The 1956 South Carolina United States Senate election was held on November 6, 1956 to select the U.S. Senator from the state of South Carolina simultaneously with the special Senate election. Incumbent Democratic Senator Olin D. Johnston handily defeated Republican mayor of Clemson Leon P. Crawford.

Democratic primary
Olin D. Johnston, the incumbent Senator, faced no opposition from South Carolina Democrats and avoided a primary election.

Republican primary
Leon P. Crawford, the mayor of the town of Clemson in the Upstate, faced no opposition from South Carolina Republicans and avoided a primary election.

General election campaign
Crawford campaigned as a defender of states' rights and denounced Johnston for backing the New Deal and the Fair Deal.  The state Republican Party believed that Crawford could have a chance in the election if he galvanized the 128,000 registered black voters, although they were weary of being labeled as the black party.  In the end, Johnston remained highly popular with the voters who were still leery of the Republican party and he easily defeated Crawford in the general election.

Election results

|-
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| colspan=5 |Democratic hold
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See also
List of United States senators from South Carolina
1956 United States Senate elections
1956 United States Senate special election in South Carolina

References
"Supplemental Report of the Secretary of State to the General Assembly of South Carolina." Reports and Resolutions of South Carolina to the General Assembly of the State of South Carolina. Volume I. Columbia, SC: 1957, pp. 8–9.

South C
1956
1956 South Carolina elections


Ballainvilliers () is a commune in the Essonne department in Île-de-France in northern France.

Inhabitants of Ballainvilliers are known as Ballainvillois in French.

See also
Communes of the Essonne department

References

External links

Official website
Mayors of Essonne Association

Communes of Essonne


WLVJ (1020 kHz) is a commercial AM radio station licensed to Boynton Beach, Florida, and serving the West Palm Beach radio market.  The station airs a Haitian Creole radio format. WLVJ is owned by Actualidad Media Group.

The weekday schedule is made up of all news blocks along with talk programs in the daytime and sports shows in the evening.  Some hours, the station carries the audio from CNN en Español.

WLVJ is powered at 4,700 watts by day.  Because AM 1020 is a clear channel frequency, reserved for Class A KDKA Pittsburgh, WLVJ must reduce power at night to 1,500 watts, when AM radio waves travel further.  The station uses a directional antenna at all times.  The transmitter is off U.S. Route 441 (State Route 7) in Delray Beach, Florida.

History
The station went on the air as WAOP on November 3, 1995. On December 1, 1995, the station changed its call sign to WRBF, on February 1, 2001, to WRHB, on November 5, 2008, to WURN, and on December 6, 2016, to the current WLVJ.

In 2017, Actualidad Radio flipped the frequencies of WLVJ and WURN.  WLVJ moved to AM 1020 and WURN moved to AM 1040.

References

External links

LVJ (AM)
Radio stations established in 2001
2001 establishments in Florida


WQBA (1140 AM) is a radio station broadcasting a Spanish talk/sports format. Licensed to Miami, Florida, United States, the station is owned by Latino Media Network; under a local marketing agreement, it is operated by former owner TelevisaUnivision's Uforia Audio Network with programming from TUDN Radio. Previous call letters were WMIE, owned by Susquehanna Broadcasting.

1140 AM is a United States and Mexican clear-channel frequency on which XEMR-AM in Apodaca, Nuevo León and WRVA in Richmond, Virginia are the Class A stations.  WQBA must reduce power and use a highly directional array during nighttime hours in order to prevent interference to the skywave signals of the Class A stations.

History
In 1976, The Miami Herald stated that the station, which ran a news program presented by Emilio Milián, had the largest audience of any in the Miami metropolitan area.

On December 20, 2016, Univision announced that WQBA would be one of the charter affiliates of Univision Deportes Radio, their new Spanish-language sports network launched in April 2017.

WQBA was one of eighteen radio stations that TelevisaUnivision sold to Latino Media Network in a $60 million deal announced in June 2022, approved by the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) that November, and completed on December 30, 2022. Under the terms of the deal, Univision agreed to continue programming the station for up to one year under a local marketing agreement.

References

External links
1140 WQBA's website

FCC History Cards for WQBA

Cuban-American culture in Miami
Hispanic and Latino American culture in Miami
QBA
Talk radio stations in the United States
Sports radio stations in the United States
QBA
1952 establishments in Florida
Radio stations established in 1952


Martin Linton Smith,  (4 July 1869 – 7 October 1950) was an Anglican bishop who served in three dioceses during the first half of the twentieth century.

Life
Smith was born into a clerical family – his father was the Very Revd James Allan Smith, Dean of St David's Cathedral from 1904 until his death in 1918 He died in post during November 1918.– and educated at Repton and Hertford College, Oxford. Ordained priest in 1894 he was a curate at four parishes before securing his own incumbency at Colchester in 1902. By now married to Kathleen Dewe with a young family, he gained experience in Liverpool eventually becoming a Cathedral Canon. His finest hour, however, was the First World War where he gained the DSO for his sterling work at The Somme, Arras and Ypres. He had been appointed a Temporary Chaplain to the Forces in April, 1915, serving at first in Prescott before being posted abroad.  He was also Mentioned in Despatches.

When peace came he was raised to the episcopate, firstly for two years as the suffragan Bishop of Warrington; then translated to the more senior post of diocesan Bishop of Hereford in 1920, serving there for a decade; and, finally, a further nine years as Bishop of Rochester. Retiring to Cheltenham in 1940 he died after a long life "rich in service".

Notes

Works

Lambeth and Reunion: An Interpretation of the Mind of the Lambeth Conference of 1920, with Frank Theodore Woods and Martin Linton Smith (London: Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1921).

Book cited

1869 births

1950 deaths
People educated at Repton School

Alumni of Hertford College, Oxford
Bishops of Warrington
Bishops of Hereford
Bishops of Rochester
Companions of the Distinguished Service Order
20th-century Church of England bishops


Baulne () is a commune in the Essonne department in Île-de-France in northern France.
Inhabitants of Baulne are known as Baulnois.

Origin of the village name
The origin of the name Baulne is unknown. It was created under the same name as it is today.

Geographical situation
Baulne is  south of Paris Notre Dame, kilometre zero for the roads in France,  south east of Évry,  north east of Étampes,  north of La Ferté-Alais,  south east of Arpajon,  north west of Milly-la-Forêt,  south east of Corbeil-Essonnes,  south east of Montlhéry,  south east of Palaiseau,  east of Dourdan. It is  away from its former homonym Baulne-en-Brie in the department of Aisne.

See also
Communes of the Essonne department

References

External links

Mayors of Essonne Association

Communes of Essonne


William Hargis Bowman, Jr. (April 21, 1941 – February 22, 2011), better known by his stage name Beau Dollar, was an American soul vocalist and drummer for King Records. He performed on many studio albums for various artists under contract with King, including James Brown. His most prominent work was performed as "Beau Dollar & The Dapps" and "Beau Dollar & The Coins".

Career
Beau Dollar & The Dapps were formed in Cincinnati in 1965, where they often played the famous Living Room nightclub. The band consisted of Bowman, Eddie Setser, Charles Summers, Tim Heding, Ron Geisman, Les Asch, and David Parkinson. The band found success after being discovered by James Brown the same year they were formed. Under Brown's direction, the band produced their first single, "It's A Gas". However, Brown's long-running dispute with King caused the single to be shelved. At the same time, the band also worked with Hank Ballard, who had left The Midnighters in search of solo success. In 1967, they released two singles, "Bringing Up The Guitar" and "There Was a Time". The single "There Was a Time", with "The Rabbit Got the Gun" on the B-side, featured saxophonist Alfred Ellis and it "bubbled under" the Billboard Hot 100, peaking at No. 103 in 1968.

The Dapps eventually broke up in 1969. Brown replaced the band with The Pacesetters, who eventually became The J.B.'s.

Beau Dollar & The Coins had some success with "Soul Serenade" in 1966 (a cover of the King Curtis 1964 single).

Beau Dollar's only solo credited song was "Who Knows" (which is believed to have been backed by The Dapps) in 1970. Beau Dollar also played with Lonnie Mack in the early 1960s.

Beau Dollar died on February 22, 2011, at age 69.

References

External links

African-American drummers
American rock drummers
American soul singers
American rock singers
1941 births
2011 deaths
20th-century African-American people
21st-century African-American people


Bièvres () is a commune in the Essonne department and Île-de-France region of north-central France.

The commune derives its name from that of the River Bièvre which flows through the village. Bièvre is the old French word for a beaver (castor in modern French), so that the original meaning of the name of this stream is "beaver river".

The inhabitants of Bièvres are known in French as les Bièvrois.

See also
Communes of the Essonne department

References

Gallery

External links

 Official website

Land use (IAU ÎdF)
Mayors of Essonne Association

Communes of Essonne


The Piaggio P.150 was a 1950s Italian two-seat trainer designed and built by Piaggio to meet an Italian Air Force requirement to replace the North American T-6.

Development
The P.150 was designed and built to compete as an Italian Air Force T-6 replacement against the Fiat G.49 and Macchi MB.323. The P.150 was an all-metal low-wing cantilever monoplane with a wide-track retractable tailwheel landing gear. The pilot and instructor were seated in tandem under one glazed canopy. It was originally powered by a Pratt & Whitney Wasp radial engine and later an Alvis Leonides engine. The aircraft was not chosen and did not go into production.

Operators

Italian Air Force  operated only one aircraft for test evaluation from 1952 until 1954

Specifications (P.150)

See also

References

 The Illustrated Encyclopedia of Aircraft (Part Work 1982–1985), 1985, Orbis Publishing, Page 2714

P.150
1950s Italian military trainer aircraft
Single-engined tractor aircraft
Low-wing aircraft
Aircraft first flown in 1952


Blandy () is a commune in the Essonne department in Île-de-France in northern France.

Inhabitants of Blandy are known as Blandois.

See also
Communes of the Essonne department

References

External links

Mayors of Essonne Association

Communes of Essonne


Charles Simonds (August 22, 1783 – April 12, 1859) was a merchant and political figure in the pre-Confederation Province of New Brunswick, Canada. He represented Saint John County in the Legislative Assembly of New Brunswick from 1821 to 1846, from 1850 to 1851 and from 1856 to 1857.

He was born in Portland (later Saint John, New Brunswick), the son of James Simonds and Hannah Peabody, and educated there. Simonds joined his father's business, later taking over the management of its activities at Portland. In 1817, he married Catharine Mary Longmuir. In 1820, he became one of the first directors of the Bank of New Brunswick and, in 1824, he became its president. He married Lucy Anne Clopper, the sister of Henry George Clopper, in 1824 after the death of his first wife. Simonds also became involved with the Commercial Bank of New Brunswick and the Saint John Fire Insurance Company. He served as a member of the first council for King's College (later the University of New Brunswick). However, later Simonds became critical of the college. He was speaker for the legislative assembly from 1829 to 1831, succeeding his brother Richard. Simonds later served again as speaker from 1835 to 1841, in 1851 and from 1856 to 1857. He also was a member of the Executive Council and of the Legislative Council of New Brunswick. Simonds also served as a justice of the peace. He died in Saint John at the age of 75.

External links
Biography at the Dictionary of Canadian Biography Online

1783 births
1859 deaths
Businesspeople from Saint John, New Brunswick
Canadian Anglicans
Canadian bank presidents
Members of the Legislative Assembly of New Brunswick
Speakers of the Legislative Assembly of New Brunswick
Members of the Legislative Council of New Brunswick
Colony of New Brunswick people


Boigneville () is a commune in the Essonne department in Île-de-France in northern France.

Inhabitants of Boigneville are known as Boignevillois.

Geography

Climate

Boigneville has a oceanic climate (Köppen climate classification Cfb). The average annual temperature in Boigneville is . The average annual rainfall is  with May as the wettest month. The temperatures are highest on average in July, at around , and lowest in January, at around . The highest temperature ever recorded in Boigneville was  on 25 July 2019; the coldest temperature ever recorded was  on 16 January 1985.

See also
Communes of the Essonne department

References

External links

Mayors of Essonne Association

Communes of Essonne


Boletzkyida is a primitive order of teuthid coleoid cephalopod: the boletzkyids are thought to be the earliest forms of coleoid cephalopods, and appear to form a link between nautiloid orthocerids and more advanced coleoids. Boletzkyida was named and described by Bandel, Reitner, and Sturmer in 1983 (B.R.&S) from specimens found in the Lower Devonian black slate ("Hunsrück Slate") in Germany.

Taxonomy
Bandel, et al (1983) divided the Boletzkyida into two, not too dissimilar families, each based on a single genus. They are the Boletzkyidae based on the genus Boletzkya and the Naefiteuthidae based on the genus Naefiteuthis. The main difference between Boletzkya and Naefiteuthis is the length of the phragmocone at which time the living chamber becomes gladius-like and dominates the shell.

Ontogeny
Boletzkyd shells grew to as long as 16 cm. The juvenile portion is a phragmocone that closely resembles that of Silurian orthocerid Michelinoceras with a spherical protoconch (first chamber) and tubular living (or body) chamber with a simple rounded aperture. In the early juvenile stage the living chamber is about as long as the chambered phragmocone. Later in the juvenile stage the living chamber grows proportionally longer and develops a median dorsal and two lateral keels and has an aperture with a receded ventral or lower lip (B.R.&S). At full maturity the narrowly expanding, keeled living chamber dominates all but the first few centimeters of shell and is reminiscent of the gladii or pens of later squid.

Boletzkya probably hatched with a shell only about 3–4 mm long and was at least in outward appearance a miniature adult. With two septa the living chamber is as long as 5 mm. Later in the juvenile stage the phragmocone increased in size relative to the living chamber until, at an overall length of about 8 mm, it reached equal length. Shortly after this the dorsal median keel first appeared and the inner (ventral) apertural lip became retarded while the outer (dorsal) lip grows into a gladius-like proostracum (B.R.&S). Once started, the "gladius" grew rapidly. At a phragmocone of slightly more than 4 mm it reached a length of more than 3 times (15 mm). A 12–13 mm phragmocone had a "gladius" of 70 mm, and with only two more mm of phragmocone (15 mm) a "gladius" of 100 mm (B.R.&S).

Naefiteuthis is similar to Boletzkya and hatched at about the same size, except that it has almost no phragmocone and the keeled gladius-like living chamber developed almost immediately. Also the living chamber in Naefiteuthis expanded more rapidly than in Boletzkya, with an apical angle of 20–25 degrees versus only 5–10 degrees for Boletzkya. Naefiteuthis seems to have been more stout and perhaps more robust than Boletzkya which was apparently quite streamlined. Like Boletzkya, the Naefiteuthis hatchling was most likely a miniature adult.

Affinity

Nothing is known directly of the boletzkyid animal but judging from its most likely michelinocerid ancestors (B.R.&S) and their obvious squid descendants that it had 10 arms. A Michelinoceras from the Silurian of Bolivia was found (Mehl 1984) with imprints showing it had 10 arms and a distantly related Treptoceas  (Orthonybyoceras) from the Upper Ordovician near Cincinnati, Ohio were found with indications it, too, had 10 arms (Flower 1955). The 10 arms of squid (8 arms and 2 tentacles) are well known.

Boletzkyida brings the origin of the [Neo?]Coleoidea near simultaneous with that of the Ammonoidea and may put their ancestry directly in the nautiloid Orthocerida.

On another view...
the group's taxonomic position is uncertain, with a possible affinity with the Dibranchiata [=Coleoidea], conceivably at a stem-group level, which would place its divergence as before the ammonoids had diverged from other coleoids.

References

Further reading
 Klaus Bandel, J Reitner, and W. Sturmer, 1983, (B.R.& S); Coleoidea from the Lower Devonian Black Slate ("Hunsruck-Schiefer"); N Jb Geol Paleont Abh, 165, 3, 397-417, Stuttgart, April 1983.
 Flower, R.H. 1955; Trails and tentacular impression of orthoconic cephalopods; Journal of Paleontology 29(5), 857-867,
 Mehl, 1984; Radula und Fargarme bei Michelinoceras sp aus dem Silur von Bolivien; Palaontologiche Zeitshcrift 58, 211-229.
 Decapodiformes in Tree of Life Web Project.

Devonian cephalopods
Mollusc orders


Bois-Herpin () is a commune in the Essonne department in Île-de-France in northern France.

Inhabitants of Bois-Herpin are known as Bois-Herpinois.

See also
Communes of the Essonne department

References

External links

Mayors of Essonne Association

Communes of Essonne


Boissy-la-Rivière () is a commune in the Essonne department in Île-de-France in northern France.

Geography
The village lies on the right bank of the Juine, which forms most of the commune's western border.

Inhabitants of Boissy-la-Rivière are known as Buccussiens.

See also
Communes of the Essonne department

References

External links

Mayors of Essonne Association

Communes of Essonne


Nawab Qasim Jan was a courtier in the royal courts of Mughal Delhi. He first lived in Lahore, attached to the court of the Governor, Moin-ul-Mulk, in the 1750s, thereafter he moved to Delhi, and joined the court of Delhi, in reign of Mughal Emperor, Shah Alam II (r. 1728–1806).

Soon he was given the title of Nawab, and given the region of and thereafter he built his home close to Red Fort, in Ballimaran, Delhi, in the lane that is still known as Gali Kasim Jan, and also built mosque nearby known as Qasim Khani Mosque. He had two brothers, Alam Jan and Arif Jan, whose son, Ahmad Baksh Khan, later founded the princely state of Loharu (now in Bhiwani district) in 1806. Noted Urdu poet, Mirza Ghalib was married to Umrao Begum, daughter of Nawab Ilahi Bakhsh Khan (younger brother of the first Nawab of Loharu, Ahmad Baksh Khan).

His son, Nawab Faizullah Beg, was a courtier in Bahadur Shah Zafar's reign, and built a complex later known as Ahata Kaley Sahab, so named a saint named Kaley Khan, who lived here for a while, after whom Delhi's Sarai Kale Khan is named. The complex was later acquired by Bunyadi Begum, poet Mirza Ghalib's sister-in-law, and housed the poet after he was released from debtors' prison.

Though according to other sources he came from Yarkand (present day Xijiazhuang Province in China) in 1811 he was awarded the title Khan and Hateen Province near Gurgaon by the then King of Delhi, Shah Alamgir.

Descendants
Some of the prominent people who are linked to Qasim Jan lineage are Nawab of Loharu, Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed and Mirza Ghalib, whereas his own descendants were:

 Son: Mirza Shakir Hussain Barlas (Barrister at Law)
 Wife: Bibi Mehmooda Begum (Daughter of Nawab Amjad Ali Shah of Sardhana, last Nawab of Sardhana) sister of Sirdar Ikbal Ali Shah
Daughter: Halima Barlas
 Daughter: Nafisa Barlas wife of M.Sultan Yar Khan, Advocate/Member of Delhi Legislative Assembly (1952–56) their son Naved Yar Khan a well-known activist, among others, demanded restoration of Kohinoor diamond to India from England and the Peacock Throne from Iran, has contested various public interest litigations, including that of sensitive Babri Masjid-Ram janam Bhoomi case in which undertaking by Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh then Kalyan Singh led to his conviction for Contempt of Supreme Court of India*** Daughter: Aquila Barlas Later known as Dr. Aquila Kiani
 Son: Khalid Kiani
 Son: Sohail Kiani
 Daughter: Lina Kiani
 Daughter: Naema Barlas Later known as Doctor N.B. Matuk
 Son: Nawab Mirza Aqil Hussain Barlas
 Wife: Bibi Mehtabunnisa Begum (Daughter of the Grand Vazier of Alwar)
 Wife: Nusrat Barlas
 Son: Nawab Mirza Adil Hussain Barlas
Wife: Rukhsana Barlas
Daughter: Adila Barlas
Daughter: Ayat Barlas
Son: Nawab Mirza Danyaal Hussain Barlas
Son: Nawab Mirza Aahil Hussain Barlas
Daughter: Zeisha Barlas

References

Nawabs of India
History of Delhi


The uniforms of the United States Army distinguish soldiers from other service members. U.S. Army uniform designs have historically been influenced by British and French military traditions, as well as contemporary U.S. civilian fashion trends. The two primary uniforms of the modern U.S. Army are the Army Combat Uniform, used in operational environments, and the Army Green Service Uniform, worn during everyday professional wear and during formal and ceremonial occasions that do not warrant the wear of the more formal blue service uniform.

History

The design of early army uniforms was influenced by both British and French traditions. One of the first Army-wide regulations, adopted in 1789, prescribed blue coats with colored facings to identify a unit's region of origin: New England units wore white facings, southern units wore blue facings, and units from Mid-Atlantic states wore red facings. Bandsmen wore red uniforms to make them more easily identifiable to commanders on the field of battle. Pantaloons were originally white, following British uniforms, but were changed to gray in 1821 and sky blue in 1832. Infantry wore tricorne hats, with different cover prescribed for cavalry and specialist troops depending on function.

The original Revolutionary War enlisted uniform jacket was dark blue with state-specific facing colors. This was worn with a white waistcoat and breeches and black shoes. All ranks wore a black tricorne hat with a black cockade; later a white cockade was inset to represent the American alliance with Bourbon France. From 1782, Regulars had red facings. Foot regiments (infantry, artillery, and supporting units) wore gold-metal buttons and lace. Horse regiments (cavalry, light dragoons, and horse artillery) wore white-metal buttons and lace.

From 1810, the uniform changed to follow European trends. The tight-fitting and short-skirted double-breasted coatee replaced the single-breasted coat, and the waistcoat was discontinued. Militia wore gray coatees, still worn as a ceremonial uniform at West Point today. Regulars wore national blue (dark-blue) coatees, except for musicians, who wore reversed red coatees with blue facings. Enlisted ranks wore the coatee with a black stovepipe shako, white or gray trousers with matching button-up spats, and black short boots.

Facings and buttonhole trim were discontinued in 1813. From the early days of the Continental Army, the wearing of a sword and a worsted crimson sash served as a badge of rank for all sergeant grades. By 1820, the worsted sash became a privilege of first sergeants and above only. From 1781, until 1833, the "first sergeant" was simply the senior sergeant in a company or battery and was not a separate grade of rank.

Beginning in the 1850s, U.S. military leadership began to place an increased emphasis on French army tactics and styles, influenced, in part, by the rise of Napoleon III. The most extreme adoption of French military fashion was in the use of zouave uniforms by some U.S. Army infantry regiments, and the purchase of 10,000 chasseurs à pied uniforms to outfit the Excelsior Brigade. More subtle French styling – including frock coats, kepi hats, and collar ornaments – were more common for uniforms of the Union Army during and after the American Civil War.

Beginning in 1902, the Army made khaki and olive drab field uniforms standard issue, having seen their effectiveness in limited use during the Spanish–American War. The traditional blue was reserved for dress uniforms. Uniforms used during World War I remained substantially similar to the 1902 patterns. Blue uniforms were suspended during the conflict. During the inter-war period, piecemeal modifications were made to the designs, such as the introduction of open-collar coats, straight-legged trousers, and collared shirts with ties, resulting in uniforms that by the end of the 1930s were entirely different. A blue dress uniform was reintroduced in 1937.

The U.S. Army uniforms used during World War II saw a divergence between field and garrison service elements. The latter necessitated by the suspension of the blue dress uniform again, leading to them becoming separate classes of uniforms by the end of the war. These uniforms continued in use into the Korean War.

The OG-107 combat uniform was introduced as the new standard field uniform during the Korean War, and continued as the standard fatigue duty uniform for almost three decades. It saw minor changes through its lifespan.

In 1954, the Army Green Uniform, also called the "Class A" uniform, was introduced for garrison dress. An alternate semi-dress uniform for the summer months, the Army Tan Uniform, continued in use until 1985, though was relegated to Class B status following the mid 1960s. The blue dress uniform, now mandatory for officers and an authorized option for enlisted soldiers, was reinstated in 1957.

The OG-107 field uniform was replaced in 1981 by the Battle Dress Uniform and Desert Battle Dress Uniform, later the Desert Camouflage Uniform, which saw use during the Gulf War. These were replaced by the Army Combat Uniform (ACU) in the mid-2000s, during the War in Afghanistan and War in Iraq. When initially introduced, the ACU used the Universal Camouflage Pattern. This proved to be an ineffective pattern and was replaced beginning in 2014 with the more effective Operational Camouflage Pattern. , the ACU in OCP is the standard issue field uniform of the Army.

Beginning in 2010, the blue Army Service Uniform (ASU), previously used as a formal dress uniform, displaced the green Class A uniform as the daily wear service uniform. This move proved unpopular, and in 2018 a new Army Green Service Uniform (AGSU) modeled after World War II-era officers garrison uniforms was announced. By October 1, 2027, all soldiers will be required to wear the AGSU as office attire. The blue uniform will remain the ceremonial and formal dress uniform.

Current designs

Standard uniforms

Combat uniform

The Army Combat Uniform (ACU) is the utility uniform worn in garrison and in combat zones by the U.S. Army. It consists of a jacket and trousers in the Operational Camouflage Pattern (OCP), worn with combat boots and a t-shirt. In the field, the jacket may be replaced by the flame resistant Army Combat Shirt when worn directly under a tactical vest. A matching patrol cap is worn when other headgear is not in use.

The ACU was introduced in 2005, replacing the previous Battle Dress Uniform and Desert Camouflage Uniform. The uniform originally featured a pixelated camouflage pattern, known as the Universal Camouflage Pattern (UCP), which was designed for use in woodland, desert, and urban environments, and was worn with a black beret. The black beret was replaced for wear with the ACU by the patrol cap in July 2011; the beret remained in use with the Army Service Uniform. UCP was found to perform poorly in the field, and beginning in 2010, most soldiers operating in Afghanistan were issued ACUs using the commercial MultiCam pattern, which was found to be better suited to that country's terrain. Subsequently, OCP, which is similar to MultiCam, was adopted Army-wide starting in 2015, with UCP fully retired in 2019.

The ACU jacket bears name tapes, rank insignia, and shoulder patches and tabs, as well as recognition devices such as a U.S. flag patch and the infrared (IR) tab. Two U.S. flag insignia are authorized for wear with the ACU, full-color and subdued IR. The U.S. flag insignia is worn on the right shoulder pocket flap of the ACU coat. Unit patches are worn on the left shoulder, while combat patches are worn on the right. The name tapes, rank, and skill badges are either secured with hook-and-loop fasteners or can optionally be sewn on.

Service uniform

The current garrison service uniform is known as the "Army Green Service Uniform". Introduced in late 2018, it is based on the "pinks and greens" officers' service uniform worn in World War II and the Korean War. The service uniform includes a dark olive drab coat, light drab trousers, a tan shirt, an olive drab tie, and brown leather shoes for both men and women, with women having the option to wear a pencil skirt and pumps instead. The uniform became available to soldiers in mid-2020.

From 2010 to 2020, a blue uniform, known as the Army Blue Service Uniform, was used as the daily wear service uniform. The Army has a tradition of blue uniforms dating to the Revolutionary War, and the blue uniform returns to its previous position as a formal dress and ceremonial uniform. It had replaced in daily wear the previous green service uniform used by all officers and enlisted personnel introduced in 1956.

Mess uniform

Mess dress is the military term for the formal evening dress worn in the mess or at other formal occasions. This is generally worn as the military equivalent of white tie or black tie. The Army has two versions, a blue winter version and a white summer version, each worn with different accessories depending on the formality of the occasion.

The blue mess uniform comprises the Army blue mess jacket, high-waisted trousers, white semiformal dress shirt with a turndown collar, black bow tie, and black cummerbund. The blue trousers are cut along the lines of civilian dress trousers, with a high waist and without pleats, cuffs, or hip pockets. The trouser leg ornamentation consists of an ornamental braid worn on the outside seam of the trouser leg, from the bottom of the waistband to the bottom of the trouser leg.

General officers wear pants of the same color as the jacket, with two ½–inch, gold-colored braids, spaced ½ inch apart. Current stated uniform regulation for mess dress is that all other officers and enlisted personnel wear lighter blue trousers with a single 1 ½ inch, gold-colored braid. When worn for white tie events, it is worn with a white formal dress shirt with a wing collar, white waistcoat, and white bow tie instead of the black tie versions.

The white mess uniform is similar, but features a white mess jacket and black high-waisted trousers instead. The trousers are the same for all ranks.

Physical training uniform

The Army Physical Fitness Uniform (APFU), manufactured by UNICOR and adopted in 2013, is modular, with individual pieces that can be combined or eliminated depending on physical training conditions. All parts of the uniform are styled in black and gold and include track jacket, short-sleeve and long-sleeve T-shirts, track pants, and stretchable running trunks. The uniform was released in October 2014. No standard shoe style is specified to be worn. Soldiers are expected simply to purchase commercial running shoes. Shoes with profane or vulgar logos, as well as "toe shoes", such as the Vibram FiveFingers running shoe, are prohibited.

Special ceremonial units
U.S. Army uniform regulations define a class of "special ceremonial units" (SCUs), which include guards units and bands, that are authorized to wear distinctive uniforms – in lieu of the Army Service Uniform – for public duties, including state arrivals, official funerals, change-of-command and retirement ceremonies, and the presidential inaugural parade.

Examples of SCU uniforms

Bands
The U.S. Army has 34 active-duty bands and more than 50 reserve bands. Most of these units wear the Army Service Uniform for public duties; however, certain units – primarily located in the National Capital Region – have unit-specific uniforms that are used for special occasions. Unlike the Army Service Uniform, these specialized uniforms are, for budgetary reasons, generally issued to units – instead of individuals – and returned to the unit following the soldier's departure.

The U.S. Army Band "Pershing's Own", the U.S. Army Field Band, and the U.S. Army Herald Trumpets wear a parade uniform designed by the U.S. Army Institute of Heraldry and introduced in 1969 for the inauguration of Richard Nixon. The uniform blouse has a choker-style collar, instead of the open collar used on the Army Service Uniform, and eight buttons, representing the eight notes of the musical scale. Decorative gold braid adorns the cuffs and standard army cover is replaced by a crimson peaked hat, while drum majors wear a bearskin helmet. A summer white blouse is also available. In the 1950s "Pershing's Own" briefly wore a yellow and black uniform known as "the Lion Tamer" due to its resemblance to a circus costume. Before World War II, the band's uniform was a grey variation of the standard dress blue uniform.

The 3rd Infantry Regiment Fife and Drum Corps wear red, open-front regimental coats, white coveralls, and black tri-corner hats.

The U.S. Military Academy Band – a full-time band assigned to the U.S. Military Academy at West Point - wears distinctive, high-collared navy jackets with white accessories and dark shakos. From 1875 to 1890 the band wore pickelhaube instead of shakos.

Guards
The Commander-in-Chief's Guard, part of the 3rd Infantry Regiment, uses a special dress uniform that is evocative of the uniform worn by Gen. George Washington's life guard. It consists of open-front, blue regimental coats, white coveralls, and black tricorner hats.

The First Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry (a Pennsylvania National Guard unit) has a special full-dress uniform known for its distinctive helmet with extravagant bearskin roach.

The 1st Cavalry Division's Horse Detachment was given status as a Special Ceremonial Unit in 1972. Their parade uniform consists of a navy "fireman's shirt", worn with Columbia blue trousers with yellow piping. Accoutrements include a divisional kerchief worn around the neck and yellow suspenders. Cover is the Cavalry Stetson.

Other non-band SCU units with distinctive uniforms include 54th Massachusetts Volunteer Infantry.

Cadet uniforms

West Point
Cadets enrolled at the United States Military Academy at West Point wear standard Army uniforms, including the Army Combat Uniform and the Army Physical Fitness Uniform, but also use several unique uniforms for drills and daily wear in lieu of the Army Service Uniform. Since 1816, West Point cadet uniforms have been styled in cadet grey which continues to be the primary color used in academy dress.

Spring parade dress consists of cadet grey swallow-tail coats with 21-gold buttons, a standing collar, white trousers, and black shakos (known as a "tarbucket hat" in U.S. Army nomenclature). Winter parade dress is similar to spring parade dress, though trousers are colored cadet gray instead of white. This same uniform is worn without the black shakos hat and with the gray or white peaked service cap depending on the season when not parading but still required for formal events. For evening formal events, no headgear is worn.

Summer dress ("India Whites") consist of a white overblouse with a standing collar, white trousers and white peaked service caps. Service dress (“white over gray”) consists of grey trousers, short sleeve white shirts with shoulder boards, and white peaked caps. "Dress Gray" uniforms consist of gray blouses with a standing collar and trimmed with a one-inch black mohair braid band, gray trousers and gray peaked caps. In cold weather, a gray Long Overcoat is worn over the uniform.  The daily service uniform ("As for Class") consists of gray trousers, charcoal gray shirts in long sleeve and short sleeve variants and garrison caps.

Senior military colleges

Cadets at senior military colleges are authorized, under Army Regulation 670–1, to wear uniforms developed by their institutions. Regular U.S. Army personnel assigned to those units as instructors may also wear institutionally developed uniforms in lieu of standard army dress. Most corps of cadets at senior military colleges wear uniforms loosely patterned on that of the U.S. Military Academy at West Point. One exception is Texas A&M University which has several styles of cadet dress uniforms modeled after Army officers uniforms of World War II. The corps' special ceremonial unit, the Ross Volunteers, wear an all-white parade uniform with peaked hat, and the Fish Drill Team, the corps' all-freshman rifle drill squad, wears the "Midnight" uniform with black "paratrooper" boots, white belts, and black polished combat helmet with chromed brass.

ROTC and Junior ROTC units

Reserve Officer Training Corps (ROTC) and Junior ROTC (JROTC) cadets wear the Army Service Uniform, the Army Combat Uniform and the Physical Training Uniform with some differences in rank, insignia and headgear for the JROTC cadet ASU. Junior ROTC cadets wear grey shirts instead of white shirts and grey berets instead of black berets with their Army service uniform.

Special uniform situations

Special covers

Soldiers assigned to the cavalry units may, during certain divisional functions, replace standard army soft cover (the black beret, the blue peaked hat, or the camouflage patrol cap) with the “Cav Stetson,” a black Stetson with yellow braid (gold for officers) and cavalry branch insignia.

U.S. Army Drill Sergeants are authorized to wear a campaign hat while in the Army Combat Uniform. First adopted in 1911, the campaign hat was abandoned for drill instructor use during World War II, but readopted in 1964. Army campaign hats are olive green with the Great Seal of the United States centered on the front of the hat on a gold disc.

Several berets in alternate colors to the Army standard black beret are also used. Personnel assigned to units trained and equipped for parachute infiltration, known as airborne forces—such as the 82nd Airborne Division—are authorized to wear a maroon beret while soldiers assigned to the 75th Ranger Regiment wear tan berets. Soldiers who graduate from the Special Forces Qualification Course are authorized to wear a green beret. The Army's newest units, the Security Force Assistance Brigades (SFABs), are authorized to wear a dark brown beret.

The U.S. Army has also authorized the wear of distinctive baseball-style caps for some personnel. Special skill instructors are authorized the wear of black hats, while parachute riggers are allowed red caps.

Highland dress

The U.S. Army tartan, designed by Strathmore Woollen Company, is black, khaki, blue, gold, and two shades of green. The United States Army Psychological Operations Regiment has a separate tartan of green, black, red, gray and white. However, there are currently no U.S. Army units that use Highland dress and the wearing of the  kilt with U.S. Army uniforms is not permitted by Army regulations. Among armies in the five UKUSA Agreement nations, only the United States and New Zealand do not actively field Scottish units, though both nations have done so in the past.

Nonetheless, in keeping with U.S. Army uniform regulations that permit cadet commands at the U.S. Military Academy and the senior military colleges to introduce institution-specific uniforms, members of the bagpipe bands at the United States Military Academy, The Citadel, Norwich University, the Virginia Military Institute, and the Virginia Tech Corps of Cadets wear a Highland uniform while performing as part of their respective ensembles. These uniforms are patterned on collegiate tartans instead of the U.S. Army tartan. The Oregon Civil Defense Force (OSDF) also fields a pipe band that wears a modified Highland uniform, including kilt and sporran, authorized by the Oregon Military Department.

See also
 Berets of the United States Army
 Uniforms of the United States Armed Forces

References

Further reading

Battle dress through the centuries

External links

AR-670-1 (April 2015).
AR-670-1 (September 2003).


Boissy-le-Cutté () is a commune in the Essonne department in Île-de-France in northern France.

Inhabitants of Boissy-le-Cutté are known as Boissillons in French.

See also
Communes of the Essonne department

References

External links

Mayors of Essonne Association

Communes of Essonne


Óscar Christopher Vílchez Soto (born 21 January 1986) is a Peruvian footballer who plays as a central midfielder for Alianza Universidad and for the Peru national football team. He is also the younger brother of footballer Walter Vílchez.

Club career
He was promoted to the first team of Alianza Lima in 2004 by Gustavo Costas, in that year he made his official debut. He scored his first goal in the Descentralizado on 31 July 2005 in the 4–0 home victory against Sport Ancash. In January 2006 he was loaned out to Sport Ancash for the start of the 2006 season. In January 2007 he was loaned out to Arequipa giants FBC Melgar for the first half of the 2007 season. He returned to Alianza in July 2007 and played several matches. At the end of that year, he suffered an injury that left him outside for nearly 2 years. In July 2009, after having surgery in Mexico and completing his treatment, he was hired once again by Alianza Lima.

Honours

Club
Sporting Cristal
Torneo Descentralizado: 2012
Alianza Lima
Torneo Descentralizado: 2003
Torneo Descentralizado: 2004
Torneo Descentralizado: 2017

References

External links

1986 births
Living people
People from Chiclayo
Men's association football midfielders
Peruvian men's footballers
Peruvian Primera División players
Club Alianza Lima footballers
Sport Áncash footballers
FBC Melgar footballers
Sporting Cristal footballers
Juan Aurich footballers
Peru men's international footballers
Copa América Centenario players


Boissy-le-Sec () is a commune in the Essonne department in Île-de-France in northern France.

Inhabitants of Boissy-le-Sec are known as Boissyons.

See also
Communes of the Essonne department

References

External links

Mayors of Essonne Association

Communes of Essonne


A cauldron is a large metal pot for cooking.

Cauldron may also refer to:

Music
 Cauldron (band), Canadian heavy metal band
 Cauldron (Fifty Foot Hose album), 1968
 Cauldron (Ruins album), 2008

Gaming
 Cauldron (Shackled City), the primary setting in The Shackled City Adventure Path
 Cauldron (video game), a 1985 computer game
 Cauldron HQ, a computer game development studio located in Bratislava, Slovakia

Books
 Cauldron (Larry Bond novel), a 1993 novel by Larry Bond
 Cauldron (Jack McDevitt novel), a 2007 science fiction novel by Jack McDevitt

Military
 Cauldron (military term)
 The Cauldron, a WWII battlefield during the Battle of Gazala in North Africa
 Operation Cauldron, 1952 biological warfare experiment

Other uses
 Caldera, a cauldron-like volcanic feature
 The Cauldron, a UK-based esoteric magazine
 Olympic cauldron

See also

 Caldron (disambiguation)
 The Black Cauldron (disambiguation)
 Witches Cauldron (disambiguation)


Boissy-sous-Saint-Yon (, literally Boissy under Saint-Yon) is a commune in the Essonne department in Île-de-France in northern France.

Inhabitants of Boissy-sous-Saint-Yon are known as Buxéens.

See also
Communes of the Essonne department

References

External links

Mayors of Essonne Association

Communes of Essonne


Bondoufle () is a commune in the Essonne department in Île-de-France in northern France.  It is 27 km from Paris.

In 1994 the city hosted the Francophonie Games at the Stade Robert Bobin, which had been built for the occasion.

Population
Inhabitants of Bondoufle are known as Bondouflois.

Education
There are:
 Four preschools (école maternelle): Malraux, Mauriac, Mermoz, and Saint-Exupery
 Four elementary schools: Malraux, Mauriac, Mermoz, and Saint-Exupery
 Collège Charles Peguy (junior high school)
 Lycée François Truffaut (senior high school/sixth-form college)

See also
Communes of the Essonne department

References

External links
Official website
Mayors of Essonne Association
Land use (IAURIF)

Communes of Essonne
Essonne communes articles needing translation from French Wikipedia


Boullay-lès-Troux () is a commune located thirty kilometers south-west of Paris in the department of Essonne in the Île-de-France region.

Inhabitants of Boullay-les-Troux are known as Boullaisiens.

See also
Communes of the Essonne department

References

External links

Mayors of Essonne Association

Communes of Essonne


Bouray-sur-Juine (, literally Bouray on Juine) is a commune in the Essonne department in Île-de-France in northern France.

History

The town name is coming from lord Pierre de Bouray in 13th century and Louis de Rabondanges in 16th century, both owner of the Château of Mesnil-Voisin (rebuilt in 17th century).

Geography
It is 38 kilometers south west of Paris Notre Dame point zero from road of France, 16 kilometers south west of Évry, 14 kilometers north east of Étampes  5 kilometers north west of La Ferté-Alais, 9 kilometers south east of Arpajon, 14 kilometers south east of Montlhéry, 16 kilometers south west of Corbeil-Essonnes, 18 kilometers south east of Milly-la-Forêt, 20 kilometers south east of Dourdan, 22 kilometers south east of Palaiseau.

Transports and way links

Bouray train station, is located in the commune of Lardy, it is served by RER C.
Bus from CEAT is taking care of the link between Bouray-sur-Juine, Janville-sur-Juine, Arpajon, Saint-Vrain, Itteville, Marolles-en-Hurepoix et Étampes.
The Noctilien is stopping there as well.
The village lies on the right bank of the Juine, which forms all of the commune's northern border.

Inhabitants of Bouray-sur-Juine are known as Bouraysiens.

See also
Communes of the Essonne department

References

External links

Official website

Mayors of Essonne Association

Communes of Essonne


Boussy-Saint-Antoine () is a commune in the Essonne department in Île-de-France in northern France.

The town has close connections with the Dutch village Aagtdorp and the Canadian city of Halifax.

Population
Inhabitants of Boussy-Saint-Antoine are known as Buxaciens in French.

Notable people
Paul Cottin, French archivist

See also
Communes of the Essonne department

References

External links

Official website

Mayors of Essonne Association

Communes of Essonne


Boutervilliers () is a commune in the Essonne department in Île-de-France in northern France.

Inhabitants of Boutervilliers are known as Boutervillierais in French.

See also
Communes of the Essonne department

References

External links

Mayors of Essonne Association

Communes of Essonne


The North Iowa Huskies were a junior ice hockey team based in Mason City, Iowa.  They were a member of the United States Hockey League from 1983 to 1999.  They played their home games at North Iowa Ice Arena. They would move to Cedar Rapids and became the Cedar Rapids RoughRiders after the 1998–99 season.

Mason City would later host the North Iowa Outlaws and North Iowa Bulls.

External links
Team information

United States Hockey League teams
Ice hockey teams in Iowa
Mason City, Iowa
Ice hockey clubs established in 1983
Sports clubs and teams disestablished in 1999
1983 establishments in Iowa
1999 disestablishments in Iowa


Man's Work is a television series produced in the United Kingdom which broadcasts on the UK channel Bravo. It features Ashley Hames, who has to trial some of the toughest, hardest & demanding jobs on the planet. *

Episode list
Episode 1 – Alaskan King Crab Fisherman (Alaska)
Episode 2 – Logger (Canada)
Episode 3 – Drugs Cop (Colombia)
Episode 4 – Fireman (Canada)
Episode 5 – Crime Scene Cleaner (USA)
Episode 6 – Opal Mining (Australia)
Episode 7 – Montego Bay Coastguard (Jamaica)
Episode 8 – Volunteer Fireman (Australia)
Episode 9 – Football Manager (England)
Episode 10 – Stuntman (New Zealand)
Episode 11 – Gaucho (Brazil)
Episode 12 – Aussie Rules Ruckman (Australia)
Episode 13 – Mountain Rescue (Australia)

See also
Bravo

References

External links

Man's Work at BRAVO.co.uk

2006 British television series debuts
2006 British television series endings
Bravo (British TV channel) original programming
2000s British documentary television series
2000s British television miniseries
Television series by Endemol
English-language television shows


Yuhua District (), is one of eight districts of the prefecture-level city of Shijiazhuang, the capital of Hebei Province, North China, located in the southeast of the urban core of Shijiazhuang. It lies towards the southeastern part of the greater urban area. Several major universities of Shijiazhuang, including Hebei Normal University, Hebei University of Science and Technology, Hebei Medical University, Shijiazhuang Economy Institute, Hebei Professional Art Institute, Shijiazhuang Foreign Language School, are locating in this area. The government of Shijiazhuang and its major affiliates are also located in this region.

The northern part of Yuhua District is Zhongshan Road, one of the major commercial regions in Shijiazhuang.

The highest building in the city, Shijiazhuang TV Tower, is located in this district.

Administrative divisions
There are 9 subdistricts and 2 towns.

References

External links

County-level divisions of Hebei
Shijiazhuang


Paulo Francis (Rio de Janeiro, September 2, 1930 – New York City, February 4, 1997) was a Brazilian journalist, political pundit, novelist and critic.

Francis became prominent in modern Brazilian journalism through his controversial critiques and essays with a trademark writing style, which mixed erudition and vulgarity. Like many other Brazilian intellectuals of his time, Francis was exposed to Americanization during his teens. In his early career, Francis tried to blend Brazilian left-wing nationalist ideas in culture and politics with the ideal of modernity embodied by the United States. He acted mostly as an advocate of modernism in cultural matters, later becoming embroiled in Brazil's 1960s political struggles as a Trotskyist sympathizer and a left-wing nationalist, while at the same time keeping a distance from both Stalinism and Latin American populism. After spending the 1970s as an exile and expatriate in the US, in the 1980s he forsook his leftist views for Americanism's sake, performing a sharp political turn into aggressive conservatism, defending the free-market economics and political liberalism, and became an uncompromising anti-leftist. In this capacity, he estranged himself from the Brazilian intelligentsia and became mostly a media figure, a role that entangled him in a legal suit until his death in 1997. Critical evaluations of his work have been made by media scholar Bernardo Kucinski and historian Isabel Lustosa.

Early life and career (1930–64)
Born as Franz Paul Trannin da Matta Heilborn into a middle-class family of German descent, Francis received his early education in various traditional Catholic schools in Rio de Janeiro. He attended the National School of Philosophy (at the time a general humanities course) of the University of Brazil in the 1950s, but dropped out before graduating. In college, he was admitted into the student troupe (Teatro do Estudante) managed by the critic Paschoal Carlos Magno, with whom he toured northeastern Brazil. On the trip, he was shocked and disgusted by what he described as poverty, backwardness, [and an] unawareness of welfare and civil society."

Inspired towards a stage career after that trip, Francis tried to become an actor in Rio de Janeiro during the early 1950s. Although he received an award as a rising star in 1952, he did not pursue the career: according to Kucisnki, because he lacked talent; according to his former mentor Paschoal Carlos Magno, because his interests were directed firstly towards political activism. From the start of his career, Francis saw himself not as an entertainer, but as a public intellectual intent on social change. In his own words, he had returned from his Northeastern Brazil tour "sure of the need for a social revolution".

Deciding on a stage management career, Francis went to Columbia University, where he studied Dramatic Literature, mostly attending the classes of the Brecht scholar Eric Bentley. He also became acquainted with the work of the critic George Jean Nathan. Eventually, he dropped out of Columbia.

During his time in the United States, Francis joined a host of Brazilian intellectuals who, during the 1940s and the 1950s, forswore any abstract and aristocratic European concept of "civilization", meaning mostly French Belle Époque culture, in favor of an American model, which equated modernization with cutting-edge technological development (Fordism) and mass democracy, understood as the necessary material basis for social change, which Francis expressed through a personal mix of pro-Americanism and Left radicalism.

His embrace of what he saw as American pragmatism led Francis into a lifelong militant empiricism and scorn for theory. According to Kucinski, Francis was always open about his boredom with the academic method of intellectual analysis, describing it as conventional and unimaginative. He always preferred his role as a journalist to that of a scholar. As a scholar, he was prone to what many saw as excessive intellectual pretensions: in the words of one of his critics, psychoanalyst and writer Maria Rita Kehl, Francis never doubted, as he had supposedly understood everything even before realizing what actually happened. He was also repelled by what he saw as the rhetorical obscurity of 1960s Structuralism, striving instead for "a simple, learned prose, with a clear language". In a late interview, he would proudly describe himself as "not [being] a scholar who pens treatises. I'm a journalist who discusses on the facts of the day, political and cultural happenings".

This mode of work, according to critics such as Kehl and Kucinski, would shape his writing throughout his life. These same critics saw in it a signal of an inability to perform sustained intellectual work and a tendency to rely on flashes of wit and borrowed erudition (the use of incessant quotes and bon mots) something that would make him prone to mistakes and imprecision. According to Kucinski, his "absence of careful research, established facts, precise information [...] became eventually – through excessive generalization and lack of patience [...] – downright bigotry".

His acquaintance with contemporary American criticism had prepared him for the important role he played in Brazilian theater, which at the time was in a feverish process of cultural modernization, mostly in the sense of a thorough Americanization of cultural values. This process had begun after the 1945 fall of the Getúlio Vargas dictatorship, and lasted until the 1964 military coup. After a time as a director between 1954 and 1956 during which he staged five plays, with moderate success, in 1957 Francis started to write as a theater critic for the newspaper Diário Carioca. He was soon praised for his defense of a modern approach to staging. The Brazilian stage had been characterised by provincial bickering between rival troupes, as well as a strict attachment to Classic European conventions. With various other critics, such as the theater scholar Sabato Magaldi and the Shakespeare translator and expert Barbara Heliodora, Francis strove for social and psychological realism on the Brazilian stage, expressed in his association of Brecht's work to George Bernard Shaw's and Seán O'Casey's (ignoring, in the process, the anti-realist stance of Brechtian theater and submitting it to method acting conventions). In his own words, what he proposed was to approach staging as above all, an intellectual task: "to strive, on the stage, to find an equivalent for the feeling of unity and total expression one finds while reading a text". At the same time, he sponsored, with editor Jorge Zahar, the publication of a collection of translation of foreign plays that would form a canon on which a future Brazilian modernist dramaturgy would develop.

Within this intellectual framework, Francis acted as a cultural nationalist, supporting contemporary rising Brazilian playwrights such as Nelson Rodrigues and Gianfrancesco Guarnieri and actors such as Fernanda Montenegro and was generally respected for doing so. However, he remained noted for his compulsion towards unconsidered behavior and personal attack, as in a quarrel with an actress in 1958, in which he reacted to what he supposed to be a hint about his (supposed) homosexuality by writing so demeaning a piece of libel he was slapped in public by the actress' husband.

On the Eve of the military dictatorship and after: Radical journalism and fiction-writing (1964–79)
During the late 1950s and early 1960s, Francis worked mostly as a culture and literary critic. Between 1959 and 1962, he was an editor (alongside Nahum Sirotsky) of the culture magazine Senhor, a literary magazine praised for the quality of its contributors as well as for its innovative graphic design, which was created by Bea Feitler. There, Francis published stories by writers who were little-known at the time, such as Clarice Lispector and Guimarães Rosa.

In the climate of heated, polarized political debate that characterized the early Cold War era in Brazil, Francis styled himself a Trotskyist. Although he was never a member of the various Trotskyist organizations existing at the time, he was a friend of various former members of the 1930s Brazilian section of the International Left Opposition, such as Mário Pedrosa and Edmundo Moniz. It was as a maverick, non-Stalinist, Left-leaning intellectual that he was invited in 1963 to write a political column in the Leftist Vargoist paper Última Hora, where he became known for his radical views. In his articles, he advocated for a nationalist Left-reformist agenda (land and franchise reforms and the strengthening of foreign investment controls), advising the Left to support the João Goulart government by means of a strategy of pressure "from below", banking on the grassroots mobilization of the broad masses against what he saw as a mostly reactionary Parliament. He supported a radical populism that would eventually break the framework of parliamentary inaction and introduce radical reformation. Although sympathetic to the reformist agenda of the João Goulart government, Francis had misgivings about the President's position, as in his view Goulart "demanded the impossible in institutional terms: to ask from a Congress where conservatives are the ruling force to alter capitalist property relations".

He professed that he had joined one of the paramilitary "groups of eleven" being organized by maverick leftist leader Leonel Brizola: according to some, he was a treasurer to Brizola's organization. Francis suffered political harassment after Goulart's fall in 1964, being eventually banned from the mainstream press. In 1967, however, he edited the cultural supplement of Correio da Manhã, a major newspaper that would be wound down by the dictatorship in early 1969.

Banned from formal employment at a major paper, Francis earned a living during the late 1960s mostly as a freelancer. He wrote contributions for Abril monthly Realidade, acted as a consultant for Editora Civilização Brasileira, edited Revista Diners (a house organ distributed free of charge to Brazil subscribers of the Diners Club credit card) and wrote on a regular basis for various "alternative" (or "dwarf" -nanicos, according to contemporary Brazilian slang) papers and magazines, especially the satirical weekly O Pasquim and the daily Tribuna da Imprensa. Evading censorship, he wrote mostly about international affairs, and manifestly opposed US intervention in Vietnam, as well as supporting the PLO, flouting the official pro-American and pro-Israel sympathies of the military government in texts considered so uncharacteristically sober that they later produced a remark from Kucinski that "only then he became a real mentsch". In the wake of the late 1968 "coup inside the coup"—the takeover of the already existing military dictatorship by more radical generals—he was arrested four times, on the slimmest of pretexts.

After deciding to live abroad to escape the ever more stringent political repression in 1970s Brazil, Francis moved to the US, a move favoured by his previous upbringing in Columbia, his enduring Trotskyist sympathies (and therefore alienation towards the Stalinist Left of the time), and his actual American connections, such as his acquaintance with diplomat John Mowinckel. In late 1971, he moved to New York City as an international correspondent on a Ford Foundation fellowship. Once there, he assumed a position highly critical of the Richard Nixon administration, offering qualified support to the George McGovern candidacy in the 1972 US presidential election, assuming that McGovern's "naive reformism" offered a way out of the frozen consensus around Nixon – a consensus which he saw as a product of a conservative victory in a late 1960s "restrained civil war". Late in 1972, he published an essay in Portuguese that offered a continuous account of the said elections: Nixon vs. McGovern: as Duas Américas. Shortly afterwards, he married fellow journalist and international correspondent Sonia Nolasco Ferreira, who would later be acknowledged as a writer on her own right with her novels on Brazilian immigration to the US.

After 1976, Francis was employed again by a major Brazilian paper, as he began working exclusively for daily Folha de S.Paulo, then under the editorship of the Trotskyist cadre and famed editor Cláudio Abramo.

Fiction-writing and its repercussion
As a man of letters, Francis remained throughout his life committed to the modernist canon in literature, which he claimed to have received from Gertrude Stein: "things are precisely what they are. Rose is a rose is a rose is a rose. [This] has no need of adjectives, except as irony". In his view, what the modernist writer should strive at was historical relevance, by depicting in personal terms the fragmentary character of the social reality around him, described through the objective sensation felt, shunning any kind of commentary wont at offering a sense of coherence and totality. In Francis' words, in modern art, "it's the creator who imposes his untransferable imaging to the universe, with at most a distant relationship to observed reality". Therefore, what literature should strive at was "a curious stance – on purpose, to be sure – to expose things as they seem to us, suggesting in a very casual way what lies beneath". Although rejecting Social realism, Francis strived at socio-politic relevance in his choice of subject-matter, as expressed, for example, in his rejection of the "apogee of American petty-bourgeois Philistinism" he saw in John Updike's Rabbit novels, or the "constant fall into the anecdotal" he saw in contemporary Woody Allen's films.

Basing himself on these rules, during the late 1970s, Francis would publish the first two parts of an intended trilogy of social novels in which he tried, in a style Francis himself declares as reminiscent of James Joyce, but has very little in common to the style and genius of the Irish artist, to shun what he saw as the populist streak of Brazilian modern fiction, that is, the portrayal of the lives of the rural lower and/or higher classes typical of later Brazilian modernist authors such as Érico Veríssimo, Jorge Amado or Graciliano Ramos. Rejecting what he saw as the portrayal "of the ruling Bourgeoisie as an evil caricature", he chose to offer "the people" the opportunity "to know more about its masters", by describing life among the happy few in 1960s–1970s Rio ("the elite of the charming parochialism of Rio de Janeiro [fashionable boroughs], their parties and sensual pleasures")—a project reminiscent of  Scott Fitzgerald. By the same token, he associated his embrace of modernist stylish conventions (juxtaposition, non-linear narration) – or, in his own words, the deliberate refusal of earlier formal stylistics – to the necessity of portraying an emerging urban Brazil.

The first novel, Cabeça de Papel (Paperhead, a pun with a Brazilian nursery rhyme), a mix between a memoir and spy thriller, was published in Brazil in 1977. In 1979, he published a sequel, Cabeça de Negro (also a pun, this time with the name of a kind of homemade firework called "black man's head"), which was intended both as a thriller and as one of the various 1970s memorial novels that chronicled the armed underground struggle against the Brazilian military dictatorship. Both novels achieved moderate sales success, but were met with critical failure. Brazilian scholars with both an academic and journalistic background criticised Francis' writing for sloppiness: the literary critic José Guilherme Merquior even said that he simply had shunned reading one of Francis' novels to the end for its plain want of literary qualities. Other critics, however, like the writer Silvano Santiago, maintained that Francis' apparent lack of stylish qualities simply meant that he, like many others, simply felt the imprint of the times: in the absence of open public debate, it was unavoidable that literature would assume a parajournalistic function aimed at a transposition of the real. According to the prominent Austro-Brazilian critic Otto Maria Carpeaux, what Francis' novels offered was information "about a fringe of Brazilian society that snorts lines and stays drunk" and "an out of focus look at a seaside [i.e. fashionable] swathe of our age". Francis replied to his critics' restrictions in his usually vitriolic fashion by calling them "smarties who adopt the blurbs of foreign books [as their own] in order to make themselves a career [...] the plague of university professors in Brazil is more serious than the Black Death in the Middle Ages"

Francis was also criticized for an alleged lack of depth in his political and cultural commentaries and confusion arising from his attempt at melding the Joycean stream of consciousness with the plot of a spy thriller: in the words of a paper critic for Folha de S.Paulo, Vinicius Torres Filho, for producing in his novels something like "a watered-down Graham Greene", expressing a Cold War obsession at displaying a supposedly intellectual sophistication by seeing political issues in terms of conspiracies and spies. The same critics also pointed to the patchy plot of Francis' novels and his shallow digressions – in which Francis showed what they considered a weakness for incessant quotes and untimely comment, which, despite their undeniable charm, showed an author who simply couldn't refrain from offering his erudition in a showcase to the prospective reader. This alleged self-centered character of his fictions made literary critic João Luiz Lafetá declare that Francis had intended to write about the anatomy of the Brazilian ruling class but had written only about his (dependent) position towards it as an intellectual. In a late, posthumous comment on the twin "Cabeça" novels, the writer Ricardo Lisias wrote that Francis' text was a mix of superficial geopolitics, culinary frivolity, creepy sexual commentaries - all spun together in "a kind of crazed speech, always in the same whirling, meaningless rhythm".

However, what these same critics acknowledged as the greatest achievement of the two novels was Francis's "stylistics of mockery" (retórica da esculhambação): his grammatically incorrect phrasing, polyglot vocabulary and confused mix between the erudite and the downright vulgar. In a pithy description, his was "a messy (avacalhada), aggressive rhetoric, in itself a critique of the pompous logorrhea and mystification [proper to Brazilian ruling elites]". In a late critique, the scholar João Manuel dos Santos Cunha would say that it was Francis''' own logorrhea in these novels which functioned as a "rape" of journalistic language that made clear his forswearing of any pretense at objectivity in order to allow him to build "a dirty language for a dirty time".

Despite the Francis' avowed leftism at the time, the American literary scholar Malcolm Silvermann considered his tone to be already that of a nihilist: in the words this same critic, what every character in Francis' novels displayed – irrespective of political affiliation – was the same "careless erotico-politic debauchery, conspicuous consuming, belligerent use of obscenities and a general disdain for everyone". Such was an outward manifestation of a deeper process that affected Francis as well as other Brazilian Left intellectuals of the time: a general feeling of disenchantment that eventually found a solution in the most extreme aggression directed toward earlier ideals.

After the joint publication, in 1982, of two novellas under the title Filhas do Segundo Sexo ("Children of the Second Sex") – an attempt at tackling the issue of middle-class female emancipation and at the same time at plain language feuilleton – which was very ill-received by both critics and public, Francis stopped publishing fiction. Eleven years after his death, a new novel, left by Francis as a draft, was to be published after being edited by his widow: Carne Viva ("Open Wound"), where the author tried, again, to portray the lives of the wealthy and sophisticated in between a mythical 1960s Rio de Janeiro and an equally mythical French May—something that led critic Vinícius Torres Freire, in Folha de S.Paulo, to state that Francis had left only a memoir about the kitsch character of his usual snobbery.

Post-dictatorship years: ideological shift and media celebrity (1979–97)
In 1980, Francis published a mostly political memoir upon turning 50, O afeto que se encerra ("The love enclosed" – a pun again, this time on a verse from the Brazilian Flag Anthem), in which he confirmed his Marxist beliefs. Shortly afterwards, however, he made a sharp and sudden turn from Trotskyism to conservative views. A gulf developed between him and the Left in the Brazilian intellectual and political scene during the demise of the military dictatorship and after, with Francis hurling insults from New York at various academics and politicians, and especially at the Workers' Party (PT), which in the post-dictatorship democracy quickly became the dominant Brazilian leftist party. According to one of his critics, he chose his targets carefully and used the most sordid adjectives, having as his choicest targets leaders of popular movements, the Left, specially the PT, but also writers and scholars, whom he smeared by name.

Francis' shift, rooted in what was a late 1970s general intellectual frustration with the Left, had nevertheless also personal reasons, on which later scholars differed: media scholar Kucinski talks about disenchantment and alienation; some fellow journalists propose plain objective interest, noting that Francis, in the early 1980s, had lobbied covertly in his column for private business interests. Others argue for vanity at hobnobbing with Establishment figures. He was criticised for having little understanding of the Brazilian realities, commenting on Brazil while living abroad – as well as feigning an acquaintance with the New York intellectual milieu which, according to the same critics, he lacked, and whose lack he always resented.

Other authors, however, such as historian Isabel Lustosa, have a different explanation: as a Left intellectual, Francis had already nurtured a deep-seated cultural elitism, as well as a loathing for the emergence of the so-called new social movements, a loathing expressed, for instance, in his lifelong misogyny.Commenting on the Brazilian film Dona Flor and Her Two Husbands, Francis would approvingly remark that "portraying a woman fond of an exploiting, spanking male partner [...] is to be [intellectually] subversive to the highest degree". March 14, 1978 column, Diário da Corte, 72. In one of the few times he was able to get in touch with a major figure of the New Yorker intellectual milieu, he did not refrain from making anti-feminist remarks that caused him to be snubbed by the American poet Adrienne Rich.

Around this elitist streak, possibly developed as a result of a superficial reading of Frankfurt School's authors critique of the Culture Industry, Francis developed his notion of leftism as, above all, a means to an end: the social modernization and political democratization of Brazilian society – which ultimately meant embracing mainstream American values and American culture. In Lustosa's words, Francis' opposition to an autarkic Brazilian cultural nationalism was such as to eventually decide him to be "rather the last in the Court than the first in the backwater". Even before the 1964 military coup, Francis had decided to support Goulart's government only to the extent that Goulart stood for a modernizing agenda, in which "the populist politico of yesterday became the historical agent of today". In short, Francis' leftism was but a tool for Westernization.

During the early 1980s, Francis had behaved condescendingly towards the then emerging Workers' Party leader Lula, whom he had described as a supporter of business-as-usual trade unionism, with whom "even Ronald Reagan would agree".<ref>"Viagem, teste que não deve ser ignorado". February 11, 1981 column, Diário da Corte", 136.</ref> In the late 1980s, however, he would develop suspicions regarding what he saw as the PT's increasing radicalism, which, associated to his usual misanthropy ("by my aristocratic calling I mean setting strict bounds to sympathies for my neighbors"), led him eventually to express a fear that the emergence of a grassroots, mass, trade-union-based and anti-intellectual Left, such as that which the Workers' Party represented, meant the risk that Brazil and the Brazilians could distance themselves from "our cultural heritage [sic] which is the Illuminist West, the USA, our North American peers in size, which since Franklin Roosevelt want us to be their South American partners". His increasing disgust with Brazilian society at large, fostered by the failure of the Left to prevent the 1964 military coup as well as his growing sense of alienation from Brazilian politics, also could have had a role at his ideological volteface. Even in the 1960s, commenting on a novel by his friend Carlos Heitor Cony, Francis had pondered on the incompatibility between the activity of the intellectuals and general Brazilian society. In a later commentary, he would reject even the mere idea of actual mass politics and write disparagingly about 1960s New Left protest culture: even when there are rallies and marches, "if you look closer, it's the usual suspects who make noises. The rest are simple bystanders".

In a way, Francis' political rightward shift was an emotional rejection of the backwardness which he came to identify with all things Brazilian ("the climate abominable, the culture a desert, the food excessive and wretched, the political environment unbearable"). Such an  a priori rejection, as it was, needed not be very elaborate: in a 1994 interview, Francis offered as a reason for his shift a 1970s trip to the American Midwest, "the industrial center of the country" where he allegedly had seen "nothing to equal it, in the way of progress and workers' welfare".

These and similar views grounded opinions such as the one that was to be expressed, in one of Francis' obituaries, by his late political friend, financial tsar and former Minister of Planning of the Castelo Branco military administration Roberto Campos: in Campos' condescending view, Francis' columns were intellectually worthless, but made nevertheless good propaganda; they were "a weird bouquet of [...] economic guesswork" but nevertheless a good "boxing for ideas". Francis' views were actually very simple, consisting in an extreme variety of Marxist historicism-cum-Reaganian supply-side economics: in order to liberate the forces of production and develop Brazil, it was, in his view, necessary "to surrender the country to people who want and know how to make money – private capital". An essay published in 1985, O Brasil no Mundo, identifying Brazilian authoritarianism with an absence of Capitalism, expressed this ideological shift. In his last book, Trinta Anos Esta Noite (1994), a memoir published on the 30th anniversary of the 1964 coup, he would argue that a socialist transformation of Brazilian society at the time was not achievable, and that Brazil should develop into the American sphere of influence. Notwithstanding his jagged relationship with the various post-dictatorship Brazilian presidencies (specially those of Fernando Collor and Fernando Henrique Cardoso), the fact is that the later Francis' neoliberal commitment was never directed towards a particular government, but towards an ideal of government.

Such ideas would eventually express themselves in a kind of bigotry with ever more markedly racist overtones, directed against "Mediterranean peoples, blacks, poor folk of all hues, Northeastern Brazilians". This trend began with a 1988 column directed against the then Workers' Party candidate to the São Paulo mayorship Luiza Erundina, a female from rural Northeastern Brazil whom he described as a "beefy gentleman", a "hottie", and whose prospects of winning the election he described with a Joseph Conrad quote ("the horror, the horror"). This kind of abuse eventually procured Francis a doubtful fame, built around his various scandalous smears, such as when he expressed his desire to have the PT MP-cum-unionist, the Afro-Brazilian Vicentinho, "whipped as a slave". In another of his pithy statements, he stated that "the discovery [sic] of the clarinet by Mozart was a greater contribution than anything Africa gave us until today". When President Fernando Collor created a Ya̧nomamö Park in Brazil, he wrote that this was the gesture of someone who gave "land in abundance" to a people who "weren't even of use as slaves". In a 1990s column, he would write that "Brazilian political problems stemmed from the stranglehold of northeastern elites".

In the early 1990s, Francis argued that the effects on American university education have been grim. Stanford University abolished, or made optional, the course of Western civilization, because it would be a matter of dead, white and males. Nothing before 1900 has the least importance, says the primer of the political correctness. Ignorant generations of the glory of the Western culture, of Homer, Dante Alighieri, William Shakespeare, Voltaire, Molière, Jean Racine, Michelangelo, Benvenuto Cellini, were formed in these twenty years without knowledge of these people.

Another book banned is Moby Dick by American writer Herman Melville, which is one of the extraordinary experiences in literature. Do you know what are the politically incorrect demonstrations of Moby Dick? In the whaling ship, the Pequod, there are only men, no woman who harpooned the whales. And Moby Dick tells about a whale hunt, hunt them is a crime against the environment. Being in favor of the environment is politically correct.

TV celebrity (1979–97)
Because of this, Paulo Francis was attacked by many of his former associates, and the number of disputes in which he became involved heightened his fame as a controversial journalist. Many of these polemics became, in themselves, pop culture events, as with the show of mutual animosity between him and the popular composer Caetano Veloso. From 1979 on, he worked as a TV commentator for Rede Globo—something that was in itself a telling proof of his political shift, as he had, during the dictatorship, charged the Globo boss Roberto Marinho with manipulating information in order to have him banished from Brazil.<ref>Paulo Francis, "Um homem chamado porcaria", O Pasquim, January 14, 1971. In the article, Francis denounced the fact of his having been listed, during one of his imprisonments, in Marinho's paper O Globo, as one of the political prisoners that should be freed abroad in exchange for the release of the German ambassador to Brazil, who had been kidnapped and held hostage by underground leftist guerrillas -such "ransomed" prisoners being mandatorily deprived of their Brazilian citizenship. The virulence of the attack was evident already at Francis' titling of it ("A man called refuse"), but also in the design of the caption, drawn by the cartoonist Jaguar, where the letters of the word "refuse" (porcaria) were sketched as fly-decked faeces, with an additional sketch besides of the weekly's mascot, the mouse Sig, vomiting heartily: cf. Claudio Julio Tognolli, "Roberto Marinho (1904–2003):K-Pax ou signos em rotação".
Observatório da Imprensa newsite]. Accessed May 12, 2011.</ref> He also sustained a heated dispute with the newspaper ombudsman of Folha de S.Paulo Caio Túlio Costa—mostly over Francis' repeated insulting of Lula as the PT's presidential candidate for the incoming 1989 elections. What Costa objected to was mostly Francis's description of Lula as "[an individual] named after an octopus and an [association football] Left winger, a half-illiterate with the discreet charm of the Proletariat". Costa also pointed to Francis' racism Francis left the Folha during early 1991 and began writing his column for the O Estado de S. Paulo. He also had his column syndicated and published in the Globo-owned newspaper, the Rio de Janeiro daily O Globo, among others.

In one of his later Folha columns, Francis offered support for then President-elect Fernando Collor, whom he described as "tall, comely and white – Western white. It's the image of Brazil with which I was raised". In another, late 1990 piece, he described an altercation between him and a black waiter at the Plaza Hotel Palm Court restaurant, concluding with the remark that "I thought about a whip. I'm thinking very much of whips lately [...] it's astonishing to have a nigger [crioulo] at the Palm Court, and a crude one to boot". As his posthumous editor remarks, "[Francis'] ensuing years were not to be very different from that".

Concentrating afterwards on his activities as a television commentator, Francis quickly became a pop culture phenomenon, playing the persona of the pundit always ready to offer a stinging comment in a basso voice—earning him various impersonators on Brazilian TV. This public persona, regarded by some as a caricature of himself, was often criticised as having a less-than-ideal regard for truth: according to an anecdote told by one of his friends, when Francis was still working for Folha de S.Paulo, one reporter, charged with revising his column, approached the then editor-in-chief of the paper, Boris Casoy, saying that "Francis' numbers do not check with truth", to which the editor – known for his rightist political stands – replied "Sonny, it's your numbers that must check with reality; Francis' numbers needn't". In his last years, Francis' activity as commentator centered on the cable TV weekly show Manhattan Connection, where he commented on the current issues, in what was described by a colleague as "three journalists striving uselessly at containing Francis' arrogant and overweening personality, allowing him eventually to have always the last word and to make wild guesses on everything".

Final disputes and death
His style, "a permanent diarrhea of insults, an opera-like performance of a bomber in the service of a single cause- his own," provoked lasting grudges. Francis was sued repeatedly in Brazilian courts for libel, to no avail. In early 1996, he was attacked bitterly by the anthropologist and then senator Darcy Ribeiro, who, reacting to Francis' disparaging comments on a bill he had presented on the restructuring of Brazil's education system, called him a neogringo and charged him with lobbying for private universities' interests. In Ribeiro's words, Francis was well aware of the fact that what he offered as "news" was actually a task on behalf of interest groups. Late this year, an entire book was published listing and describing various cases of his supposed plagiarisms and abuses.

In early 1997, Francis attacked, on cable TV, on the management of Brazilian state-owned oil corporation Petrobras as dishonest. Francis also claimed that its directors had US$50 million stashed in a Swiss bank account. After Francis' statements, Petrobras' management sued him for libel in an American court, which was possible because the show was broadcast in the US to Brazilian cable TV subscribers. The libel suit seems to have added to Francis' poor health condition, which was also due to a lifelong lack of physical exercise, heavy drinking and drug addiction, and chronic depression. Soon after, he suffered a fatal heart attack and died in New York on February 4, 1997. He was buried in Rio de Janeiro, and was survived by his wife Sonia Nolasco. who at the time was already working for the United Nations Organization and after her husband's death would perform various humanitarian missions to East Timor and Haiti.

According to his personal friend, political columnist Élio Gaspari, Francis had approached then-senator José Serra, who supposedly asked President Fernando Henrique Cardoso to see that the directors of Petrobras drop the lawsuit against Francis. President Cardoso, however, chose not to take action.

Legacy
Francis left a divided legacy, as his Leftist critics and Rightist admirers disagreed on the overall evaluation of his career. For the Left, his was a sad tale of the betrayal of the leftist culture of the 1950s, and of the 1960s Brazilian intelligentsia in which he was nurtured for the sake of success in the Cultural Industry. In a Berlin-held congress of scholars on Brazilian intellectuals, papers written on him by Kucinski and Lustosa were almost rejected "as his condition as an intellectual was regarded as doubtful". Some said that, even in his leftist phase, his elitism was already evident, especially in the way he used his supposed erudition as a commodity, for the sake of exerting an authoritarian influence on the cultural debate. Another scholar even coined the expression that, as an individual, Francis had left empty an informal "chair" for journalistic histrionics, for which various columnists competed, to the exclusion of serious journalism. Conversely, his conservative friends and admirers – as well as some of his remaining leftist friends – praised him heartily for his stylistic and satirical qualities, (in short, his public persona). They downplayed his more controversial statements and praised his clarity in admitting openly the demise of his earlier leftist ideals. Others friends and colleagues mourned his loss as the loss of a living memento from an already mythical 1950s and 1960s Rio de Janeiro.

Selected worksOpinião Pessoal (Cultura e Política) (essays, 1966)Certezas da Dúvida (essays, 1970)Nixon x McGovern – As Duas Américas (essay, 1972)Paulo Francis Nu e Cru (newspaper articles, 1976)Cabeça de Papel (novel, 1977)Paulo Francis – Uma Coletânea de Seus Melhores Textos Já Publicados (collection of columns, 1978)Cabeça de Negro (novel, 1979)O Afeto Que Se Encerra (memoir, 1980)Filhas do Segundo Sexo (novellas, 1982)O Brasil no Mundo (essay, 1985)Trinta Anos Esta Noite – 1964: O Que Vi e Vivi (essay, 1994)Waaal – O Dicionário da Corte de Paulo Francis (anthology of sayings, 1996)Carne Viva (novel, 2008)Diário da Corte (collection of Folha de S.Paulo columns, Nelson de Sá, org., 2012)

Notes

References

Books
Costa, Cristiane – Pena de Aluguel: Escritores Jornalistas no Brasil, 1904–2004, São Paulo: Cia. das Letras, 2005.
D'Escoteguy, Ana Carolina, org – Cultura midiática e tecnologias do imaginário: metodologias e pesquisas. Porto Alegre: EDIPUCRS, 2005.
Jaguar& Augusto, Sérgio, orgs. O Pasquim- Antologia: Vol. III, 1973–1974. Rio de Janeiro: Desiderata, 2009.
Kucinski, Bernardo – "Paulo Francis: uma tragédia brasileira", in A Síndrome da Antena Parabólica, São Paulo: Editora Fundação Perseu Abramo, 1998.
Lustosa, Isabel – As trapaças da sorte: ensaios de história política e de história cultural. Belo Horizonte: UFMG, 2004.
Moura, George – Paulo Francis: o Soldado fanfarrão, Rio de Janeiro, Objetiva, 2nd. edition, 1996.
Nogueira, Paulo Eduardo – Paulo Francis: polemista profissional. São Paulo: Imprensa Oficial, 2010.

Academic paper
Batista, Alexandre Blankl – "Paulo Francis e o cenário político-ideológico de 1989: Análise do discurso sobre "o fim do socialismo no leste europeu" e "o perigo Lula" no processo político-eleitoral brasileiro daquele ano", Anais do XXVI Simpósio Nacional de História – ANPUH, São Paulo, julho 2011

Sites
Beirão, Nirlando – "Paulo Francis, o homem-bomba". Revista Brasileiros, 32, March 2010 .Accessed June 21, 2012
Freire, Vinicius Torres – "Super-homens nos botecos do Leblon", Folha de S.Paulo'', 2/4/2007,  [http://www.observatoriodaimprensa.com.br/artigos.asp?cod=419ASP002 available online at. Accessed May 9, 2011
Fonseca, Alexandre Torres – "Paulo Francis, do Teatro à Política: 'Perdoa-me por me traíres'", M.Sc. dissertation, History Department, Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais, 2001, available for download at. Accessed May 10, 2011
Memória Globo – Globo.com – Perfis – Paulo Francis, Accessed May 7, 2011

External links
 Official site

References

Brazilian journalists
Male journalists
Brazilian male novelists
Writers from Rio de Janeiro (city)
1930 births
1997 deaths
Brazilian people of German descent
Conservatism in Brazil
Brazilian anti-communists
20th-century Brazilian novelists
20th-century Brazilian male writers
20th-century journalists


Bouville () is a commune in the Essonne department in Île-de-France in northern France.

Inhabitants of Bouville are known as Bouvillons.

See also
 Communes of the Essonne department

References

External links

Official website

Mayors of Essonne Association

Communes of Essonne


Carlos Roberto Elías Galliani (born March 23, 1988, in Callao) is a Peruvian footballer who plays as a forward for Alfonso Ugarte de Puno.

Elías played for Peru at the 2005 FIFA U-17 World Championship in Peru.

Career
In January 2020, Elías moved to Alfonso Ugarte de Puno.

Honours

Club
 Sport Boys:
 Peruvian Second Division: 2009

References

External links

1988 births
Living people
Footballers from Callao
Peruvian men's footballers
Club Alianza Lima footballers
Atlético Minero footballers
Sport Boys footballers
León de Huánuco footballers
Cienciano footballers
Los Caimanes footballers
Academia Deportiva Cantolao players
Alianza Universidad footballers
Alfonso Ugarte de Puno players
Peruvian Primera División players
Peruvian Segunda División players
Men's association football forwards


Breux-Jouy () is a commune in the Essonne department in Île-de-France in northern France.

Inhabitants of Breux-Jouy are known as Brojiciens.

See also
Communes of the Essonne department

References

External links

Mayors of Essonne Association

Communes of Essonne


Brières-les-Scellés () is a commune in the Essonne department in Île-de-France in northern France.

Inhabitants of Brières-les-Scellés are known as Briolins.

See also
Communes of the Essonne department

References

External links

Mayors of Essonne Association

Communes of Essonne


The Yankee hurricane of 1935 was a rare Category 2 hurricane that affected the Bahamas and South Florida in November. The sixth tropical cyclone and fifth hurricane of the 1935 Atlantic hurricane season, it developed  east of Bermuda. It strengthened to a hurricane on November 1, initially posing a threat to the Carolinas. Subsequently, the cyclone turned southwest. It attained its peak intensity on November 3, and it made landfall near Miami Beach on November 4. The hurricane's unusual approach toward Florida and late arrival earned it the nickname of the Yankee Hurricane. The Yankee hurricane was one of three known November hurricanes to make landfall in Florida, with the others being Kate in 1985, and Nicole in 2022.

Meteorological history

The cyclone originated as an extratropical system east of Hamilton, Bermuda. The system was isolated from a large upper-level trough that stretched from the Lesser Antilles to a low pressure area near the Faroe Islands. A polar ridge of high pressure was situated north of Bermuda, producing anomalous easterly trades at an unusually high latitude. The easterly flow blew over a long fetch of open waters, thus producing low-level convergence. Gradually, instability probably supported convective activity, and the cyclone slowly acquired tropical characteristics. On October 30, the system became a tropical storm with maximum sustained winds of .

Initially, the cyclone moved westward. On November 1, the storm strengthened to a Category 1 hurricane, and it attained peak winds of . The tropical cyclone temporarily threatened the Carolinas. On November 2, the hurricane reached its closest approach to Cape Hatteras; the center was located less than  off the coast. The cyclone's wind field remained narrow, and Hatteras recorded peak gusts of . The cyclone turned south, under the influence of northerly winds from a high pressure system. On November 3, a ship reported a minimum pressure of 964 mbar (28.48 inHg) north of the Abaco Islands. On November 4, the hurricane, with maximum sustained winds of , made landfall north of Miami Beach near the present location of Bal Harbour, Florida. The hurricane's lowest central pressure in Florida was recorded at  in Miami, Florida.

The hurricane traversed southern Florida and weakened over land. Later, the cyclone entered the Gulf of Mexico north of Cape Sable. On November 6, the tropical system weakened to a strong tropical storm, and it turned northwest. On November 7, the circulation turned east, and the cyclone weakened to a remnant low pressure area. On November 8, the system dissipated  southwest of Saint Petersburg.

Preparations
Shops and residences were "boarded up" in Nassau. Precautionary hurricane signals were hoisted along the Florida east coast from Titusville to Miami, and the center was expected to make landfall between Miami and West Palm Beach. Later, hurricane warnings were issued from Palm Beach to Naples. 200 men were evacuated from the Snake Creek area in the upper Florida Keys. Workers in the Florida Keys were transported to concentration points in Miami and Homestead. Maritime interests in the Gulf of Mexico were also warned, though the cyclone's remnants remained off the west coast of Florida.

Impact
The cyclone produced winds of  on Grand Bahama. The duration of hurricane-force winds ranged from 1–3 hours in the Abaco Islands, and five sponge fishing vessels were lost due to the hurricane. The cyclone caused 14 deaths in the islands. In Fort Lauderdale, winds unroofed several homes, and canals overflowed. In South Florida, the hurricane dismantled communication lines, and "telegraph companies relayed" messages via Jacksonville and Atlanta. High waves flooded Miami Beach.  of the Miami Beach causeway was eroded, and police halted traffic between Miami Beach and the mainland. The death toll in Florida was low because of well executed warnings and advisories. Winds shattered numerous plate glass windows in Miami's business district, while signs, roofing materials, and vegetation littered streets. 50 homes lost their roofs in Hollywood and Dania, and the oceanfront boardwalk was destroyed. Precipitation damaged equipment at the Hollywood Beach Hotel, where many windows were broken. Construction standards were improved in the aftermath of the 1928 Okeechobee Hurricane, reducing damages in subsequent storms. 35 people were treated for injuries at local hospitals. Southeastern Miami was flooded by  of water. The hurricane produced light rainfall in Miami that peaked at . Five deaths were reported in Florida. Total damages in Florida reached $5,500,000 in the Miami–Fort Lauderdale area.

See also

List of Florida hurricanes
Hurricane Nicole (2022) - took a similar track at a similar point in the year

References

Yankee
1935
Y (1935)
1935 Yankee hurricane
1935 Yankee hurricane
1935 natural disasters in the United States