts on the National Register in Iowa


Darbu Station () is a railway station located at the village of Darbu in Øvre Eiker, Norway on the Sørlandet Line. The station is served by local trains line L12 between Kongsberg via Oslo to Eidsvoll operated by Vy.

History
The station was opened in 1871 a branch line of Randsfjorden Line was opened between Hokksund and Kongsberg.

Railway stations in Øvre Eiker
Railway stations on the Sørlandet Line
Railway stations opened in 1871
1871 establishments in Norway
Railway stations in Norway opened in the 1870s


In computing, bandwidth is the maximum rate of data transfer across a given path. Bandwidth may be characterized as network bandwidth, data bandwidth, or digital bandwidth.

This definition of bandwidth is in contrast to the field of signal processing, wireless communications, modem data transmission, digital communications, and electronics, in which bandwidth is used to refer to analog signal bandwidth measured in hertz, meaning the frequency range between lowest and highest attainable frequency while meeting a well-defined impairment level in signal power.  The actual bit rate that can be achieved depends not only on the signal bandwidth but also on the noise on the channel.

Network capacity
The term bandwidth sometimes defines the net bit rate  peak bit rate, information rate, or physical layer useful bit rate, channel capacity, or the maximum throughput of a logical or physical communication path in a digital communication system. For example, bandwidth tests measure the maximum throughput of a computer network. The maximum rate that can be sustained on a link is limited by the Shannon–Hartley channel capacity for these communication systems, which is dependent on the bandwidth in hertz and the noise on the channel.

Network consumption
The consumed bandwidth in bit/s, corresponds to achieved throughput or goodput, i.e., the average rate of successful data transfer through a communication path. The consumed bandwidth can be affected by technologies such as bandwidth shaping, bandwidth management, bandwidth throttling, bandwidth cap, bandwidth allocation (for example bandwidth allocation protocol and dynamic bandwidth allocation), etc. A bit stream's bandwidth is proportional to the average consumed signal bandwidth in hertz (the average spectral bandwidth of the analog signal representing the bit stream) during a studied time interval.

Channel bandwidth may be confused with useful data throughput (or goodput). For example, a channel with x bit/s may not necessarily transmit data at x rate, since protocols, encryption, and other factors can add appreciable overhead. For instance, much internet traffic uses the transmission control protocol (TCP), which requires a three-way handshake for each transaction. Although in many modern implementations the protocol is efficient, it does add significant overhead compared to simpler protocols. Also, data packets may be lost, which further reduces the useful data throughput. In general, for any effective digital communication, a framing protocol is needed; overhead and effective throughput depends on implementation. Useful throughput is less than or equal to the actual channel capacity minus implementation overhead.

Maximum throughput
The asymptotic bandwidth (formally asymptotic throughput) for a network is the measure of maximum throughput for a greedy source, for example when the message size (the number of packets per second from a source) approaches close to the maximum amount.

Asymptotic bandwidths are usually estimated by sending a number of very large messages through the network, measuring the end-to-end throughput. As with other bandwidths, the asymptotic bandwidth is measured in multiples of bits per seconds. Since bandwidth spikes can skew the measurement, carriers often use the 95th percentile method. This method continuously measures bandwidth usage and then removes the top 5 percent.

Multimedia
Digital bandwidth may also refer to: multimedia bit rate or average bitrate after multimedia data compression (source coding), defined as the total amount of data divided by the playback time.

Due to the impractically high bandwidth requirements of uncompressed digital media, the required multimedia bandwidth can be significantly reduced with data compression. The most widely used data compression technique for media bandwidth reduction is the discrete cosine transform (DCT), which was first proposed by Nasir Ahmed in the early 1970s. DCT compression significantly reduces the amount of memory and bandwidth required for digital signals, capable of achieving a data compression ratio of up to 100:1 compared to uncompressed media.

Web hosting
In Web hosting service, the term bandwidth is often incorrectly used to describe the amount of data transferred to or from the website or server within a prescribed period of time, for example bandwidth consumption accumulated over a month measured in gigabytes per month. The more accurate phrase used for this meaning of a maximum amount of data transfer each month or given period is monthly data transfer.

A similar situation can occur for end-user ISPs as well, especially where network capacity is limited (for example in areas with underdeveloped internet connectivity and on wireless networks).

Internet connections
This table shows the maximum bandwidth (the physical layer net bit rate) of common Internet access technologies. For more detailed lists see
 List of interface bit rates

Edholm's law

Edholm's law, proposed by and named after Phil Edholm in 2004, holds that the bandwidth of telecommunication networks double every 18 months, which has proven to be true since the 1970s. The trend is evident in the cases of Internet, cellular (mobile), wireless LAN and wireless personal area networks.

The MOSFET (metal–oxide–semiconductor field-effect transistor) is the most important factor enabling the rapid increase in bandwidth. The MOSFET (MOS transistor) was invented by Mohamed M. Atalla and Dawon Kahng at Bell Labs in 1959, and went on to become the basic building block of modern telecommunications technology. Continuous MOSFET scaling, along with various advances in MOS technology, has enabled both Moore's law (transistor counts in integrated circuit chips doubling every two years) and Edholm's law (communication bandwidth doubling every 18 months).

References

Network performance
Information theory
Temporal rates


Oceania is, to the People's Republic of China (PRC; "China") and the Republic of China (ROC; "Taiwan"), a stage for continuous diplomatic competition. The PRC dictates that no state can have diplomatic relations with both the PRC and the ROC. As of 2019, ten states in Oceania have diplomatic relations with the PRC, and four have diplomatic relations with the ROC. These numbers fluctuate as Pacific Island nations re-evaluate their foreign policies, and occasionally shift diplomatic recognition between Beijing and Taipei. The issue of which "Chinese" government to recognize has become a central theme in the elections of numerous Pacific Island nations, and has led to several votes of no-confidence.

Although both Australia and New Zealand have long recognized the PRC and maintain stable and cordial relationships, the PRC and the ROC continue to actively court diplomatic favours from small Pacific island nations, which commentators have referred to as "chequebook diplomacy", usually in the form of developmental aid, or in the case of the PRC, by providing assistance in building large government complexes, stadia, or infrastructure. According to Taiwanese newspaper The China Post, "Taiwan and China compete ferociously for diplomatic ties, and both sides have given away millions of dollars to bolster diplomatic relations or steal allies from each other."

Several Pacific island states receive significant amounts of development aid from the ROC or the PRC. Hamish McDonald of The Age thus reported in 2003 that "[p]laying off China against Taiwan for diplomatic recognition continues as a lucrative export earner for tiny Pacific island nations". The ROC's Pacific allies pledge in return to promote Taiwan's interests in the United Nations, and do so actively.

In addition, several Pacific countries, including Australia, New Zealand, Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands, Tonga, Fiji, Vanuatu and Samoa have ethnic minorities of Chinese descent among their citizens. There are an estimated 80,000 "overseas Chinese" in the Pacific Islands and Papua New Guinea, including 20,000 in Fiji and 20,000 in Papua New Guinea. Countries including Australia, Papua New Guinea and Vanuatu have also attracted Chinese businesses and investments.

Regional policies of the People's Republic of China
In 2003, the People's Republic of China announced it intended to enhance its diplomatic ties with the Pacific Islands Forum, and increase the economic aid package it provided to that organisation. At the same time, PRC delegate Zhou Whenzhong added: "[T]he PIF should refrain from any exchanges of an official nature or dialogue partnership of any form with Taiwan".

In 2006, Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao announced that the PRC would increase its economic cooperation with Pacific Island States. The PRC would provide more economic aid, abolish tariffs for exports from the Pacific's least developed countries, annul the debt of those countries, distribute free anti-malaria medicines, and provide training for two thousand Pacific Islander government officials and technical staff.

Also in 2006, Wen became the first Chinese premier to visit the Pacific islands, which the Taipei Times described as "a longtime diplomatic battleground for China and Taiwan". Similarly, according to Ron Crocombe, Professor of Pacific Studies at the University of the South Pacific, "There have been more Pacific Islands minister visits to China than to any other country".

In 2007, Xinhua, the official press agency of the PRC, stated that Pacific Islands Forum member countries had "spoke[n] highly of the generous assistance China has provided to the region over the past many years and expressed the hope for a further enhanced cooperation with China".

In December 2007, Dr John Lee of the magazine Islands Business asked himself and his readers:
"Why is China so interested in the Pacific? After all, despite the differences in size, population, wealth, and influence between China and islands in the region, the Chinese have literally rolled out the red carpet for Pacific leaders. Meetings between Chinese and Pacific leaders are not perfunctory ‘meet and greets’ in the bland boardrooms of hotels. They are often elaborate state functions with all the bells and whistles that state meetings can offer. [...] In a word, the Chinese want ‘influence’. China sends more diplomats around the world than any other country. [...] In terms of the Pacific, there is a more disturbing game being played out, namely the ‘chequebook diplomacy’, that is taking place between China and Taiwan in their competition for diplomatic recognition at the expense of the other. Taiwan matters profoundly to China—and it is largely why China is interested in the Pacific."

That same month, John Henderson of Canterbury University stated that, in his view, many Pacific Islanders are worried "that their livelihood is being taken away by Chinese traders coming in, often getting in buying political privileges, playing a role in rigging elections". Henderson suggested that the 2006 anti-Chinese riots in Tonga and Solomon Islands could be repeated in countries such as Fiji and Vanuatu. He added that this might lead the PRC to increase its role in the region further, in order to protect ethnic Chinese Pacific Islanders. A spokesman for the Chinese embassy in Fiji, Hu Lihua, responded by stating: "China does not pose a military threat to any other country. China opposes all forms of hegemonism and power politics and will never seek hegemony or engage in expansion." A representative of Fiji's Chinese community similarly rejected the idea that there might be anti-Chinese riots in Fiji, and added: "The Chinese in Fiji have an excellent relationship with locals and we contribute toward the economy. We have been successful in understanding local customs. Many of us have learnt the language and have assimilated."

The final report of the April 2008 Australia 2020 Summit addressed China's influence in the Pacific in the following terms:
"It was noted that so far China did not seem interested in exporting its political values. Its interaction with the region was economically focused or motivated by rivalry with Taiwan.
Noting China's growing military power and its emerging role as a major aid donor in the region, participants agreed that while China's visibility had increased rapidly there remained uncertainty over what it was seeking to achieve, especially in the long term. Securing energy supplies was one obvious goal. One strand of thought that had emerged was that the Chinese themselves were not entirely clear about their aims in the region."

In June 2008, a report from the Lowy Institute stated that China's aid policy towards the Pacific was almost certainly aimed solely at encouraging Pacific countries not to grant diplomatic recognition to Taiwan, and that there was no sign of the PRC attempting to increase its military influence or its access to the region's natural resources. Reuters reports that, according to the Institute's findings, "China's chequebook diplomacy in the South Pacific and secrecy over its aid programme to small island nations is having a destabilising impact on the region", due to "concerns that dollar diplomacy was influencing local politics." A spokesman of the Chinese Foreign Ministry responded: "This assistance is on the basis of mutual benefit. It must help the local economy to develop and promote people's livelihoods. China would never interfere in these countries' internal affairs."

In June 2009, parliamentary delegations from four Pacific Island countries were jointly received by Wu Bangguo, Chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress. The delegation comprised Isaac Figir, Speaker of the Congress of the Federated States of Micronesia, Tu'ilakepa, Speaker of the Legislative Assembly of Tonga, Manu Korovulavula, head of the Public Accounting Commission of Fiji, and Billy Talagi, head of the Legislative Committee of Niue (a dependent territory of New Zealand). The delegation also met Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao, who spoke of increased "economic and trade cooperation"; Xinhua reported that the Pacific Island legislators "expressed appreciation for China's assistance" and "reiterated their countries' adherence to the one-China policy".

In August and September 2010, the People's Liberation Army Navy began an unprecedented "goodwill visit" to its Pacific allies, touring Papua New Guinea, Vanuatu, Tonga, New Zealand and Australia. Its aim, as reported by the People's Daily during the ships' four-day stop in Tonga, was "enhancing friendship and strengthening military cooperation".

In April 2011, the Lowy Institute issued a new report noting that China, in its approach to the Pacific, had been "shifting from grant aid to soft loans", which were "leading to increasing problems of indebtedness" and "making Pacific governments vulnerable to political pressure from Beijing". The report suggested that countries may struggle to repay the loans within the set timeframe, and that "outstanding loans may well tie Pacific countries to Beijing", in a context of diplomatic competition with Taipei. The report also noted, however, that some loans "are destined for projects that will create economic growth; growth that will create jobs, reduce poverty and help make repayments".

In May 2011, addressing the University of South Pacific in Suva, PRC Ambassador to Fiji Han Zhiqiang stated that China-Pacific cooperation had resulted in "plenty of substantial outcomes and benefits for the people in this region". He indicated that the volume of trade between the PRC and Pacific Island countries had increased by about 50% between 2009 and 2010, reaching € 2.46 billion. The value of China's exports to the region that year was €1.74 billion (up by 42% from 2009), while the value of its imports from the Pacific Islands was €730 million, up almost 100%. Chinese investments in the Pacific Islands in 2010 -primarily to Samoa, the Marshall Islands, Papua New Guinea and Fiji- had reached almost €72 million.

In April 2012 China continued to widen its diplomatic influence with loans and aid with the region.

In 2019, Lowly Institute, after doing a systematic review of the evidence, published a report that concluded that "China has not been engaged in debt-trap diplomacy in the Pacific, as of yet". They also found that Chinese lending in the region were hardly predatory and that in comparison to its usual lending that are typically at market rates to other parts of the world, it appeared that China has been much more gentler in their loans to Pacific islands, with the overwhelming majority of loans having rates that were concessional enough to qualify as aid. Tonga was the only county in the region that had China as a dominant creditor, but the report's authors argued that this did not confer an advantageous position to China since they had to agree to defer repayments twice, yet getting not much in return. However they also noted that the majority of the Pacific nations that are currently indebted to China, have little scope to take on more debts and recommended China to give more grant assistance, rather than more loans, to avoid risking in overburdening Pacific island nations with too much debts.

Regional policies of the Republic of China
In September 2006, the first regional summit of all Taiwan's Pacific Island allies took place, and was hosted by Palau, in Koror. The meeting brought together ROC President Chen Shui-bian and delegates from the Marshall Islands, Tuvalu, Nauru, Palau, Solomon Islands and Kiribati. It was to become a regular event, known as the Taiwan-Pacific Allies Summit. A second regional meeting was hosted by the Marshall Islands in October, and President Chen attended. This resulted in the Majuro Declaration, in which Taiwan's six Pacific allies re-stated their recognition of the ROC's sovereignty, and promised to support the ROC's attempts to join the United Nations.

Also in June 2007, the ROC donated an aid package of €700,000, distributed among eight Pacific regional organisations.

In January 2008, following the victory of the Kuomintang in the ROC's elections, Kuomintang MP Yang Li-huan stated that under the new government Taiwan's interest in the Pacific could decrease. Three days later, however, it was confirmed that ROC vice-president Annette Lu would lead a diplomatic visit to the Marshall Islands, Nauru and Solomon Islands.

In March 2008, new President-elect Ma Ying-jeou was reported as saying that his government would put an end to Taiwanese "cheque-book diplomacy" in the Pacific. In May of that same year, Ma called for what he referred to as a "cease-fire" in the competition between the Republic of China and the People's Republic of China for diplomatic allies. This followed a scandal due to allegations that Taiwan's Foreign Minister James Huang had attempted to buy Papua New Guinea's diplomatic allegiance. In October, Taiwan cancelled a scheduled summit between itself and its Pacific Island allies. Although the authorities cited "preparation problems", Radio Australia commented that "the decision appears to be an attempt by the new administration of President Ma Ying-jeou to keep the island's diplomatic activities low-profile and avoid offending China". Taiwanese authorities later stated that the summit had been "postponed" rather than cancelled. In June 2009, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs announced that President Ma would "attend a [...] leadership summit between Taiwan and its South Pacific allies" in autumn. The summit, hosted by Solomon Islands, would be attended by the "heads of state of Taiwan's six allies in the region" and would focus on "countering the current economic contraction, climate change and how to strengthen the fisheries industry". Upon announcing the summit, the Ministry added that Ma had "developed a fondness for the Pacific region during his previous visit to Solomon Islands when he saw a handful of children at a market selling betel nuts and watermelons while wearing shirts donated by the people of Taiwan".

In July 2009, the ROC donated over €40,000 in a scholarship scheme benefiting students from a number of Pacific countries, including those -such as Fiji or Papua New Guinea- which do not grant it diplomatic recognition. It also donated €288,000 for regional development assistance programmes, to be used notably on access to water, sanitation and hygiene, renewable energy, solar photovoltaic assessments, fisheries management, education and youth training.

Taiwan has asked to be recognised as an official dialogue partner of the Pacific Islands Forum. That status is currently awarded to China.

In March 2010, President Ma visited Taiwan's six allies in the region. This coincided with a visit to Solomon Islands by the Republic of China Navy. While in Solomon Islands, Ma outlined a development in technical assistance programmes to Taiwan's allies in the region, encompassing assistance in such areas as "encouraging a return to healthier diets, operating on cataracts [or] advising on land reform".

Bilateral relations

Australia

Australia recognises the People's Republic of China and as an emerging and developing economy, China is a very important trading partner and destination for Australian raw material export for the growth of Australian economy. The two countries are currently strengthening their economic relations. The 2007 election of Kevin Rudd as Prime Minister of Australia has been seen as favourable to China-Australian relations, notably in view of the fact that he is the first Australian Prime Minister to speak fluent Mandarin, and that closer engagement with Asia is one of the "Three Pillars" of his foreign policy.

In 2004, Rudd, who at the time was Shadow Minister for Foreign Affairs, had delivered a speech in Beijing entitled "Australia and China: A Strong and Stable Partnership for the 21st Century".

In February 2008, Australia reportedly "chastised Taiwan for its renewed push for independence" and "reiterated its support for a one-China policy". In April, however, Rudd addressed Chinese students at Peking University, and, speaking in Mandarin, referred to "significant human rights problems in Tibet". Rudd also raised the issue in talks with Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao, in a context of "simmering diplomatic tension" according to TV3. In August 2008, Rudd met Wen once more, and expressed his concerns on "questions of human rights, of religious freedom, of Tibet, of internet freedom". For Australia-Taiwan relations that Australia does not object Taiwan's participation in international organization where such consensus has already achieved, and Australia-Taiwan relations are commercially and unofficially-driven, such as the Australia-Taiwan Business Council,  which is based in Sydney, and with the understanding of people-to-people contacts in areas of education, science, sports and arts, see. Republic of China has an official, government-sponsored branch office of Taiwan External Trade Development Council in Sydney. Australian Consulate-General in Hong Kong is responsible for Visa and Citizenship matters for applicants in Taiwan.

Fiji

Fiji recognises the People's Republic of China. Fiji was the first Pacific Island country to establish diplomatic relations with China, in 1975. Fiji's current ambassador to China is Sir James Ah Koy. China's ambassador to Fiji is Cai Jinbiao.

Among the Pacific Island countries, Fiji was, in 2010, the second largest importer of Chinese exports, after Papua New Guinea, and had a trade deficit of A$127m in its trade relations with China.

Fiji's foreign policy under Prime Minister Laisenia Qarase (2000–2006) was (in the latter's own words) to "look north" – i.e., strengthen its relations with Asia in general and China in particular. Qarase stated: "We look now for new markets, where there is flexibility of entry and a readiness to meet the export needs of small, isolated island countries. This is what we would like to engage on with China as we increasingly look north for the answers to our trade and investment aspirations."

In 2005, Taiwanese President Chen Shui-bian visited Fiji, where he was greeted by government delegates with "full traditional Fijian ceremony of welcome" – although he did not meet his counterpart President Ratu Josefa Iloilovatu Uluivuda, nor Prime Minister Qarase. Ambassador Cai expressed China's "disappointment" at Fiji for having authorised the visit. Later that year, relations were slightly strained once more when Fiji supported Taiwan's wish to join the World Health Organization. Nonetheless, Qarase's government did not vary from its official recognition of the "One China" policy.

Following the military coup in Fiji in December 2006, the PRC distanced itself from the Western nations which condemned the overthrow of Qarase's government. Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs deputy director general Deng Hongbo stated:
"We have always respected Fiji's status as an independent nation and we have called on the other countries to do the same and reconsider their attitudes towards Fiji and the current situation in the country."

The post-coup "interim government" led by Commodore Frank Bainimarama has continued Qarase's "look north" policy. In July 2007, Finance Minister Mahendra Chaudhry responded to the contrast between Western criticism and Chinese support for Bainimarama's government:
“Fiji has friends in China, it has friends in Korea, it has friends in [...] other Asian countries. We’re no longer relying on Australia and New Zealand. And in any event, the United States was not doing much for Fiji anyway.”

Later that year, a China/Fiji Trade and Economic Commission was set up to enhance economic relations between the two countries. The PRC has maintained a position of support, calling on other countries to show "understanding" for Fiji's situation. And although Fiji has no diplomatic relations with Taiwan, the latter's Trade Mission representative in Fiji, Victor Chin, has also called on the international community not to pressure Fiji: “I think we should give the interim government the benefit of the doubt. They committed to have an election when everything is ready. I think we should take their words [sic] for it.”

In March 2008, following unrest in Tibet, Fiji expressed its support for China's actions in dealing with rioting in Lhasa. Shortly thereafter, police in Fiji arrested seventeen people who were protesting in support of Tibet outside China's embassy in Suva. Those arrested were "mainly women who had gathered peacefully", according to a Radio New Zealand International correspondent, and included human rights activist Shamima Ali.

A May 2008 article in the Sydney Morning Herald stated that "China's aid to Fiji has skyrocketed since the coup in December 2006", from €650,000 to over €100,000,000. The author of the article commented: "Just as Australia and other Western donors are trying to squeeze [Fiji's] rebel Government, China has dramatically stepped up its aid, effectively dissipating any pressure Western donors might have been generating." The author suggested that China did not wish to risk antagonising Fiji and thus unwittingly push the Bainimarama government towards seeking aid from Taiwan: "China clearly finds itself boxed into a corner. On the one hand, Western states are asking it to help isolate the new dictatorship in Fiji. On the other, China faces the risk of losing a Fiji starved of funds to its renegade province, Taiwan."

In August 2008, while on a visit to China, Commodore Bainimarama spoke of the "very close and cordial relations that our two countries share in our trade, cultural and sporting linkages", and added:
"Fiji will not forget that when other countries were quick to condemn us following the events of 1987, 2000 and 2006, China and other friends in Asia demonstrated a more understanding and sensitive approach to events in Fiji. The Government of the People's Republic of China expressed confidence in our ability to resolve our problems in our way, without undue pressure of interference."

In February 2009, at a time when Fiji was facing pressure from the Pacific Islands Forum over its apparent lack of progress towards a restoration of democracy, Chinese vice-president Xi Jinping paid a state visit to Fiji and met Prime Minister Bainimarama. On that occasion, Xi stated that he wished to "further enhance [China-Fiji] exchanges and cooperation in such fields as culture, education, public health and tourism". Xinhua reported that, during Xi's visit, China and Fiji had "signed a number of cooperative deals" by which China would provide Fiji with "economic and technical assistance". China committed itself to increasing its imports from Fiji. Bainimarama, for his part, re-affirmed his country's recognition of the One China policy, and, as reported by Fiji Village, "thanked the Chinese government for fully recognizing Fiji's sovereignty and adopting a policy of non-interference in its domestic affairs".

In May, Vice-President of Fiji Ratu Epeli Nailatikau described Fiji's "relationship with the government and the people of the People's Republic of China as one of its most important".

In June 2009, the Fiji Democracy and Freedom Movement, an organisation founded in Australia to campaign for the restoration of democracy in Fiji, sent a petition to the Chinese embassy in Canberra, asking China to "withdraw support for the military regime". At the same time, Australian Foreign Minister Stephen Smith asked China "not to use [its] contacts with Fiji to undermine efforts to pressure Fiji to hold elections".

Despite close relations between Fiji and the PRC, Taiwan provides continuous free medical assistance to the country. A Taiwanese medical team visits Fiji on an annual basis to offer its services in hospitals and clinics. The Fiji government has expressed its gratitude for the help.

Kiribati

Kiribati, under the current government of President Taneti Mamau, recognises the People's Republic of China.

From 1980 to 2003, Kiribati recognised the PRC. Relations between China and Kiribati then became a contentious political issue within Kiribati. Kiribati President Teburoro Tito was ousted in a parliamentary vote of no confidence in 2003, over his refusal to clarify the details of a land lease which had enabled Beijing to maintain a satellite-tracking station in the country since 1997, and over Chinese ambassador Ma Shuxue's acknowledged monetary donation to "a cooperative society linked to Tito". In the ensuing election, Anote Tong won the presidency after "stirring suspicions that the station was being used to spy on US installations in the Pacific". Tong had previously pledged to "review" the lease.

In November 2003, Tarawa established diplomatic relations with Taipei, a decision which The Age referred to as "play[ing] the Taiwan card"-, and Beijing severed its relations with the country. For the PRC, the presence of the satellite-tracking station had made relations with Kiribati relatively important; the station had, in particular, been used to track Yang Liwei's spaceflight. Therefore, for three weeks the PRC called upon Kiribati President Anote Tong to break off relations with ROC and re-affirm his support for the One-China policy. Only after those three weeks did the PRC sever relations, thereby losing the right to maintain its satellite-tracking base in Kiribati. The ROC began providing economic aid to Kiribati, while Kiribati began supporting Taiwan in the United Nations.

In 2004, President Tong said he believed the PRC was still trying to exert influence over his country. The comment was mainly due to the PRC's refusal to remove all its personnel from its closed embassy. Tong stated that the Chinese personnel, who remained in Kiribati against his wishes, were handing out anti-government pamphlets; he told New Zealand journalist Michael Field: "I am sure if we did this in Beijing we would be in jail in half a second". Tong's brother and main political opponent, Harry Tong, responded by accusing ROC of having too much influence on Kiribati, and notably of influencing the country's clergy.

In 2008, ROC settled Kiribati's unpaid bills to Air Pacific, enabling the airline to maintain its services from Tarawa to Kiritimati.

In November 2010, despite their lack of diplomatic relations, the PRC was one of 15 countries to attend the Tarawa Climate Change Conference in Kiribati, and one of 12 to sign the Ambo Declaration on climate change issued from the conference.

On 31 May 2013, Kiribati opened an embassy in Taipei, the first ever i-Kiribati embassy outside of Oceania. Teekoa Iuta became Kiribati's first ambassador to the country. President Taneti Mamau visited Taiwan to attend the inauguration of President Tsai Ing-wen on 20 May 2016.

On 20 September 2019, Kiribati broke ties with the ROC and recognized the PRC as the sole legitimate government of China.

Marshall Islands
The Marshall Islands recognise the Republic of China, and is one of the few countries to maintain an embassy in Taipei. The magazine Islands Business reported that President Litokwa Tomeing, elected in January 2008, might break off his country's diplomatic relations with Taiwan, and turn instead to the PRC. However, in office Tomeing expressed continued support for ties with Taiwan and met with the Vice President of the ROC, Annette Lu, when she visited the Marshall Islands on 29 January 2008.

In September 2022, two Chinese nationals were charged in U.S. federal court "in connection with a scheme to bribe elected officials of the Republic of the Marshall Islands (RMI) in exchange for passing certain legislation." They alleged attempt to establish a mini-state on the Marshall Islands.

Federated States of Micronesia
The Federated States of Micronesia recognise the People's Republic of China. In 2007, the FSM opened an embassy in Beijing.

Nauru

Nauru, under the current government of President Marcus Stephen, recognises the Republic of China.

In 1980, Nauru first established official relations with the Republic of China. In 2002, however, the government of Rene Harris established relations with the PRC, which entailed a solemn recognition of the "One China" policy by Nauru. Consequently, Taiwan severed its relations with Nauru, and accused the PRC of having bought Nauru's allegiance with a financial aid gift of over €90,000,000. A reporter for The Age agreed, stating that "Beijing recently bought off a threat by Nauru to revert to Taiwan only six months after opening ties with the mainland, offering a large loan to Nauru's near-destitute Government".

In 2003, however, Nauru closed its newly established embassy in Beijing. Two years later, ROC President Chen Shui-bian met Nauruan President Ludwig Scotty in the Marshall Islands. In May 2005, the ROC and Nauru re-established diplomatic relations, and opened embassies in each other's capitals. The PRC consequently severed its relations with Nauru.

The Republic of China is one of Nauru's two foremost economic aid partners (the other being Australia). In return, Nauru uses its seat in the United Nations to support the ROC's admittance bid. Taiwan also provides regular medical assistance to Nauru, sending specialised doctors to the tiny country's only hospital.

In 2007, Scotty was re-elected President of Nauru, amidst claims that his electoral campaign had been funded by Taiwan. Scotty's opponents claimed that the ROC wanted to ensure that a pro-Taiwan government remained in power. Scotty was replaced by Marcus Stephen in December 2007. Following Stephen's election, ROC President Chen Shui-bian telephoned him to congratulate him, assure him of the ROC's continued assistance for Nauru, request Nauru's continued support in return, and invite him to visit Taiwan. Nauru has retained its relations with the ROC under the new government.

Given that it has already changed its foreign policy twice, Nauru remains the focus of diplomatic competition between Beijing and Taipei. In 2006, according to the New Statesman, President Scotty "was allegedly accosted by a horde of screaming Chinese officials who tried to drag him on to a plane to Beijing just as he was boarding one bound for Taipei".

In 2008, Nauru co-submitted a proposal to the United Nations, requesting that the United Nations General Assembly consider enabling "Taiwan's participation in the activities of UN specialized agencies". The proposal was rejected.

In 2011 it was revealed via WikiLeaks that Taiwan had been paying a "monthly stipend" to Nauruan government ministers in exchange for their continued support, as well as a smaller sum to other Members of Parliament, as "project funding that requires minimal accounting". Reporting on the story, the Brisbane Times wrote: "One MP reportedly used his Taiwanese stipend to buy daily breakfast for all schoolchildren in his district, while others were happy to just pocket the cash". A "former Australian diplomat with close knowledge of politics in Nauru" stated that Nauruan President Marcus Stephen, Foreign Minister Kieren Keke and former President Ludwig Scotty, among others, had all accepted "under the counter" funding from Taiwan. The leaks revealed that "Chinese [PRC] agents had also sought to influence Nauru's elections through cash payments to voters, with at least $40,000 distributed in one instance in 2007".

WikiLeaks also revealed that Australia had, during the administration of Kevin Rudd, been "pushing" Nauru to break its relations with Taiwan and establish relations with the PRC instead. Then President Ludwig Scotty had reportedly resisted on the grounds that it was "none of Australia's business".

In late 2011, Taiwan "doubled it health aid" to Nauru, notably providing a resident medical team on a five-year appointment.

New Zealand

New Zealand recognises the People's Republic of China. Diplomatic relations were first established in 1972. China's ambassador to New Zealand, Zhang Limin, is also accredited to New Zealand's associated territories, the Cook Islands and, since 2008, Niue. The People's Republic of China in December 2007 became the first country to establish official diplomatic relations with Niue, and provides economic aid to the Cook Islands.

In September 2007, New Zealand reaffirmed its adherence to the "One China" policy.

In April 2008, New Zealand became the first developed country to sign a free trade agreement with the PRC.

On 29 September 2008, New Zealand's delegate in United Nations openly praised the improving relations between the two governments of Beijing and Taipei.

In July 2009, Niuean Premier Toke Talagi stated that, if development aid were not forthcoming from New Zealand, he would request aid from China instead.

On 10 July 2013, New Zealand and Republic of China (Taiwan) signed a bilateral Economic Cooperation Agreement.

Palau
Palau recognises the Republic of China, and is one of the few countries to maintain an embassy in Taipei. The ROC provides scholarships to Palauan students, as well as computers for Palauan schools. In 2008, Mario Katosang, Palau's Minister of Education, stated:
"We were given 100 Windows-based computers by Taiwan. The education sector uses predominantly Apple Macintosh computers, so I mentioned that we may also need software. Taiwan immediately delivered 100 brand new copies of Windows XP, and offered to train our computer technicians."
Journalists have reported on united front influence operations linked to Chinese organized crime in Palau.

Papua New Guinea

Papua New Guinea recognises the People's Republic of China. Diplomatic relations were established in 1976, soon after Papua New Guinea became independent.

Papua New Guinea is one of China's biggest trade partners in Oceania. Papua New Guinea exports far more to China than does any other Pacific Island country, and imports three times more from China than does any other such country. It is also one of the few countries in the region to maintain a trade surplus in its relations with China; its surplus reached a record high of A$427m in 2010.

In 1999, the government of Prime Minister Bill Skate recognised Taiwan. Skate lost power less than a week later, and Papua New Guinea's diplomatic recognition reverted to China.

In 2003, the PRC's embassy in Port Moresby published a statement of concern in reaction to comments in the Papua New Guinea press questioning the justification for PNG's relations with the People's Republic. The embassy statement insisted that relations between the two countries were mutually beneficial, reasserted the PRC's claims to Taiwan, and concluded: "It is our sincere hope that the local [PNG] media will report on China and its relations with PNG in a just and objective way, so as to further enhance the mutual understanding and friendship between the peoples of our two countries."

In July 2003, PNG Governor General Sir Silas Atopare visited the PRC, re-affirmed his country's adherence to the One China policy, and, according to a statement published by the PRC's embassy, "thank[ed] the government and the people of China for their commitment in providing aid to PNG's development".

In 2005, relations cooled somewhat when Papua New Guinea, along with Fiji, supported Taiwan's wish to join the World Health Organization.

In May 2008, Taiwan's Foreign Minister James Huang resigned, along with two other top officials, after wasting over €19 million in a failed attempt to win diplomatic recognition for the Republic of China from Papua New Guinea. The misuse of the money caused public outrage, forcing Huang's resignation. Papua New Guinea's foreign minister Sam Abal subsequently confirmed that his country had no intention of recognising Taiwan.

A few days later, it was announced that members of the Papua New Guinea Defence Force would receive training provided by the PRC. Traditionally, military training aid in Papua New Guinea had been provided by Western countries, namely, Australia, New Zealand and the United States.

Samoa

Samoa recognises the People's Republic of China. Relations were established in 1975.

In the late 1980s, China began sending doctors to the Samoan National Hospital, and sent over a hundred over the following two decades.

Samoa significantly increased its volume of imports from China in the late 2000s, while also increasing its exports to that country. In 2010, Samoa reached a record trade deficit in its relations with China, at A$70m.

In 2007, the PRC provided Samoa with an x-ray machine and several volunteer doctors. In 2008, the PRC donated over €1,360,000 to Samoa to fund its education policies.

In March 2008, following unrest in Tibet, the speaker of the Samoan Fono (legislative assembly), Tolofuaivalelei Falemoe Leiataua, stated that foreign leaders should not interfere with China as it deals with "internal affairs", and that they should not meet the Dalai Lama.

In June 2008, Samoa announced it would be opening diplomatic missions in China and Japan – the country's first diplomatic offices in Asia. In September, the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs issued a statement indicating that China and Samoa have always "conducted fruitful cooperation in the fields of economy, trade, agriculture, sports, culture, education and health, as well as international affairs", and that China intended to "make more tangible efforts to support Samoa's economic and social development".

In 2010, a Chinese government-funded China-Samoa Agricultural Demonstration Farm was established in Nu'u with an aim "to train the Samoan farmers on voluntary basis through Chinese agricultural planting techniques". About 500 Samoan farmers received training from Chinese agricultural experts.

In 2011, 57 Samoan students were studying in China on a Chinese government sponsorship.

Solomon Islands

Solomon Islands recognises the People's Republic of China.

Solomon Islands and the Republic of China established diplomatic relations on 23 May 1983. A Republic of China consulate general was set up in Honiara, and upgraded to an embassy two years later. Since 2011, the Republic of China's ambassador to the Solomons is Laurie Chan, a Solomon Islands national of Chinese ethnic background, and a former Solomon Islands Minister of Foreign Affairs who supported his country's continued relations with Taiwan.

Despite a lack of diplomatic recognition, however, Solomon Islands trades more with the People's Republic than with Taiwan. In 2009, over half the country's exports went to the People's Republic of China, and Solomon Islands maintained a trade surplus of A$161m in its trade relations with that country. In 2010, that surplus increased to a record A$258m.

In 2006, Honiara's Chinatown suffered extensive damage as it was looted and burned by rioters, following a contested election result. It had been alleged that ethnic Chinese businessmen had bribed members of Solomon Islands' Parliament. Joses Tuhanuku, President of the Solomon Islands Labour Party, stated that the election "has been corrupted by Taiwan and business houses owned by Solomon Islanders of Chinese origin". Many Chinese-Solomon Islanders left the country.

After pro-Taiwan Prime Minister Manasseh Sogavare was ousted in a vote of no confidence in December 2007, and replaced by Derek Sikua, ROC President Chen Shui-bian telephoned Prime Minister Sikua, offering his congratulations and Taiwan's continued aid, and requested the Sikua government's continued diplomatic support. Chen also invited Sikua to visit Taiwan, which he did in March 2008. Sikua was welcomed with military honours by Chen, who stated: "Taiwan is the Solomon Islands' most loyal ally. [...] Taiwan will never forsake the people or government of the Solomon Islands." Solomon Islands has continued to recognise the Republic of China under Sikua's leadership.

Later that same month, Taiwan's president-elect Dr. Ma Ying-Jeou met Australia's former Foreign Minister Alexander Downer, and reportedly promised to put an end to Taiwanese "cheque book diplomacy" in the Solomons. This led Downer to comment: "Under the Chen Shui-bian regime there has been a lot of Taiwanese cheque book diplomacy in Solomon Islands. So I'm glad to hear that's coming to an end." Sikua, however, criticised Downer for interfering in relations between Honiara and Taipei:
“The Government of Solomon Islands will continue to work closely with the Government of Taiwan and other development partners as it strives to provide a better quality of life for its people. I hope that Mr Downer will find something more appropriate to comment on than on issues that are within the sovereign jurisdiction of independent states and governments to deal with and decide on.”
The editor of the Solomon Star reacted irritably to Downer's comments:
"Just when we thought he's gone and good riddance, he's back. Alexander Downer is now in Taipei and telling the Taiwanese how to run their relations with the Solomon Islands. [...] Just who does Mr Downer think he is? [...] Relations between Taiwan and the Solomon Islands are none of this yesterday man's business. Taipei should tell Mr Downer to butt out."

The Taiwanese government subsequently stated, through its deputy director-general of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs' Department of East Asian and Pacific Affairs, Victor Yu, that Downer had "misunderstood" Ma:
"Cooperation and development programs are an obligation and the responsibility of every advanced nation in the international community. They should not be described as 'checkbook diplomacy'. [...] All the resources that the nation has contributed are project-oriented and have generated substantial positive effects on the local economy and on society. Downer distorted what Ma actually meant."

On 17 April 2008, the editorial of the Solomon Star was devoted to the Solomons' relationship with Taiwan, which it described as follows:
"First, thanks to Taiwan, for all the support it is providing to help bring better health services here. There's always suspicion about Taiwan's aid in this country despite the fine sounding intentions under which it is given. [...] Our politicians undoubtedly exploit Taiwan's need to keep Solomon Islands as one of the nations recognising it as a country in its own right. But there should be no doubts about this week's launch of the Taiwan Medical Centre at the National Referral Hospital. This is tangible, beneficial and transparent help. It underscores Taiwan's role as a true, democratic friend of Solomon Islands. May there be more such help given this way."

In July, it was announced that Taiwanese doctors would be providing free medical care to Solomon Islands villagers, and that unskilled Solomon Islands workers would be granted access to the Taiwanese labour market. At the same time, Taiwan was funding rural development projects in the Solomons. Taiwan has also pledged to provide SI$10 million to Solomon Islands in 2009 and 2010, to enable the government to abolish school fees paid by parents and provide free primary and secondary education to Solomon Islands children.

During the campaign for the 2010 general election, candidate and former Prime Minister Francis Billy Hilly announced that, if elected, he would break off relations with the ROC and establish them with the PRC. Dr Tarcisius Tara Kabutaulaka, of the University of Hawaii, commented that Taiwan funded constituency development programmes in the Solomons, and that Members of Parliament were thus unlikely to support any severing of diplomatic relations with the ROC. Billy Hilly was unsuccessful in regaining a seat in Parliament.

In September 2019, the Solomon Islands under Prime Minister Manasseh Sogavare voted to change alliances and recognize the PRC instead of Taiwan, prompting Taiwan to immediately terminate diplomatic relations and close its embassy. It was reported that Solomon Islands politicians were offered hundreds of thousands of dollars in bribes to switch recognition to the PRC. After recognizing the PRC, it was reported that a state-owned company with ties to the Chinese Communist Party secured development rights to the entire island of Tulagi in a deal that could provide the PRC with military access to the island. The Tulagi lease deal was subsequently ruled illegal.

In October 2019, it was announced that the Hong Kong-listed Wanguo International Mining had contracted state-owned China State Railway Group to build $825 million worth of infrastructure on Guadalcanal, in order to develop the Gold Ridge mine outside of Honiara. Critics of the development agreement, including opposition leader Peter Kenilorea, have argued that the terms of the deal are too opaque, and could be a form of debt-trap diplomacy.

Tonga

Tonga recognises the People's Republic of China. Relations were first established in 1998.

In 2000, noble Tuʻivakano of Nukunuku (later to become Prime Minister) banned all Chinese stores from his Nukunuku District. This followed alleged complaints from other shopkeepers regarding competition from local Chinese. In 2001, Tonga's Chinese community was hit by a wave of about a hundred racist assaults.

That same year, however, Tonga and the PRC decided to strengthen their "military relations". In 2008, the PRC provided Tonga with military supplies worth over €340,000.

In 2006, rioters caused severe damage to shops owned by Chinese-Tongans in Nukualofa.

In April 2008, Tongan King George Tupou V visited China, reaffirmed his country's adherence to the "One China" policy, and, according to the Chinese State news agency Xinhua, "supported the measures adopted to handle the incident in Lhasa". King Tupou V also met Chinese Defense Minister Liang Guanglie to "enhance exchange and cooperation between the two militaries". Xinhua stated that China and Tonga have "fruitful cooperation in politics, economy, trade, agriculture and education, and kept a sound coordination in regional and international affairs".

In early 2010, Chinese aid to Tonga included assistance in the reconstruction of Nuku'alofa's central business district; "an agricultural project in Vaini"; health clinics set up in Vava’u and Vaini; the provision of seven Chinese doctors for a two-year period; and an allocation of €2.2 million "for social and economic development", including "soft loans and interest free loans to the Tonga Government".

In April 2011, the Lowy Institute reported that, of all Pacific countries, Tonga was carrying the highest burden of debt from Chinese loans, amounting to 32% of Tonga's Gross Domestic Product. Simultaneously, the International Monetary Fund warned Tonga was "facing debt distress", a "very high possibility that Tonga [would] be unable to service its debts in the future".

Tuvalu

Tuvalu recognises the Republic of China. Taiwan maintains the only resident foreign embassy in Tuvalu. This is located in Funafuti. Having established diplomatic in 1979, Tuvalu is "Taiwan's oldest ally in the Pacific region".

Tuvalu supports the ROC's bid to join the United Nations, and Taiwan has provided Tuvalu with "several mobile medical missions".

In 2006, Taiwan reacted to reports that the People's Republic of China was attempting to draw Tuvalu away from the Republic of China. Taiwan consequently strengthened its weakening diplomatic relations with Tuvalu.

On 14 March 2013, a Tuvaluan embassy was opened in Taipei, making the ROC only the third sovereign state to host an embassy of Tuvalu, after Fiji and New Zealand.

Vanuatu

Vanuatu recognises the People's Republic of China. In November 2004, Prime Minister Serge Vohor briefly established diplomatic relations with the Republic of China, before being ousted for that reason in a vote of no confidence the following month.

In 2006, Vanuatu signed an economic cooperation agreement with the PRC, whereby the latter was to assist Vanuatu's economic development, and remove tariffs on imports from Vanuatu. The PRC also added Vanuatu to its list of approved tourism destinations for Chinese tourists. Ni-Vanuatu trade minister James Bule said his country had also requested China's assistance "in supplying machines so we can establish a plant in Vanuatu to produce bio fuel". By contrast, Opposition leader Serge Vohor has said China is exerting too much influence on the ni-Vanuatu government's policy.

In May 2009, Vanuatu appointed its first ever ambassador to China, former Minister of Finance Willie Jimmy. Jimmy "call[ed] [...] for China to have a foot firmly planted in the Pacific through Port Vila", which -the Vanuatu Daily Post remarked- "no doubt caused ruffled feathers among other foreign diplomatic partners".

In July 2010, Chinese Ambassador Cheng Shuping announced that China would fund a number of projects in Vanuatu, "including the National Convention Centre and the expansion of Prime Minister's Offices", as well as "the design and reconstruction of the Francophone Wing of the University of the South Pacific Emalus Campus".

Further reading

 David D. Hale, In the Balance: China's unprecedented growth and implications for the Asia–Pacific, Australian Strategic Policy Institute, February 2006,
 Fergus Hanson, China: stumbling through the Pacific, Lowy Institute, July 2009
 Ron Crocombe, Asia in the Pacific Islands: Replacing the West, 2007,
 Strategic Asia 2011–12: Asia Responds to Its Rising Powers – China and India, edited by Ashley J. Tellis, Travis Tanner and Jessica Keough (September 2011)

See also
 Sino-African relations
 Sino–Caribbean relations
 Sino-Latin America relations

References

Foreign relations of China
Foreign relations of Taiwan
Contributions to foreign aid by country
China
Foreign relations of Asia


Mike McDonald (born September 11, 1989) is a Canadian poker player. McDonald is the youngest person to win an event on the European Poker Tour (EPT) and the youngest person to win an event on the Epic Poker League (EPL).

On July 11, 2014, McDonald is ranked #7 on the Global poker index (he ranked as high as #5 in April 2014).

At 18 years of age, McDonald won the EPT German Open in Dortmund, Germany in February 2008 winning €933,600 ($1,370,161). Earlier in January the same year, he also won the A$1,000 PokerPro No Limit Hold'em preliminary event at the Aussie Millions and came runner up in another preliminary event.

He has had numerous other notable finishes including a 5th-place finish in  Dortmund in 2009, and a 3rd-place finish in Deauville on the European Poker Tour, as well as a 4th-place finish in Venice in 2009 on the World Poker Tour and a 6th-place finish in the $5,000 Pot Limit Omaha Six Handed event at the World Series of Poker.

In September 2011, McDonald won the $20,000 buy-in 8-max No Limit Hold'em tournament at the Epic Poker League earning over $780,000.

McDonald finished in 2nd place at the 2014 Pokerstars Caribbean Adventure main event, earning just over $1,000,000 and narrowly missing out on becoming the first player to have two EPT titles.

As of March 2018, his total live tournament winnings exceed $13,200,000.

Notes

External links
Cardplayer.com - Tournament Trail Q & A: Mike 'Timex' McDonald
Cardplayer.com - live update logs
Timex Mike on Twitter

Canadian poker players
Living people
European Poker Tour winners
1989 births


Zohan (, also Romanized as Zohān; also known as Zihūn) is a city in, and the capital of, Zohan District of Zirkuh County, South Khorasan province, Iran.

At the 2006 census, its population was 707 in 233 households, when it was in Qaen County. The following census in 2011 counted 1,419 people in 285 households. The latest census in 2016 showed a population of 1,118 people in 290 households, by which time the district had been separated from the county and Zirkuh County established with three new districts.

References

Zirkuh County

Cities in South Khorasan Province

Populated places in Zirkuh County


Vestfossen Station () is a railway station located at the village of Vestfossen in Øvre Eiker, Norway on the railway Sørlandet Line. The station is served by local train service L12 between Kongsberg via Oslo to Eidsvoll operated by Vy.

History
The station was opened in 1871 a branch line of Randsfjorden Line was opened between Hokksund and Kongsberg.

Railway stations in Øvre Eiker
Railway stations on the Sørlandet Line
Railway stations opened in 1871
1871 establishments in Norway
Railway stations in Norway opened in the 1870s


Earl Anthony Robinson (8 December 1955 – 22 November 1980), better known as General Echo, a.k.a. Ranking Slackness, was one of the first reggae deejays to move away from 'cultural' lyrics towards 'slackness' (risqué or sexually explicit lyrics).

Biography
Born in the Fletcher's Land area of Kingston, Jamaica, General Echo was regarded by some as the most original deejay since Big Youth. He had a profound influence on many of the deejays that followed, particularly in the United Kingdom.

After coming to prominence on sound systems such as Gemini, Stereo Phonic, and Ray Symbolic, he operated his own Echo Tone Hi Fi sound system, and was one of the first major artists to achieve popularity on 'yard tapes'. Echo had achieved success with "Drunken Master" for George Phang, and had a number one hit in Jamaica with "Arleen", on  Winston Riley's "Stalag" rhythm, which was followed by the album The Slackest. This was followed by 12 Inches of Pleasure for producer Henry "Junjo" Lawes.

Echo was shot dead by police in Kingston, Jamaica in 1980 along with selector Flux (who also worked on his Echo Tone sound system), and Stereo Phonic owner Leon 'Big John' Johns, after they had stopped the car they were travelling in. The incident has never been satisfactorily explained. Echo's death inspired Clint Eastwood & General Saint to team up and release the "Tribute to General Echo" single.

Discography
Albums
People Are You Ready (1978) Ballistic (Prince Mohammed & General Echo)
Rocking & Swing (1979) Manzie
Slackest LP (1979) Techniques (as Ranking Slackness)
12 Inches of Pleasure (1980) Greensleeves
Tribute To General Echo (1983) Mandingo
Teacher Fe Di Class (2007) Equalizer (expanded edition of Rocking & Swing)
Stereo Phonic Live Session (with Madoo)

Contributing artist
The Rough Guide to Reggae (1997) World Music Network

References

1955 births
1980 deaths
Musicians from Kingston, Jamaica
Jamaican reggae musicians
Greensleeves Records artists
People shot dead by law enforcement officers in Jamaica


"New Soul" is a song by the French-Israeli R&B/soul singer Yael Naïm, from her self-titled second album. The song gained popularity in the United States following its use by Apple in an advertisement for their MacBook Air laptop. In the song Naïm sings of being a new soul who has come into the world to learn "a bit 'bout how to give and take". However, she finds that things are harder than they seem. The song, also featured in the films The House Bunny and Wild Target, features a prominent "la la la la" section as its hook. It remains Naïm's biggest hit single in the US to date, and her only one to reach the top 40 of the Billboard Hot 100.

"New Soul" was mixed and mastered by S. Husky Höskulds at Groundlift Studios, Reykjavik and Los Angeles.

Composition
The sheet music for "New Soul" published in the key of C major, and is set in time signature of common time with a tempo of 100 beats per minute. Yael Naim's vocal range spans from A3 to A5.

Music video
The video shows Naïm moving into an empty apartment. She covers the walls in wallpaper depicting a lake surrounded by forest. She then begins unpacking several other things, including furniture, a piano, a goldfish in a bowl and a number of photographs of people, which she hangs on the wall. As she hangs the photographs, the people in the pictures are shown in real life, in the setting depicted in the pictures. Naïm then begins painting on the photographs, and whatever she paints appears with the people in real life. She removes one of the pictures to discover a hole in the wall, revealing the actual forest setting shown in the wallpaper. She pushes on the wall, and it falls away into the lake. The remaining walls fall onto the water leaving the floor of the apartment like a raft floating on the lake, together with her furniture. The people from her pictures reach her by boat. They climb onto the makeshift raft with her, as they all celebrate, dancing and playing instruments, whilst she empties the goldfish bowl into the lake.

In 2008, the video received strong airplay on MTV.

Chart performance
In the issue dated 16 February 2008, "New Soul" debuted on the U.S. Billboard Hot 100 at number 9, giving Naïm her first single ever to enter any US chart. It reached number 7 on the Hot 100 before falling to number 42 the following week. It later rebounded due to being featured on the Apple MacBook Air commercials, but nonetheless the song spent a total of 19 weeks on the chart. It debuted at number 44 on the Canadian Hot 100, and jumped to number 7 on the chart the following week. In her birth country of France, the single hit number 1 on the French Singles Chart. In February 2008, it debuted on the UK Singles Chart at number 42 and reached a peak of number 30 one month later.

Personnel
 Yael Naim – vocals, guitar, piano, composition, lyrics
 Laurent David – bass, guitar
 David Donatien – drums
 Sebastien Llado – trombone

Charts

Weekly charts

Year-end charts

Certifications

See also
Ultratop 40 number-one hits of 2008
List of number-one hits of 2008 (France)

References

External links
Official video

2008 singles
Ultratop 50 Singles (Wallonia) number-one singles
Yael Naim songs
2008 songs


"Fly from the Inside" is the debut single of the American rock band, Shinedown, off of the album Leave a Whisper. The song performed fairly well on the charts, reaching number five on the Mainstream Rock Tracks chart, the band's first hit single, and is still a very popular song that remains in the setlist at concerts.

Background
During a May 2004 interview with KNAC.com, Brent Smith explained the song's meaning:

It’s about having an unattainable dream that maybe the people around you are telling you that you can’t accomplish and you’re never going to succeed at it, and maybe they’re being that way towards you because they didn’t go after THEIR dreams. And “Fly from the Inside” is just a metaphor about believing in yourself and going after anything that seems unattainable. You have to at least try for it...because you’ll be kicking yourself in the ass if you don’t!

"Fly from the Inside" had no official video, but on the re-release of Leave a Whisper they had a bonus video with bonus footage.

"Fly from the Inside" was used in a scene in the 2003 film Grind. It also appeared on the soundtrack for the video games, MX vs. ATV Unleashed and MVP Baseball 2003.

Track listing

Chart performance

References

2003 debut singles
Shinedown songs
Songs written by Brent Smith
Songs written by Bob Marlette
2003 songs
Atlantic Records singles
Song recordings produced by Bob Marlette


Jeanne d'Arc Mujawamariya (born 13 March 1970, in Kigali) is a Rwandan politician, currently the Minister of Environment. She was formerly the Minister of Education (formally, the Minister of Education, Science, Technology and Research) in the government of Rwanda as well as the Rwandan Ambassador to Russia.

Political career
From 2003 to 2006, she served as Minister of State for Primary and Secondary Education in the Rwandan government and in 2005 she became the Minister of State in Charge of Higher Education in the same ministry. From 2006-March 2008, she was the Minister of Education. In January 2008, Mujawamariya appeared before a Rwandan parliamentary commission investigating the continued presence of "genocide ideology" in Rwandan schools.  Several MPs on the commission criticized Mujawamariya and Joseph Murekeraho, Minister of State for Primary and Secondary Education, for taking insufficient punitive action against teachers and curriculum developers who were disseminating anti-Tutsi sentiments in schools.
In March 2008, Mujawamariya went on to become the Minister in the Prime Minister's Office in charge of Gender and Family Promotion, a post she occupied until March 2011 when she became the Vice Chancellor/Rector of the prestigious Kigali Institute of Science and Technology-Rwanda. Mujawamariya was at the helm of the institute until 1 March 2013, when she was appointed by the President of Rwanda as ambassador to Russia. In November 2019, she became the Minister of the Environment.

Personal life and education
Mujawamariya earned a Bachelor of Science from Peoples' Friendship University of Russia and in 1997 received an Master of Science in chemistry from the same university.  She went on to earn a Ph.D. in chemistry and physics at Indian Institute of Technology Roorkee in 2001.  She is married and has three children with her husband. She is fluent in the English, French and Russian.

References

External links

Welcome from the Minister, official website of the Rwandan Ministry of Education

Education ministers of Rwanda
Environment ministers of Rwanda
Family ministers of Rwanda
Research ministers of Rwanda
Science ministers of Rwanda
Living people
1970 births
Peoples' Friendship University of Russia alumni
Moscow State University alumni
Ambassadors of Rwanda to Russia
Women government ministers of Rwanda
Women ambassadors
21st-century diplomats
21st-century Rwandan women politicians
21st-century Rwandan politicians


Evalina is a small genus of sea snails, pyramidellid gastropod mollusks in the tribe Chrysallidini within the family Pyramidellidae.

The genus has both Recent and fossil members.

Life habits
Little is known about the biology of the members of this genus. As is true of most members of the Pyramidellidae sensu lato, they are ectoparasites.

Species
Species within the genus Evalina include:
 Evalina americana Dall & Bartsch, 1904 - type species, as Odostomia (Evalina) americana
 Evalina nishiana (Yokoyama, 1927)
 Evalina peasei (Dautzenberg & Bouge, 1933)
 Evalina waikikiensis (Pilsbry, 1918)
 Evalina winkleyi (Bartsch, 1909)
 ...

References

Pyramidellidae


The 19th César Awards ceremony, presented by the Académie des Arts et Techniques du Cinéma, honoured the best French films of 1993 and took place on 26 February 1994 at the Théâtre des Champs-Élysées in Paris. The ceremony was chaired by Gérard Depardieu and hosted by Fabrice Luchini and Clémentine Célarié. Smoking / No Smoking won the award for Best Film.

Winners and nominees
The winners are highlighted in bold:

Best Film:Smoking/No Smoking, directed by Alain ResnaisGerminal, directed by Claude BerriMa saison préférée, directed by André TéchinéTrois Couleurs: Bleu, directed by Krzysztof KieślowskiLes Visiteurs, directed by Jean-Marie Poiré
Best Foreign Film:The Piano, directed by Jane CampionBa wang bie ji, directed by Chen KaigeManhattan Murder Mystery, directed by Woody AllenRaining Stones, directed by Ken LoachThe Snapper, directed by Stephen Frears
Best Debut:Mùi đu đủ xanh - L'odeur de la papaye verte, directed by Tran Anh HungCible émouvante, directed by Pierre SalvadoriLe Fils du requin, directed by Agnès MerletLes Gens normaux n'ont rien d'exceptionnel, directed by Laurence Ferreira BarbosaMétisse, directed by Mathieu Kassovitz
Best Actor:Pierre Arditi, for Smoking/No SmokingDaniel Auteuil, for Ma saison préféréeMichel Boujenah, for Le Nombril du mondeChristian Clavier, for Les VisiteursJean Reno, for Les Visiteurs
Best Actress:Juliette Binoche, for Trois Couleurs: BleuMiou-Miou, for GerminalCatherine Deneuve, for Ma saison préféréeSabine Azéma, for Smoking/No SmokingJosiane Balasko, for Tout le monde n'a pas eu la chance d'avoir des parents communistesAnouk Grinberg, for Un, deux, trois, soleil
Best Supporting Actor:Fabrice Luchini, for Tout ça... pour ça !Jean-Pierre Darroussin, for Cuisine et dépendancesJean-Roger Milo, for GerminalThomas Langmann, for Le Nombril du mondeDidier Bezace, for Profil bas
Best Supporting Actress:Valérie Lemercier, for Les VisiteursJudith Henry, for GerminalMarthe Villalonga, for Ma saison préféréeMarie Trintignant, for Les MarmottesMyriam Boyer, for Un, deux, trois, soleil
Most Promising Actor:Olivier Martinez, for Un, deux, trois, soleilGuillaume Depardieu, for Cible émouvanteMelvil Poupaud, for Les Gens normaux n'ont rien d'exceptionnelChristopher Thompson, for Les MarmottesMathieu Kassovitz, for Métisse
Most Promising Actress:Valeria Bruni Tedeschi, for Les Gens normaux n'ont rien d'exceptionnelChiara Mastroianni, for Ma saison préféréeVirginie Ledoyen, for Les MarmottesKarin Viard, for La Nage indienneFlorence Pernel, for Trois Couleurs: Bleu
Best Director:Alain Resnais, for Smoking/No SmokingClaude Berri, for GerminalAndré Téchiné, for Ma saison préféréeKrzysztof Kieślowski, for Trois Couleurs: BleuBertrand Blier, for Un, deux, trois, soleilJean-Marie Poiré, for Les Visiteurs
Best Writing:Jean-Pierre Bacri, Agnès Jaoui, for Smoking/No SmokingClaude Berri, Arlette Langmann, for GerminalPascal Bonitzer, André Téchiné, for Ma saison préféréeKrzysztof Kieślowski, Krzysztof Piesiewicz, for Trois Couleurs: BleuJean-Marie Poiré, Christian Clavier, for Les Visiteurs
Best Cinematography:Yves Angelo, for GerminalRenato Berta, for Smoking/No SmokingSławomir Idziak, for Trois Couleurs: Bleu
Best Costume Design:Sylvie Gautrelet, Caroline de Vivaise, Moidele Bickel, for GerminalFranca Squarciapino, for Louis, enfant roiCatherine Leterrier, for Les Visiteurs
Best Sound:Jean-Claude Laureux, William Flageollet, for Trois Couleurs: BleuPierre Gamet, Dominique Hennequin, for GerminalBernard Bats, Gérard Lamps, for Smoking/No Smoking
Best Editing:Jacques Witta, for Trois Couleurs: BleuHervé de Luze, for GerminalAlbert Jurgenson, for Smoking/No SmokingCatherine Kelber, for Les Visiteurs
Best Music:Khaled, for Un, deux, trois, soleilJean-Louis Roques, for GerminalZbigniew Preisner, for Trois Couleurs: BleuEric Lévi, for Les Visiteurs
Best Production Design:Jacques Saulnier, for Smoking/No SmokingHoang Thanh At, for GerminalJacques Bufnoir, for Justinien Trouvé, ou le bâtard de Dieu
Best Fiction Short:Gueule d'atmosphère, directed by Olivier PérayComment font les gens, directed by Pascale Bailly
Best Documentary Short:Emprientes, directed by Camille Guichard
Honorary César: Jean Carmet

See also
 66th Academy Awards
 47th British Academy Film Awards

External links
 Official website

 19th César Awards at AlloCiné

1994
1994 film awards
Cesar


Tara Chand may refer to:
 Tara Chand (Pakistani politician), Provincial Minister of Balochistan, Pakistan
 Tara Chand (archaeologist), Vice-Chancellor of Allahabad University, India
 Tara Chand (Himachal Pradesh politician), member of the Himachal Pradesh Legislative Assembly
 Tara Chand (Jammu-Kashmir politician) (born 1963), member of the Jammu and Kashmir Legislative Assembly


The name Borz (Chechen: Борз, "wolf") is an umbrella term applied to all improvised submachine guns produced during the years of independence of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria. It was produced in small numbers from 1992 to 1999. The initial model was based on the Armenian K6-92, which in turn was based on the PPS submachine gun.

History
Production of the first model started in 1992 at the "Krasniy Molot" plant in Grozny. Only a few hundred Borzes were crafted at the "Krasniy Molot" plant, because production at this plant was stopped by the First Chechen War, and moved into underground workshops.

Design and deployment
The Borz was initially a clone of the Armenian K6-92, which itself was loosely based on the Soviet PPS submachine gun. However, individual models can vary greatly, since the Borz is neither a single model of weapon, nor made by a particular weapon manufacturer, but a common name for all Chechen hand-made submachine guns with some similarity in design and appearance. Some of the Borz models from the late 1990s don't follow the original design and have an Uzi-like telescoping bolt and magazine in the pistol grip. These are often referred to as the "second generation Borz"—some of these also featured silencers and 40-round magazines.

The Borz was very simple and inexpensive to produce, costing about $100 in Chechnya. The receiver could be square steel tubing with a stamped steel dust-cover on top and trunnions in the front and rear, although some versions have a round receiver. The bolt design closely mimicked that of the Soviet PPS, and the magazine was based on the magazine used in the German MP 40. The trigger mechanism has features in common with the Madsen M-50, and enables both fully automatic and single fire. The ejector and barrel locking nut also resemble those of the Madsen. Its lightweight design and ease of use was ideal for sudden attacks, making up for its quality shortcomings. The barrel would generally wear out after firing about three magazines worth of ammunition, with the result of increasingly poor accuracy.

Like many improvised firearms (such as the FP-45 Liberator), the Borz submachine gun was intended for use by guerillas as a crude semi-disposable weapon to ambush police and military forces in urban settings, after which they could obtain higher-quality factory-produced arms from the dead and wounded.

See also
 Insurgency weapons and tactics

References

9×18mm Makarov submachine guns
Insurgency weapons
Chechen–Russian conflict


The New Jersey Volunteers, also known as Jersey Volunteers, "Skinners", Skinner's Corps, and Skinner's Greens (due to their green wool uniform coats), were a British provincial military unit of Loyalists, raised for service by Cortlandt Skinner, during the American Revolutionary War.

Regiment formed in Province of New York
In 1776, American loyalist soldiers, formed the New Jersey Volunteers, which was raised in Province of New York, first, as three battalions and eventually as six, of 500 men each.

Garrison duty
The New Jersey Volunteers saw their first combat at the Battle of Long Island, during the British New York Campaign offensive and following the defeat and flight, of the Patriot forces, was assigned to the initial British garrison, of the occupation army, in New York City.

Campaigns
Brigadier General Cortlandt Skinner conducted regular operations, in the region north of New York City, in Westchester County, New York, between Morrisania and the Croton Rivers, which was known as the "Neutral Ground". Lawlessness and guerrilla warfare occurred between Skinner's "Skinners", marauders and their rivals, the British loyalist raiders, De Lancey's "Cowboys" who, both, stole cattle, looted, and gathered military intelligence, in the New York countryside.

One battalion, of "Skinner's Greens", another nickname, for the loyalist New Jersey Volunteers, because of their green, wool, uniform coats, was later sent to East Florida, assisting in the capture of Savannah, others served in the Battles of Eutaw Springs and King's Mountain, with a detachment, participating in the Siege of Yorktown.

On September 6, 1781, the 3rd Battalion, New Jersey Volunteers, took part in the raid, on New London, Connecticut, commanded by Brigadier General Benedict Arnold and fought at the Battle of Groton Heights.

Regiment disbanded and resettled in British Canada
In 1783, the disbandment of the New Jersey Volunteers regiment, occurred, after the British lost the war, in the loyalist settlement of Digby, Nova Scotia and New Brunswick, British Canada.

References

Crary, Catherine S. "Guerrilla Activities of James De Lancey's Cowboys in Westchester County: Conventional Warfare or Self-Interested Freebooting?" In The Loyalist Americans: A Focus on Greater New York. Tarrytown, NY:  Sleepy Hollow Restorations, 1975.

Kemble, Lieut. Col. Stephen.  Journals of Lieut. Col. Stephen Kemble, 1773-1789: And British Army Orders: Gen. Sir William Howe, 1775-1778; Gen. Sir Henry Clinton, 1778; and Gen. Daniel Jones, 1778, American Revolutionary series: British accounts of the American Revolution, British accounts of the American Revolution, Volume 16 of Collections of the New-York Historical Society for the year ...  New York:  Ardent Media, 1972.
Lossing, Benson J.  The Pictorial Field Book of the Revolution, 2 vols. Reprint, Rutland, VT.: C. E. Tuttle Co., (1851) 1972.
Shenstone, Susan Burgess.  So Obstinately Loyal: James Moody, 1744-1809.  Montreal:  McGill-Queen's Press - MQUP, 2001.
Stryker, William Scudder.  "The New Jersey Volunteers" (loyalists) in the Revolutionary War.  Trenton, NJ:  Naar, Day & Naar, 1887.
Ward, Harry M.  Between the Lines: Banditti of the American Revolution.  Santa Barbara, CA:  Praeger, 2002.

External links
 Index to New Jersey Volunteers History - The On-Line Institute for Advanced Loyalist Studies
 4th Battalion, New Jersey Volunteers, Captain Samuel Hayden's Company, recreated unit

Loyalist military units in the American Revolution


The New Plymouth Power Station (NPPS) was a 600 MW thermal power station at New Plymouth, New Zealand.  Located at Port Taranaki, it was dual fuelled on natural gas and fuel oil.  Constructed at a time of major hydro and HV transmission developments, it was New Zealand's first big thermal power station planned for continuous base load operation.

The plant has been owned and operated (in turn) by NZED, NZE, ECNZ and Contact Energy.  In 2013, the site was sold to Port Taranaki and Methanex.

History
The power station project commenced in the 1960s, to meet rising electricity demand in New Zealand.  Initially, fuel for this power station was to be coal, barged up from the West Coast, and the Port Taranaki site was chosen ahead of one at Wanganui.  During early stages of the project, the Maui gas field was discovered off Taranaki.  The plant design was changed to be dual fuel on either natural gas or heavy fuel oil.

The first unit was commissioned in February 1974, with the fifth unit coming on line in 1976.  For the first few years, the plant ran on raw Kapuni gas. In 1979, the plant converted to Maui gas following the completion of the pipeline from Oaonui production station. The pipeline from Kapuni was re-purposed to supply Maui gas to Kapuni and onwards to the lower North Island.

The fuel oil capability was decommissioned in 1991, and reinstated in 2003.

Plant operation generally decreased from 1999, after the more efficient Otahuhu combined cycle power station was commissioned.  However, the New Zealand power system derives over 60% of its electricity supply from hydro power stations and depends heavily on rainfall.  NPPS has often played a vital role in dry years (such as 2001, 2003 and 2008), when hydro lake inflows were insufficient to meet demand.

Discovery of asbestos, not in an asbestos register, in thermal insulation during 2007 led to the decision by Contact Energy to close the power station.

In May 2008, one generating unit (unit 3) was temporarily recommissioned, with a capacity of 100MW.  This was in response to a nationwide electricity generation shortfall resulting from low hydro lake levels and is generally regarded as one of the most critical energy decisions ever made in New Zealand.  This unit was shut down for decommissioning in December 2008.

In 2013, most of the site was sold to Port Taranaki, with Methanex purchasing a part of the site that held methanol tanks. In 2014 and 2015, the power station equipment was removed and the boiler house demolished, with all the plant, piping and structure being sold as scrap metal.

The national grid substation at the site remained in operation as part of the supply to the New Plymouth area until a network re-inforcement was completed to allow the substation to be de-commissioned. The transmission lines that previously connected the substation and power station to the national grid were eventually removed in 2023.

Plant
The power station comprised five identical units, each rated at 120 MW.  The boilers were provided by ICL of Derby UK, and the steam turbines were by C A Parsons of Newcastle, UK.

The boilers were balanced draught with tilting burners mounted in the corners of the furnace.  Each boiler produced 376 tonnes/hour of steam at 120 bar and 538 °C, with one stage of reheat to 538 °C.

The steam turbines are 3000 rpm single-shaft, three-cylinder (HP, IP and LP) design, with six stages of feed heating.  The condenser is a two-pass tubed design, using seawater as the coolant.  The generators are two-poled, hydrogen cooled.

Condenser cooling is seawater, with a flow of 12,000 tonnes/hour for each unit.

The chimney is 198 m (650 ft) high, and contains five flues. It is the second tallest structure in New Zealand.

See also
List of power stations in New Zealand
Electricity sector in New Zealand
List of tallest structures in New Zealand

References

Further reading

External links

 Port Taranaki

Natural gas-fired power stations in New Zealand
Buildings and structures in New Plymouth
Oil-fired power stations in New Zealand
Former oil-fired power stations
Energy infrastructure completed in 1974
1974 establishments in New Zealand
2008 disestablishments in New Zealand


Gary Jeamsen Correa Gogin (born May 23, 1990 in Lima, Peru) is a Peruvian footballer who plays as a left winger for Atlético Grau on loan from Universitario in the Peruvian First Division.

International career
He was called to play for the Peru national under-17 football team and qualified for the 2007 FIFA U-17 World Cup in South Korea.

References

External links

1990 births
Living people
Footballers from Lima
Men's association football wingers
Peruvian men's footballers
Club Universitario de Deportes footballers
FBC Melgar footballers
Juan Aurich footballers
Ayacucho FC footballers
Cienciano footballers
Cusco FC footballers
Comerciantes Unidos footballers
Club Deportivo Universidad de San Martín de Porres players
Peruvian Primera División players


The Catoctin AVA is an American Viticultural Area located in the Frederick and Washington counties of western Maryland.  The region is bordered by Catoctin Mountain to the east, the Pennsylvania border to the north, South Mountain to the west, and the Potomac River to the south.  "Catoctin" is Algonquian for "speckled rock" (c.f. Ojibwa gidagasin: "speckled rock", "flecked rock" or "spotted rock"), a geological feature of the area.  Two commercial wineries operate in the AVA. The hardiness zones are 7a and 6b.

References

American Viticultural Areas
Geography of Frederick County, Maryland
Maryland wine
Geography of Washington County, Maryland
1983 establishments in Maryland