The Francization of Brussels refers to the evolution, over the past two centuries, of this historically Dutch-speaking city into one where French has become the majority language and lingua franca. The main cause of this transition was the rapid, yet non-compulsory assimilation of the Flemish population, amplified by immigration from France and Wallonia.

The rise of French in public life gradually began by the end of the 18th century, quickly accelerating as the new capital saw a major increase in population following Belgian independence. Dutch — of which standardization in Belgium was still very weak — could not compete with French, which was the exclusive language of the judiciary, the administration, the army, education, high culture and the media. The value and prestige of the French language was so universally acknowledged that after 1880, and more particularly after the turn of the century, proficiency in French among Dutch-speakers increased spectacularly.

Although the majority of the population remained bilingual until the second half of the 20th century, the original Brabantian dialect was often no longer passed on from one generation to another, leading to an increase of monolingual French-speakers from 1910 onwards. This language shift weakened after the 1960s, as the language border was fixed, the status of Dutch as an official language was confirmed, and the economic center of gravity shifted northward to Flanders.

However, with the continuing arrival of immigrants (most either from French-speaking countries or more familiar with French) and the post-war emergence of Brussels as a center of international politics, the relative position of Dutch continued to decline. Simultaneously, as Brussels' urban area expanded, a further number of Dutch-speaking municipalities in the Brussels periphery also became predominantly French-speaking. This phenomenon of expanding Francization (dubbed the "oil slick" by its opponents), remains, together with the future of Brussels, one of the most controversial topics in Belgian politics and public discourse.

Historical origins

Middle Ages

Around the year 1000, the County of Brussels became a part of the Duchy of Brabant (and therefore of the Holy Roman Empire) with Brussels as one of the Duchy's four capitals, along with Leuven, Antwerp, and 's-Hertogenbosch. Dutch was the sole language of Brussels, as in the other three cities. However, not all of Brabant was Dutch-speaking. The area south of Brussels, around the town of Nivelles, was a French-speaking area roughly corresponding to the modern province of Walloon Brabant.

Initially, Latin was used as an official language in Brussels, just like in most of Europe. From the late 13th century, people began to shift usage to the vernacular. This occurrence took place in Brussels and then in other Brabantian cities, which had all eventually transformed by the 16th century. Official city orders and proclamations were thenceforth gradually written in Middle Dutch. Until the late 18th century, Dutch remained the administrative language of the Brussels area of the Duchy of Brabant. As part of the Holy Roman Empire, Brabantian cities enjoyed many freedoms, including choice of language. Before 1500, there were almost no French documents in the Brussels city archives. By comparison, in the cities in the neighbouring County of Flanders such as Bruges, Ghent, Kortrijk and Ypres the percentage of French documents in city archives fluctuated between 30% and 60%. Such a high level of French influence had not yet developed in the Dutch-speaking areas of the Duchy of Brabant, including Brussels.

After the death of Joanna, Duchess of Brabant, in 1406, the Duchy of Brabant became a part of the Duchy of Burgundy and the use of the French language slowly increased in the region. In 1477, Burgundian duke Charles the Bold perished in the Battle of Nancy. Through the marriage of his daughter Mary of Burgundy (who was born in Brussels) to Holy Roman Emperor Maximilian I, the Low Countries fell under Habsburg sovereignty. Brabant was integrated into this composite state, and Brussels flourished as the capital of the prosperous Burgundian Netherlands, also known as the Seventeen Provinces. After the death of Mary in 1482, her son Philip the Handsome succeeded as Duke of Burgundy and Brabant. In 1506, he became the king of Castile, and hence the period of the Spanish Netherlands began.

Spanish rule

After 1531, Brussels was known as the Princely Capital of the Netherlands. After the division of the Netherlands resulting from the Eighty Years' War and in particular from the fall of Antwerp to the Spanish, Netherlands' economic and cultural centres migrated to the northern Dutch Republic. About 150,000 people, mainly stemming from the intellectual and economic elites, fled north. Brabant and Flanders were engulfed in the Counter-Reformation, and the Catholic priests continued to perform the liturgy in Latin.

Dutch was seen as the language of Calvinism and was thus considered to be anti-Catholic. In the context of the Counter-Reformation, many clerics of the Low Countries had to be educated at the French-speaking University of Douai. However, Dutch was not utterly excluded in the religious domain. For instance, Ferdinand Brunot reported in 1638 that, in Brussels, the Jesuits "preached three times a week in Flemish and twice in French". While Dutch became standardized by the Dutch Republic, dialects continued to be spoken in the south. As in other places in Europe during the 17th century, French grew as a language of the nobility and upper class of society. The languages used in the central administration during this time were both French and, to a lesser extent, Spanish. Some French-speaking nobility established themselves in the hills of Brussels (in the areas of Coudenberg and Zavel), bringing with them primarily French-speaking Walloon personnel. This attracted a considerable number of other Walloons to Brussels who came in search of work. This Walloon presence led to the adoption of Walloon words in the Brussels flavour of Brabantian Dutch, but the Walloon presence was still too small to prevent them from being assimilated into the Dutch-speaking majority.

Austrian rule
Following the Peace of Utrecht, Spanish sovereignty over the Southern Netherlands was transferred to the Austrian branch of the House of Habsburg. This event started the era of the Austrian Netherlands.

In the 18th century, there were already complaints about the waning use of Dutch in Brussels, which had been reduced to the status of "street language". There were various reasons for this. The Habsburgs' repressive policies after the division of the Low Countries and the following exodus of the intellectual elite towards the Dutch Republic left Flanders bereft of its social upper class. After the 17th century's end, when the Dutch Golden Age ended and the Dutch Republic began declining, Dutch lost even more prestige as a language for politics, culture, and business. Meanwhile, French culture was quickly spreading. For instance, the Theater of La Monnaie showed 95% of plays in French by the mid-18th century. During the War of the Austrian Succession, Brussels was under French rule between 1745 and 1749. Under these circumstances, especially after 1780, French became the adopted language of much of the Flemish bourgeoisie, who were later pejoratively labelled Franskiljons (loosely: little Frenchies). The lower classes got progressively poorer, and, by 1784, 15% of the population was in poverty. The small French-speaking minority was quite affluent and constituted the social upper class.

The percentage of the Brussels population using French in public life was between 5 and 10% in 1760, increasing to 15% in 1780. According to authenticated archives and various official documents, it appears that a fifth of municipal declarations and official orders were written in French. Twenty years later this rose to a quarter; however, over half of the official documents in French originated in the French-speaking bourgeoisie, who made up just a tenth of the population. In 1760, small businesses and artisans wrote only 4% of their documents in French; by 1780 this had risen to 13%. In private life, however, Dutch was still by far the most-used language. For the Austrian Habsburg administration, French was the language of communication, although the communiqué from the Habsburgs was seldom seen by commoners of Brussels.

French rule

Following the campaigns of 1794 in the French Revolutionary Wars, the Low Countries were annexed by the French First Republic, ending Habsburg rule in the region. Catholics were heavily repressed by the French, who instituted heavy-handed policies that completely paralyzed the economy. Within this period of systematic exploitation, about 800,000 inhabitants fled the Southern Netherlands, and the population of Brussels decreased from 74,000 in 1792 to 66,000 in 1799. The French occupation led to further suppression of Dutch across the country, including its abolition as an administrative language. With the motto "one nation, one language", French became the only accepted language in public life, as well as in economic, political, and social affairs. The measures of the successive French governments, and in particular the 1798 massive conscription into the French army, were particularly unpopular within the Flemish segment of the population and caused the Peasants' War. The Peasant's War is often seen as the starting point of the modern Flemish movement. From this period until the 20th century, Dutch was seen in Belgium as a language of the poor and illiterate. In Flanders, as well as other areas in Europe, the aristocracy quickly adopted French. The French occupation laid the foundations for a Francization of the Flemish middle class aided by an exceptional French-language educational system.

At the beginning of the 19th century, the Napoleonic Office of Statistics found that Dutch was still the most frequently spoken language in both the Brussels arrondissement and Leuven. An exception included a limited number of districts within the City of Brussels, where French had become the most used language. In Nivelles, Walloon was the most spoken language. Inside of the Small Ring of Brussels (the Pentagon), French was the leading language of street markets and districts such as the Coudenberg and the Sablon/Zavel, while Dutch dominated in the harbour, the Schaerbeek Gate and the Leuven Gate areas. The first city walls were gradually dismantled during the 15th century to the 17th century, and the outer second walls (where the Small Ring now stands) were demolished between 1810 and 1840, so that the city could grow and incorporate the surrounding settlements.

Immediately after the French capture, the use of Dutch was forbidden in Brussels' Town Hall. The Francization policy, instituted to unify the state, were aimed at the citizens who were to assume power from the nobility as was done in the French Revolution. However, the French rulers rapidly understood it was not possible to force local populations, speaking languages very different from French, to suddenly use it. The Francization of the Dutch-speaking parts of the Low Countries, therefore, remained limited to the higher levels of the local administration and upper-class society. The effect on lower social classes, of whom 60% were illiterate, was small. Life on the streets was greatly affected as, by law, all notices, street names, etc. were required to be written in French, and official documents were to be written solely in French, although "when needed", a non-legally-binding translation could be permitted. Simultaneously, businesses from the rural areas were told not to continue operating if they were not proficient in French. In addition, the law stated that all court pleas, sentences, and other legal materials were to be written solely in French unless practical considerations made this impossible. These measures increased the percentage of official documents written in French from 60% around the start of the 19th century to 80% by 1813. Although mainly used in higher social circles, a more appropriate measure of actual language use might include an observation of written testaments, three-fourths of which in 1804 were written in Dutch, indicating that the upper classes still mainly used Dutch around the start of the 19th century.

Dutch rule

In 1815, following the final defeat of Napoleon, the United Kingdom of the Netherlands was created by the Congress of Vienna, joining the Southern Netherlands with the former Dutch Republic. Shortly after the formation of the new kingdom, at the request of Brussels businesses, Dutch once again became the official language of Brussels. Nevertheless, the union of the Netherlands and Belgium did little to lessen the political and economic power of French in Flanders, where it remained the aristocracy's language. Brussels and The Hague were dual capitals of the Kingdom, and in the Parliament, the Belgian delegates spoke only French. King William I of the Netherlands wanted to develop present-day Flanders to the level of the Northern Netherlands, and instituted a wide network of schools in the local language of the people. He made Dutch the single official language of the Flemish provinces, and this was also implemented in bilingual Brabant and Brussels. The Walloon provinces remained monolingually French. The king hoped to make Dutch the sole language of the nation, but the French-speaking citizenry, the Catholic Church, and the Walloons resisted this move. The French-speaking population feared that their opportunities for participation in government were threatened and that they would become unneeded elements of the new kingdom. Under pressure from these groups, in 1830, the king reintroduced a language freedom policy throughout all of present-day Belgium. This nullified the monolingual status of Brussels and the Flemish provinces.

Important for the later development of the Dutch language was that the Flemish population experienced a certain amount of contact with the northern Standard Dutch during the kingdom's short reign. The Catholic Church viewed Dutch as a threatening element representative of Protestantism, while the Francophone aristocracy still viewed Dutch as a language subordinate to French. These views helped contribute to the Belgian Revolution and to the creation of an independent and officially monolingual Francophone Kingdom of Belgium, established in 1830. This strong preference for French would greatly influence language use in Brussels.

Belgian Revolution

After the Belgian Revolution, the bourgeoisie in Brussels began to increasingly use French. Numerous French and Walloon immigrants moved to Brussels, and for the first time in mass numbers the Flemish people began switching to French.

By October 16, 1830 King William I had already rescinded a policy that named Dutch as the official language of Brussels. The sole official language of the newly created centralized state was French, even though a majority of the population was Flemish. French became the language of the court, the administration, the army, the media, and of culture and education. With more French being spoken, societal progress, culture, and universalism gave it an aura of "respectibility".  In contrast, Dutch garnered little consideration and was deemed a language for peasants, farmers, and poor workers. In addition to the geographical language border between Flanders and Wallonia, there was in fact also a social language border between the Dutch-speakers and French-speakers. French was the language of politics and economics and a symbol of upward social mobility. French poet Charles Baudelaire, during his short stay in Brussels, complained of the contemporary bourgeoisie's hypocrisy:

The new Belgian capital remained a mostly Dutch-speaking city, where the inhabitants spoke a local South Brabantian dialect. A minority of French-speaking citizens, mainly those who had immigrated from France during the previous decades, constituted 15% of the population. Despite this, the first mayor of Brussels after the revolution, Nicolas-Jean Rouppe, declared French to be the administration's sole language. The political centre of Brussels attracted the economic elite, and Brussels soon acquired French-speaking upper and middle classes. In 1846, 38% of the city declared themselves being French-speaking, while this percentage was 5% in Ghent and 2% in Antwerp. Many supposed French-speakers were actually Flemish bourgeois with Dutch-speaking roots. In 1860, 95% of the Flemish population spoke Dutch, although these people had hardly any economic and political power and deemed a good knowledge of French necessary to attain higher social status and wealth.

Role of education
Brussels attracted many immigrants from Flanders, where economic strife and hunger were widespread in the 1840s. Native Flemish Brussels residents harboured a sense of superiority over the other Flemish immigrants from the poor countryside, which manifested itself in the decision to speak the "superior" French language.

In two or three generations, the new immigrants themselves began to speak French. A typical family might have Dutch-speaking grandparents, bilingual parents, and French-speaking children. The exclusively French educational system played an important role in this changing language landscape. Dutch was mainly ignored as a school subject. From 1842, Dutch was removed from the first four years of boys' schools, although in later school grades, it could be studied. In girls' schools and Catholic schools, Dutch was taught even less, even though Dutch was still the native tongue of a majority of the students.

Just after the mayoral inauguration of Charles Buls in 1881, elementary schools that taught Dutch were reopened in 1883. In these schools, the first two years of lessons were given in Dutch, soon after which students transitioned into French-speaking classes. The proposal by Buls was initially poorly received by the local councils, although they were later accepted when studies showed that when students had acquired a good understanding of Dutch, they more easily obtained French speaking skills. The dominance of French in education was not affected, since most schooling in later years was still in French. Because of the authoritative position that French enjoyed in Belgium and the misconceptions of Buls' plan, many Flemish children were still sent to a French school in order to better master the language. This was made possible by the idea of "freedom of the head of household", which stipulated that parents were allowed to send their children to any school they wished, regardless of the child's mother tongue. Since most pupils were sent to French schools rather than Dutch schools, after the end of World War I there was not a single Dutch class left in central Brussels. In the thirteen municipalities that constituted the Brussels metropolitan area, there were 441 Dutch classes and 1,592 French classes, even though the French-speaking population made up just under one-third of the total.

As a result of the propagation of the bilingual education system, Dutch was no longer being passed down by many Flemish parents to their children. French was beginning to be increasingly used as the main language spoken at home by many Flemings. In Flanders, education played less of a role in Francization because most schools continued to teach in Dutch.

French-speaking immigration
During the 19th century, many political asylum seekers sought refuge in Brussels, mainly coming from France. The first wave came in 1815 bringing Jacobins and Bonapartists; a second wave came in 1848 bringing French republicans and Orléanists, a third came after the 1851 French coup d'état, and a fourth came in 1871 after the Franco-Prussian War. Asylum seekers and other immigrants also came from other parts of Europe such as Italy, Poland, Germany, and Russia. They preferred to speak French rather than Dutch when they arrived, which further intensified Francization.

As the capital of the new kingdom, Brussels also attracted a large number of Walloon migrants. In contrast to Flemish citizens of Brussels, who came primarily from the lower social classes, the Walloon newcomers belonged mainly to the middle class. The Walloon and French migrants lived predominantly in the Marollen district of Brussels, where Marols, a mixture of Brabantian Dutch, French, and Walloon, was spoken. Despite the fact that many lower-class Walloons also made their way to Brussels, the perception of French as an intellectual and elite language did not change. Additionally, Brussels received a considerable number of French-speaking members of the Flemish bourgeoisie.

Between 1830 and 1875 the population of the City of Brussels grew from approximately 100,000 to 180,000; the population of the metropolitan area soared to 750,000 by 1910.

Early Flemish movement in Brussels

In contrast to the rest of Flanders, French in Brussels was seen less as a means of oppression but rather as a tool for social progress. In the first decade after the independence of Belgium, the neglect of the Dutch language and culture gradually caused increasingly greater dissatisfaction in the Flemish community. In 1856, the "Grievances Commission" was established to investigate the problems of the Flemings. It was devoted to making the administration, military, educational system and judicial system bilingual, but was politically ignored. Another group to decry the problems of the Flemings was "Vlamingen Vooruit" ("Flemings Forward"), founded in 1858 in Saint-Josse-ten-Noode.  Members included Charles Buls, mayor of Brussels, and Léon Vanderkindere, mayor of Uccle.  Although Brussels was 57% Dutch-speaking in 1880, Flemish primary schools were prohibited until 1883. In 1884, the municipal government decided to allow birth, death, and marriage certificates to be written in Dutch.  However, only a tenth of the population made use of these opportunities, suggesting that in the minds of Brussels' inhabitants, French was the normal way of conducting these matters. In 1889, Dutch was once again allowed in courtrooms, but only for use in oral testimony.

In the late 19th century, the Flemish movement gained even more strength and demanded Belgium be made bilingual. This proposal was rejected by French speakers, who feared a "Flemishization" of Wallonia as well as the prospect of having to learn Dutch in order to obtain a job in the civil service. The Flemings adapted their goals to the realities of the situation and devoted themselves to a monolingual Flanders, which Brussels was still socially a part of.  The Flemings hoped to limit the spread of French in Flanders by restricting the areas in which French was an official language. In 1873 in the Sint-Jans-Molenbeek district of Brussels, Flemish labourer Jozef Schoep refused to accept a French-language birth certificate. He was ordered to pay a fine of 50 francs. His case generated considerable controversy and shortly thereafter the Coremans Law was introduced, which allowed Dutch to be used by Dutch speakers in court.

In general, the Flemish movement in Brussels did not garner much support for its plans regarding the use of Dutch. Each attempt to promote Dutch and limit the expansion of French influence as a symbol of social status was seen as a means to stifle social mobility rather than as a protective measure as it was seen in the rest of Flanders.  Whereas in other Flemish cities such as Ghent in which the Flemish labourers were dominated by a French-speaking upper class, in Brussels it was not as easy to make such a distinction because so many Walloons made up a large portion of the working class. The linguistic heterogeneity, combined with the fact that most of the workers' upper class spoke French, meant that the class struggle for most workers in Brussels was not seen as a language struggle as well. Ever since the start of the 20th century, the workers' movement in Brussels defended bilingualism, so as to have a means of emancipation for the local working class. This, along with the educational system, facilitated the Francization of thousands of Brussels residents.

Early language laws

By the 1870s, most municipalities were administered in French. With the De Laet law in 1878, a gradual change started to occur. From that point forward, in the provinces of Limburg, Antwerp, West Flanders and East Flanders, and in the arrondissement of Leuven, all public communication was given in Dutch or in both languages. For the arrondissement of Brussels, documents could be requested in Dutch. Nonetheless, by 1900 most large Flemish cities, cities along the language border, and the municipalities of the Brussels metropolitan area were still administered in French.

In 1921, the territoriality principle was recognized, which solidified the outline of the Belgian language border.  The Flemings hoped that such a language border would help to curb the influx of French in Flanders. Belgium became divided into three language areas: a monolingual Dutch-speaking area in the north (Flanders), a monolingual French-speaking area in the south (Wallonia), and a bilingual area (Brussels), even though the majority of Brussels residents spoke primarily Dutch. The municipalities in the Brussels metropolitan region, the bilingual region of Belgium, could freely choose either language to be used in administrative purposes. The town government of Sint-Stevens-Woluwe, which lies in present-day Flemish Brabant, was the only one to opt for Dutch over French.

Language censuses
The language law of 1921 was elaborated upon by a further law in 1932. Dutch was made an official language within the central government, the (then) four Flemish provinces, as well as the arrondissements of Leuven and Brussels (excepting the Brussels metropolitan area as a whole). The law also stipulated that municipalities on the language border or near Brussels would be required to provide services in both languages when the minority exceeded 30%, and the administrative language of a municipality would be changed if the language minority grew to greater than 50%.  This was to be regulated by a language census every ten years, although the validity of the results from Flanders was frequently questioned.  In 1932, Sint-Stevens-Woluwe, now a part of the Zaventem municipality, became the first municipality in Belgian history to secede from the bilingual Brussels metro region because the French-speaking minority percentage fell to below 30%. This did not sit well with some French speakers in Brussels, some of whom formed a group called the "Ligue contre la flamandisation de Bruxelles" (League against the Flemishification of Brussels), which campaigned against what they saw as a form of "Flemish tyranny". Before the introduction of French as an official language of Ganshoren and Sint-Agatha-Berchem, the group also objected to the bilingual status of Ixelles. The group also strongly defended the "freedom of the head of household", a major factor in the process of Francization.

Evolution in the City of Brussels proper

While the Brussels metropolitan area grew quickly, the population of the City of Brussels proper declined considerably. In 1910, Brussels had 185,000 inhabitants; in 1925 this number fell to 142,000. The reasons for this depopulation were manifold. First, the fetid stench of the disease-laden Senne river caused many to leave the city. Second, cholera broke out in 1832 and 1848, which led to the Senne being completely covered over. Third, the rising price of property and rental rates caused many inhabitants to search for affordable living situations elsewhere. Higher taxes on patents, which were up to 30% higher than those in neighbouring municipalities, stifled economic development and drove up the cost of city living. These higher patent prices were abandoned in 1860. Finally, the industrialization that occurred in the neighbouring areas drew workers out of the city. These social changes helped speed the process of Francization in the central city. In 1920, three bordering municipalities, each having a large number of Dutch-speaking inhabitants, were amalgamated into the City of Brussels.

According to the language census of 1846, 61% of Brussels residents spoke Dutch and 39% spoke French. The census of 1866 permitted residents to answer "both languages", although it was unstated whether this meant "knowledge of both languages" or "use of both languages", nor whether or not either was the resident's mother tongue. In any case, 39% answered Dutch, 20% French, and 38% "both languages". In 1900, the percentage of monolingual French speakers overtook the percentage of monolingual Dutch speakers, although this was most likely caused by the growing number of bilingual speakers. Between 1880 and 1890, the percentage of bilingual speakers rose from 30% to 50%, and the number of monolingual Dutch speakers declined from 36% in 1880 to 17% in 1910. Although the term "bilingual" was misused by the government to showcase a large number of French speakers, it is clear that French gained acceptance in both the public and private lives of Dutch-speaking Brussels residents.

Expansion of the metropolitan area
Beyond the city of Brussels, the municipalities of Ixelles, Saint-Gilles, Etterbeek, Forest, Watermael-Boitsfort and Saint-Josse saw the most widespread adoption of the French language over the following century. In Ixelles, the proportion of Dutch monolinguals fell from 54% to 3% between 1846 and 1947, while during the same time, the proportion of monolingual Francophones grew from 45% to 60%. Whereas in 1846 Saint-Gilles was still 83% Dutch-speaking, one hundred years later, half of its population spoke only French, and 39% were bilingual. Similarly, Etterbeek changed from a 97% Dutch-speaking village to an urban neighbourhood in which half of its inhabitants spoke only French. The same phenomenon applied to Forest and Watermael-Boitsfort, where they went from completely Dutch-speaking to half monolingual French and half bilingual, with monolingual Dutch speakers at only 6%. In Saint-Josse-ten-Noode, the proportion of monolingual Dutch speakers equalled that of French speakers in 1846, but by 1947 only 6% were monolingual Dutch speakers, and 40% were monolingual French speakers.

In 1921 the metropolitan area was expanded further. The municipalities of Laken, Neder-Over-Heembeek, and Haren were incorporated into the municipality of Brussels, while Woluwe-Saint-Pierre (Sint-Pieters-Woluwe) became part of the bilingual agglomeration by law. After the language census of 1947, Evere, Ganshoren, and Sint-Agatha-Berchem were added to the bilingual agglomeration, although the implementation of this change was postponed until 1954 due to Flemish pressure. This was the last enlargement of the agglomeration, which brought the number of municipalities in Brussels to 19. In the peripheral municipalities of Kraainem, Linkebeek, Drogenbos, and Wemmel, where a French-speaking minority of more than 30% existed, language facilities were set up, although these municipalities officially remain in the Dutch language area.

The censuses on the use of languages in the municipalities of the Brussels-Capital Region have shown that by 1947 French was becoming the most spoken language. However, in 1947, the percentage of residents declaring themselves bilingual was 45%, the percentage of monolingual Dutch speakers was 9% and the percentage of monolingual French speakers was 38%. In practice, bilingual citizens were most of the time bilingual Flemings. They were nevertheless recorded as bilinguals and not as Dutch speakers.

Establishment of the language border

After both a Flemish boycott of the language census of 1960 and two large Flemish protest marches in Brussels, the language border was solidified in 1962 and the recently taken language census was annulled. Various municipalities shifted from one language area to another, such as Voeren, which became part of Flanders, and Comines-Warneton and Mouscron which became part of Wallonia. In both Wezembeek-Oppem and Sint-Genesius-Rode, language facilities were established for French speakers, who made up just under 30% of the population when the last language census in 1947 was taken.  Brussels was fixed at 19 municipalities, thus creating a bilingual enclave in otherwise monolingual Flanders.

Brussels was limited to the current 19 municipalities. Many French speakers complained that this did not correspond to the social reality, since the language border was based on the results of the 1947 language census and not that of 1960. French-speaking sources claim that in that year, French-speaking minorities had surpassed the 30% threshold in Alsemberg, Beersel, Sint-Pieters-Leeuw, Dilbeek, Strombeek-Bever, Sterrebeek, and Sint-Stevens-Woluwe, in which case French-language facilities should have been established under previous legislation. A political rift developed because French speakers considered the language facilities as an essential right, while the Flemings saw the facilities as a temporary, transitional measure to allow the French-speaking minorities time to adapt to their Flemish surroundings.

The division of the country into language areas had serious consequences for education, and the "freedom of the head of household" was abolished. Thence, Dutch-speaking children were required to be educated in Dutch and French-speaking children in French. This stemmed the tide of further Francization of Brussels. Some of the more radical French speakers such as the Democratic Front of Francophones were opposed to this change and advocated the restoration of the freedom of education.

Criticism from the FDF
The Democratic Front of Francophones (, FDF) was founded in 1964 as a reaction to the fixation of the language border. The FDF decried the limitation of Brussels to 19 municipalities. They demanded free choice of language in the educational system, the freedom for the Brussels metropolitan area to grow beyond the language border and into the unilingual Flanders, and economic opportunities for the metropolitan area that would later comprise the Brussels-Capital Region. The Front accepted that governmental agencies in Brussels would be bilingual, but not that every civil servant working in those agencies be bilingual. The party experienced growing popularity and saw electoral success in the elections of the 1960s and 1970s.

The FDF objected to a fixed representation of the language groups in the agencies, considering this to be undemocratic. In the predecessor to the Parliament of the Brussels-Capital Region, for example, a significant number of seats were reserved for Dutch speakers. A number of French speakers circumvented this by claiming to be Dutch speakers, and over a third of the seats reserved for Dutch speakers were taken by these so-called "false Flemish".

With the fusion of Belgian municipalities in 1976, some primarily French-speaking municipalities joined larger municipalities with Flemish majorities, thereby reducing the number of French-speaking municipalities.  Zellik joined Asse, Sint-Stevens-Woluwe and Sterrebeek joined Zaventem, and Strombeek-Bever joined Grimbergen. In addition, several larger municipalities with mostly Flemish populations were created, such as Sint-Pieters-Leeuw, Dilbeek, Beersel and Tervuren. The FDF saw this as a motive for the fusion of the municipalities, not a result of it.

Reassessment of Dutch
Amidst tension throughout the country, the sociolinguistic neglect of Dutch began to fade. The recognition of Dutch as the sole language of Flanders, the expansion of a well-functioning Flemish educational system, the development of the Flemish economy, and the popularization of Standard Dutch were responsible for its revitalization. The Flemish Community saw that if it wanted Dutch to have a prominent place in Brussels, it would need to make investing in Dutch language education its primary concern.

Integration of Dutch into the educational system
In 1971, the FDF managed to secure the right for individuals to again be able to choose the language of their education, and the FDF expected that Francization would continue as before. Initially, the effect was a reduction in the number of students enrolled in Flemish schools, falling from 6,000 students in elementary school and 16,000 in high school in 1966–1967 to 5,000 and 12,000 nine years later. But by that point, the Flemish Centre of Education, created in 1967, had begun its campaign to promote education in Dutch, with its initial target being Dutch-speaking families. In 1976, this task was taken up by the precursor to today's Flemish Community Commission (VGC), which made substantial investments to improve the quality of Dutch language schools. Starting in the 1978–1979 school year, the strategy began to bear fruit, and the number of children enrolled in Flemish daycares began to increase. This translated to an increase in enrollment in primary schools a few years later. As a result, all young Dutch-speaking children born after the mid-1970s have only gone to Flemish schools. The Francization of Dutch speakers became rarer with time. Nonetheless, foreign immigration continued to tilt the balance in favor of French.

In the 1980s, the VGC started concentrating its efforts on bilingual families, though the improvement of the Flemish schools had an unexpected effect; monolingual French-speaking families also began to send their children to Flemish schools. This effect increased bit by bit, as bilingualism began to be thought of as normal. Even today, the Flemish educational system continues to attract those with a first language other than Dutch; in 2005, 20% of students go to Dutch-speaking high schools, and for daycares, that figure reaches 23%. In fact, it has got to the point where those with Dutch as a first language are now a minority in the Flemish schools, and as a result, measures have needed to be taken to sustain the quality of education.

Socioeconomic development of Flanders
Wallonia's economic decline and the use of French by recent immigrants did little to help the prestige of French relative to Dutch. After World War II, the Flemish economy underwent significant growth. Flanders developed a prosperous middle class, and the prestige of Dutch saw an increase.

Those born into a monolingual Dutch family in Brussels had always had a lower level of education than the average for Brussels. By contrast, 30% of the Flemings who had moved to Brussels from elsewhere had a university degree or other post-secondary education, and were highly qualified. For example, since 1970 in Belgium as a whole, there have been more students enrolled in Dutch language universities than French ones. To be called a Dutch speaker no longer evokes images of lower-class labourers, as it long had. Bilingualism is increasingly a prerequisite for well-paying jobs, and what prestige the Dutch language currently has in Brussels is chiefly for economic reasons. The economic importance of Dutch in Brussels has little to do with the proportion of Brussels that is Dutch-speaking. Rather, it is primarily relations between businesses in Brussels and Flemish businesses, or more generally, with Dutch-speaking businesses as a whole that ensure the economic importance of Dutch in Brussels.

Foreign immigration

In 1958, Brussels became the seat of the European Economic Community, which later became the EU, while the North Atlantic Treaty Organization was established in 1967 with its headquarters in Evere. This, combined with economic immigration from southern Europe and later from Turkey, Morocco (a former French protectorate), and Democratic Republic of the Congo (formerly Belgian Congo), changed the makeup of the population of Brussels. Between 1961 and 2006, the number of non-Belgian inhabitants grew from 7% to 56%. The newcomers adopted and spoke French in great numbers, mainly due to the French-speaking African origins of many that came, with many Moroccans and Congolese already possessing proficiency in French at the time of their arrival.

In general, foreign immigration further reduced the percentage of Dutch speakers and led to the city's further Francization. This stood in contrast to the 20th century's first half, however, when the change was the Francization of Brussels's existing Flemish inhabitants.

Francization of immigrants and expatriates
Out of all immigrant groups, Moroccan immigrants in Belgium used French the most, which gained increasing importance alongside Berber and Moroccan Arabic in their already bilingual community. The Turks held on to their own language, although French also gained importance in their community. Dutch struggled to take hold in these two migrant groups. Children from these communities attended (and often continue to attend) French-language education, and used French in their circles of friends and at home. This evolution is also seen with Portuguese, Spanish, and Italian migrants, who easily adopted French due to its similarity to other Romance languages that many already spoke. The northern Europeans, who are not nearly as numerous and came mainly after the 1980s, make more use of their own languages, such as English and German. When these northern Europeans married French speakers, the language spoken at home often became French. In these groups, the long-term effects and trends of language shift are difficult to determine.

Brussels' multicultural and multiethnic character has widened the language situation beyond merely considering Dutch and French. Dutch is patently less well represented than French in the monolingual population. Out of 74 selected Dutch speakers, only two were found to be monolingual, approximately nine times fewer than in the French-speaking population. Out of the inhabitants of Brussels-Capital region with foreign nationality, in 2000, 3% spoke exclusively Dutch at home, compared to 9% who spoke exclusively French. In addition, 16% spoke another language in addition to French at home.

Japanese people residing in Brussels generally encounter the French language at work. All of the schooling options for Japanese national children provide French education, and Marie Conte-Helm, author of The Japanese and Europe, wrote that "French language education thus becomes, to a greater or a lesser degree, a normal part" of the everyday lives in Japanese expatriates.

Creation of the Brussels-Capital Region

The 19 municipalities of Brussels are the only officially bilingual part of Belgium. The creation of a bilingual, full-fledged Brussels region, with its own competencies and jurisdiction, had long been hampered by different visions of Belgian federalism.
Initially, Flemish political parties demanded Flanders be given jurisdiction over cultural matters, concerned with the dominance of the French language in the federal government. Likewise, as Wallonia was in economic decline, Francophone political parties were concerned with getting economic autonomy for the French-speaking regions to address the situation. The Flemings also feared being in the minority, faced with two other French-speaking regions. They viewed the creation of a separate Brussels region as definitively cutting Brussels off from Flanders, an admission of the loss of Brussels to Francization.

Periphery of Brussels
In Drogenbos, Kraainem, Linkebeek, Sint-Genesius-Rode, Wemmel and Wezembeek-Oppem, the six Municipalities with language facilities in the suburbs around Brussels, the proportion of the population that was French-speaking also grew in the second half of the 20th century, and they now constitute a majority. In the administrative arrondissement of Halle-Vilvoorde, which constitutes those six municipalities and 29 other Flemish municipalities, around 25% of families speak French at home.
The Flemish government sees this as a worrying trend, and enacted policies designed to keep the periphery of Brussels Dutch-speaking. One effect of this policy was a very literal interpretation of the linguistic facility laws, including the Peeters directive. This circulaire stipulates, among other things, that when French speakers in those six Municipalities with language facilities deal with the government, they can request a French version of documents or publications but need to do so every time they want one; the government is not allowed to register their preference.

Current situation

In Brussels's northwestern municipalities, the proportion of Dutch speakers is high compared to other municipalities in Brussels. It is in these same municipalities that the proportion of non-native Dutch speakers who speak Dutch is highest, generally in excess of 20%. At the two extremes are Ganshoren, where 25% of non-native speakers speak Dutch, and Saint-Gilles, where Dutch as a language spoken at home has practically disappeared.

The younger a generation is, the poorer its knowledge of Dutch tends to be. The demographic of those who grew up speaking only Dutch at home, and to a lesser extent those who grew up bilingual, is significantly older than the Brussels average. Between 2000 and 2006, the proportion of monolingual Dutch families shrank from 9.5% to 7.0%, whereas bilingual families shrank from 9.9% to 8.6%. On the other hand, in the same period the number of non-native Dutch speakers with a good-to-excellent knowledge of Dutch saw an increase. Half of those in Brussels with a good knowledge of Dutch learned the language outside of their family, and this figure is expected to increase. In 2001, 70% of the city had a knowledge of Dutch that was "at least passable". In 2006, 28% of those living in Brussels had a good to excellent knowledge of Dutch, while 96% had a good to excellent knowledge of French, and 35% of English. French was found to be spoken at home in 77% of households in Brussels, Dutch in 6% of households, and neither official language was spoken in 16% of households. French is thus by far the best-known language in Brussels and remains the city's lingua franca.

Of businesses based in Brussels, 50% use French for internal business, while 32% use French and Dutch, the others using a variety of other languages. More than a third of job openings require bilingualism, and a fifth of job openings require knowledge of English. On account of this, it is argued that an increase in knowledge of Dutch in Brussels and Wallonia would significantly improve the prospects of job seekers in those regions. Of advertising campaigns in Brussels, 42% are bilingual French and Dutch, while 33% are in French only, 10% in French and English and 7% in English, French and Dutch. During the day, the percentage of Dutch-speakers in Brussels increases significantly, with 230,000 commuters coming from the Flemish Region, significantly more than the 130,000 coming from the Walloon Region.

National political concerns

Francophones living in Flanders want Flanders to ratify the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities, which has been signed by almost every country in Europe, though in Belgium, it has been signed but not ratified (also the case in a handful of others). The Framework would allow Francophones to claim the right to use their own language when dealing with the authorities, bilingual street names, schooling in French, etc. The Framework, however, does not specify what a "National Minority" is, and the Flemings do not see the Francophones in Flanders as being one. Flanders is not inclined to approve the Framework, in spite of frequent appeals by the Council of Europe to do so.

In Flemish circles, there is an ever-continuing worry that the status of Dutch in Brussels will continue to deteriorate and that the surrounding region will undergo even more Francization. On the political level, the division of the bilingual Brussels-Halle-Vilvoorde (BHV) electoral and judicial district caused much linguistic strife. The district is composed of the 19 municipalities of the Brussels-Capital Region in addition to the 35 municipalities of the Flemish administrative arrondissement of Halle-Vilvoorde. For elections to the Belgian Senate and to the European Parliament, which are organized by linguistic region, residents from anywhere in the arrondissement can vote for French-speaking parties in Wallonia and Brussels. For elections to the Belgian Chamber of Representatives, which is usually done by province, voters from Halle-Vilvoorde can vote for parties in Brussels, and vice versa. It was feared that, if BHV was divided, the francophones living in Halle-Vilvoorde would no longer be able to vote for candidates in Brussels, and they would lose the right to judicial proceedings in French. If a division were to take place, francophone political parties would demand that the Brussels-Capital Region be expanded, a proposal that is unacceptable to Flemish parties. This issue was one of the chief reasons for the 200-day impasse in Belgian government formation in 2007, and it remained a hotly contested issue among the linguistic Communities until this issue was resolved mid-2012.

See also

Partition of Belgium
Vergonha

References

Further reading

Culture in Brussels
19th century in Brussels
20th century in Brussels
Francophonie
History of the Dutch language
Languages of Belgium
Politics of Brussels
Language policy in Belgium
1840s in Belgium
Linguistic discrimination
Cultural assimilation


Piano Sonata No. 15 may refer to:
Piano Sonata No. 15 (Beethoven)
Piano Sonata No. 15 (Mozart)


Robert Bartnik (1956 – 2022) was an Australian mathematician based at Monash University.  He was known for his contributions to the rigorous mathematical study of general relativity. He received his bachelor's and master's degrees from Melbourne University and a PhD in mathematics from Princeton University in 1983, where his advisor was Shing-Tung Yau. In 2004 he was elected to the Australian Academy of Science, with citation:

His work with John McKinnon has been widely studied in the physics literature. They show that there is a discrete set of static solutions to the coupled Einstein/Yang-Mills equations which are geodesically complete and asymptotically flat. This is interesting since such solutions are known not to exist in the cases of the Einstein vacuum equations, the coupled Einstein/Maxwell equations, and the Yang-Mills equations. Although Bartnik and McKinnon's work was numerical, their observed phenomena has been mathematically justified by Joel Smoller, Arthur Wasserman, Shing-Tung Yau, and Joel McLeod.

In the mathematics literature, he was known for his work with Leon Simon on solving the Dirichlet problem for prescribed mean curvature, in the setting of spacelike hypersurfaces of Minkowski space. His most widely cited work is on the geometric and analytic study of the ADM mass. He showed that it is geometrically defined by constructing "optimal" asymptotically flat coordinates, and gives an extension of Edward Witten's proof of the time-symmetric positive energy theorem to the higher-dimensional spin setting.

He was a visiting scholar at the Institute for Advanced Study in 1980–81.

Major publications
As of 2022, Bartnik had been the author of around 30 research articles. The following publications are among the best-known:

His collected works were published in 2021:

References

1956 births
2022 deaths
Fellows of the Australian Academy of Science
Institute for Advanced Study visiting scholars
Mathematicians from Melbourne
University of Melbourne alumni
Princeton University alumni


Henry V of England has been depicted in popular culture a number of times.

Literature
 Henry V is the subject of the eponymous play by William Shakespeare, which largely concentrates on his campaigns in France.
 He is also a central character in Henry IV, Part 1 and Henry IV, Part 2, where Shakespeare dramatises him as "Prince Hal", a wanton youth. According to some critics, ”Henry IV is about Henry IV in name alone - it's really a coming-of-age story, charting the young, rebellious Hal's attempt to wrestle with responsibility".
 He appears in Falstaff's Wedding (1760) by William Kenrick, a sequel to Henry IV, Part 2.
 Henry appears in Simon the Coldheart (1925), a novel by Georgette Heyer.
 Wife to Henry V (1957) by Hilda Lewis focuses on Catherine of Valois' relationship with Henry.
 Royal Sword At Agincourt (1971), a novel by Pamela Bennetts, focuses on Henry's relationship with Catherine of Valois.
 Fortune Made His Sword by Martha Rofheart (1971, UK Title Cry God For Harry) is a novel about Henry's career.
 Ellis Peters's novel A Bloody Field by Shrewsbury (1972, US title The Bloody Field) revolves around the relationship between Henry V, his father Henry IV and Hotspur.
 The novels The Star of Lancaster (1981) and The Queen's Secret by Jean Plaidy both feature Henry as a character.
 The novel Good King Harry (1984)  by Denise Giardina purports to be Henry's account of his life.
 Azincourt (published in the US as Agincourt, 2008) by Bernard Cornwell, has its hero receive instructions from Henry.

Film
Henry has been portrayed on screen by:
Matheson Lang in Royal Cavalcade (1935).
Laurence Olivier in Shakespeare's Henry V (1944), for which he was nominated for the Academy Award for Best Actor. The film was nominated for a total of four regular Oscars, including Best Picture and won a Special Award for Olivier, in recognition of "his outstanding achievement as actor, producer and director in bringing Henry V to the screen".
Dan O'Herlihy in The Black Shield of Falworth (1954), with Tony Curtis
Keith Baxter in Orson Welles' Chimes at Midnight (1965), a merger of several Shakespeare plays which focuses on the relationship between young Prince Hal and his mentor, John Falstaff
Kenneth Branagh in Shakespeare's Henry V (1989), reprising his stage role with the Royal Shakespeare Company and for which he was nominated for the Academy Award for Best Actor and Best Director and the BAFTA Award for Best Actor in a Leading Role
Timothée Chalamet in The King (2019), a modern adaptation of Shakepeare's plays Henry IV, Parts 1 & 2 and Henry V

Television
Henry has been portrayed a number of times on television, mainly in versions of Shakespeare's plays. He has been played by:
Robert Hardy in the BBC series An Age of Kings (1960), which contained all the history plays from Richard II to Richard III
Lars Lind in Henrik IV (1964), a Swedish version of Henry IV
David Gwillim in the BBC Shakespeare versions of both parts of Henry IV and Henry V (1979)
Michael Pennington in the BBC series The Wars of the Roses (1989), which included all of Shakespeare's history plays performed by the English Shakespeare Company
Jonathan Firth in a BBC film, Henry IV (1995), a version of Shakespeare's plays
Martin Clunes in the BBC humorous film The Nearly Complete and Utter History of Everything (1999)
Tom Hiddleston in the BBC's The Hollow Crown series of television films including: Henry IV - Part 1, Henry IV - Part 2, and Henry V (2012).

Comics
The medieval-set comic strip The Hammer Man, (which ran in the British comic The Victor) often featured Henry V as the commander of the strip's hero, Chell Puddock.

Video games

King Henry V is a non-playable character in the video game Bladestorm: The Hundred Years' War, in which he is a primary backing ally to the renowned Black Prince of England.

The video game Age of Empires II: The Conquerors featured Henry V as a paladin.

Henry is a playable character in the Mobile/PC Game Rise of Kingdoms.

References

Henry V


Piano Sonata No. 16 may refer to:
Piano Sonata No. 16 (Beethoven)
Piano Sonata No. 16 (Mozart)


On2 gauge is part of the hobby of rail transport modeling. The name is based on the common USA model railroad O scale ('oh' scale) of 1:48 and refers to the gauge between the rails ( ) and the fact that it is narrow gauge, thus 'On2'.

History
Prototype 2-foot gauge railroads existed, and still exist, all over the world. The prototype railroads being modeled in On2 scale include:

The Maine 2-foot railroads. A series of  gauge railroads that existed in the state of Maine, USA from the 1870s to the 1940s.
2-foot gauge railways of Wales and England, including the Ffestiniog Railway.
2-foot gauge railways of South Africa.
2-foot gauge Gilpin Tramway of Colorado, a  gauge mining railroad that used Shay locomotives.
2-foot gauge industrial railroads found all over the world including extensive systems still serving the sugar cane industry in the 21st century in Queensland, Australia.

(need early history of On2 scale modeling)

A pioneer modeler in On2 was Allan Hanson. He was one of the first (if not the first) modelers to have a fully functioning On2 layout. He was a prolific builder, and though his models were not built to the level of detail seen today, they were more than acceptable for the time. He was also the first modeler to produce a diorama in the early 1960s built to exact HOn2 scale. This diorama later went on to win an award at the annual NMRA show.

For most of its history, On2 scale modeling involved mostly scratch-building of locomotive and rolling stock, and hand-laying track. On2 scale locomotives were obtained by either scratch-building, adapting chassis from other scales, or buying ready to run On2 locomotives, which were available in brass only.

In 2007, Bachmann gave a major "shot in the arm" to Maine On2 scale modeling when they introduced their On30 scale Forney locomotive (now discontinued), which is based on a Baldwin catalog design very close to actual locomotives used by Maine 2-foot gauge prototype railroads. These forney locomotives, although available in On30 scale only, have created an increase in Maine 2-footer modeling, and an increase in On2 scale modeling. On30 locomotives and rolling stock must be regauged to operate in On2 scale.

This is often a difficult proposition. Many modelers choose to simply keep them in On30 scale for ease of use, modeling  gauge railroads in On30 scale, but this results in the wrong gauge for correct 2-footer modeling.

Controls

Control of On2 scale layouts is the same as other scales, including HO scale, N scale, etc. Electricity is through the rails, using either standard DC control, or DCC.

Curved track

For industrial modeling or "critter" modeling, tight curves are possible. But for Maine 2-footer modeling, curves need to be quite generous. The minimum practical radius is generally said to be

Availability of models and supplies

In the early years of On2, Bob Werner's Portland Products was the major supplier of castings and the various small parts needed to model the Maine two footers. Peter Barney had his Sandy River Car Shops line of kits, which were essentially boxes of stripwood with meager instructions. The drawings were often not to scale, but there was little else available at the time. Later, Grandt Line produced some excellent styrene and brass parts that provided useful to scratchbuilders. NJ International, Coronado Scale Models, Gary Kohler, and others all brought out limited run kits or detail parts over the years of varied quality, only to have them fade from existence due to lack of sales. Portland Products exists in name only at this time, the victim of bad blood within the On2 fraternity. Sandy River Car Shops kits are still available from Peter Barney's friends at Cranberry Junction hobbies, but they are very dated in their design and materials.

In the mid-1990s there was a major growth spurt brought on by the introduction of a line of kits by Chris Cardinal. He was the first to apply the then-new technologies of laser cutting and resin casting exclusively to two-foot prototypes. He raised the bar in regards to the level of detail to be expected in such an obscure scale. His models are still highly sought almost a decade after production stopped. The line of kits was eventually bought out by Darryl Sleszinski after Chris' interests shifted to vintage auto racing, but it never enjoyed the same level of success seen in the beginning.

The year 2007 saw a major shift in On2 scale, especially Maine On2 modeling, with the release of the Bachmann forney.
Before then, ready-to-run locomotives were only available in brass, and rolling stock kits were few.
Since 2007, there has been an upswing in kits, structures, detail parts, and rolling stock, which will
likely continue. See the list of Manufacturers below.

Advantages compared to other scales

The difference of On2 scale, compared to its nearest alternative (On30), is that On2 scale equates to the correct track gauge for  prototypes - such as Maine "Two Footers" and the many industrial operations that used or continue to use this gauge - including existing 21st century sugar cane operations in Australia, Fiji, Indonesia.

On2 has the advantage over HOn3 or HOn2 in that it is large enough to operate reliably and it is possible to add a significant level of detail to locomotives, rolling stock, buildings and scenery.  DCC accessory control and sound are also more easily implemented in O scale in both narrow gauge and standard gauge than in the smaller scales.

A comprehensive narrow gauge On2 scale layout can be accomplished in the same amount of room as a standard gauge HO scale layout because  gauge prototypes are much smaller than their standard gauge equivalents - a South African  gauge NG G16 Garratt (2-6-2+2-6-2) is only 48' long whilst an Australian standard gauge NSWGR AD60 Class Garratt (4-8-4+4-8-4) is 108'.

Whilst the scale of structures can be considered the same in an O Scale layout regardless of track gauge (ignoring forced scale for purposes of perspective), On3 (), On30 () or On2 () prototype modelling permits a greater level of model detail and more appropriate scale operation of narrow gauge railway (railroad) prototypes.

An example of structure difference is that servicing facilities for  locomotives were minimal compared to those for standard gauge equivalents - a narrow gauge two track locomotive shed will occupy much less space on a model layout than a standard gauge roundhouse or running shed.  narrow gauge operations were generally operated outside of the heavy industrial centres and surrounding buildings often (but not always) tended to be of a smaller scale than those serviced by standard gauge lines.

See also
 O14 - The UK equivalent of On2 which models 2 ft in 7 mm scale (1:43.5) on  gauge track
 Rail transport modelling scales
 Model railway scales

References

External links
 On2-On30-On3 modelers resource page
 Maine 2-foot Quarterly magazine
 Light Iron Digest
 Narrow Gauge & Shortline Gazette
 The Maine On2 FAQ

Model railroad scales
Scale model scales
Narrow gauge railway modelling


1800s

1890–1899
 Although Australia's first officially recognised experimental broadcast was made in 1905 (see below), there are reliable reports in September 1897 (just two years after Guglielmo Marconi's original radio experiments) of demonstrations of wireless communication in Australia conducted by Professor William Henry Bragg of Adelaide University following experiments by Bragg, and at some stage in conjunction with G. W. Selby of Melbourne.

1900s

1900–1909
 1901: The six states federate into the Commonwealth of Australia. Section 51(v) of the Australian Constitution gives the federal government power over "postal, telegraphic, telephonic, and other like services".
 1905:
 Wireless Telegraphy Act (1905) placed broadcasting in the control of the Australian Government. This has remained in place ever since.
 Italian Guglielmo Marconi's company builds Australia's first two-way wireless telegraphy station at Queenscliff, Victoria.
 1906: first official transmission between Queenscliff and Devonport, Tasmania.

1910–1919
1910: The Maritime Wireless Co. Ltd formed by Edward Hope Kirkby, his workers and Father Archibald Shaw
1910: March 11th, The Wireless Institute of Australia is formed during a meeting held at the Australia Hotel in Martin Place, Sydney.
1911: The Maritime Wireless Co. Ltd sold to The Maritime Wireless Company (Shaw System) Limited
1911: Australian Government employs their own wireless expert, Graeme Balsillie, to build the coastal wireless service after interests representing Telefunken didn't perform to the governments satisfaction on the first 2 at Sydney and Perth.
1911: Balsillie contracts the Maritime Wireless Company (Shaw System) Limited to manufacture all the apparatus for the remaining 17 wireless including the generators and motors
1911: The first long range (520 km) coastal radio station was established in Sydney.
1912: The first Coastal wireless station opened in Melbourne
1912:
The Applecross Wireless Station long range station was established in Western Australia.
Shorter range stations were established in Melbourne, Hobart, Brisbane and Adelaide.
1913: Marconi and its main competitor Telefunken amalgamated to form Amalgamated Wireless Australasia Limited (AWA).
1919: The first radio "broadcast" in Australia was organised by Ernest Thomas Fisk of AWA on 19 August 1919.  He arranged for the National Anthem to be broadcast from one building to another at the end of a lecture he'd given on the new medium to the Royal Society of New South Wales.

1920–1929
1921:
Amateur radio broadcasters commenced transition. The first radio licence in Australia was granted to Charles Maclurcan for station 2CM, which broadcast from the Wentworth Hotel in Sydney, an establishment owned by the Maclurcan family. Broadcasts consisted of classical music concerts on air on Sunday nights.
1922:
 December, "The Regulations: radio laws for the amateur" was issued by the Australian Government. This resulted in Australia's first broadcast licence (2CM in Sydney) being issued to Charles MacLurcan in December 1922.
1923:
Following intensive lobbying for the introduction of radio broadcasting, the Government, in May 1923, calls a conference of the main players in the radio manufacturing industry. This led to the sealed set regulations where stations could be licensed to broadcast and then sell sets to "listeners-in". The receiving device would be set to receive only that station.
2SB (from 1924, 2BL) in Sydney is the second official station to be licensed. It was first public radio station in Australia opened in Sydney on 23 November 1923. Sydney's first official national radio station, 2FC with Licence No.1 commenced service on 9 January 1924.
1924:
3AR and 3LO went to air on 26 January and 13 October 1924 in Melbourne.
The Government introduces a two-tiered licence system in July 1924. In the first half of 1924, only 1400 people took out sealed set licences. It was quite easy for listeners to avoid the licence fee by building their own sets or modifying one they had bought to receive more than one station. The radio industry successfully lobbied the Government to introduce a two-tiered system, the "A" licenses to be financed by listeners' licence fees imposed and collected by the Government, and "B" class licenses to be offered to anyone else who wanted to have a go. The B stations would have to generate their own revenue through advertising. A class stations could also advertise but few did. This system was an amalgam of the British system where the non-commercial BBC had a government-imposed monopoly and the USA where the free market was the driving force. The "A" class stations were the original sealed set stations plus one in each other capital city - 2BL, 2FC, 3AR, 3LO, 7ZL, 5CL, 6WF. By years end, 40,000 licences have been issued. At this time, there was also talk of the introduction "C" class stations which would exclusively advertise the products of the station owners(s). This concept was abandoned in 1931, but the Postmaster-General's Department was already in talks with the Akron Broadcasting Co. Pty. Ltd in Melbourne, and, so, in lieu of a "C" class license Akron was given a 'B" Class license with some severe restricting conditions (see 3AK).
The first "B" class station on air was 2BE in November 1924.
South Australia’s first radio station 5CL (A class) went to air on 20 November.
Western Australia's first radio station 6WF went to air on 4 June.
1925:
The oldest surviving "B" class (commercial) station is 2UE, which went on air on Australia Day 1925 as 2EU.  The reputed reason for the change of callsign is that EU sounded like "Hey, You".
3UZ Melbourne begins broadcasting
South Australia’s first commercial radio station 5DN goes to air 24 February.
3PB owned by Noel Pemberton Billing began broadcasting in Melbourne in September, mainly to promote Pemberton Billing's Austral Duplex recordings. The station closed in January 1926 after only four months on air. This station has no links whatsoever with the currently-existing 3PB which commenced in 1994 - 3PB now being the official call sign for the Melbourne outlet for ABC NewsRadio.
Number of licences issued reaches 80,000.
1926: The British Government nationalises radio by buying out the British Broadcasting Company and forming the British Broadcasting Corporation. The Australian Government held a Royal Commission into Wireless but didn't immediately follow the British lead. It did encourage the "A" class stations to amalgamate in order to maximise efficiencies and maintain standards.
1927:
AWA conducts a series of transmissions to Britain. These regular broadcasts were heralded by a kookaburra's laugh - a practice that's still used by Radio Australia today, nicknamed "Jacko".
3DB Melbourne commences broadcasting
1929:
2BE closes due to financial collapse.
The Government nationalises the transmission facilities and contracts the provision of programming to the Australian Broadcasting Company (now Australian Broadcasting Corporation), a consortium of entertainment interests.

1930–1939

1932:
The Australian Broadcasting Company is nationalised by the Australian Broadcasting Commission Act (1932). This finalised the two-tier system with the national broadcaster, the newly created Australian Broadcasting Commission, having 12 stations, and the commercial sector, with 43 stations. The ABC was funded by listeners’ licence fees until the 1970s, when Federal Government appropriation became the primary source of funding. Initial plans to permit advertising on the ABC were dropped from the final bill presented to the parliament.
On 29 June 1932, 2WG in Wagga Wagga, New South Wales goes on the air on a purpose built 2000 watt transmitter.
At 8.00pm on 1 July 1932, the Prime Minister, Joseph Lyons, inaugurates the ABC. It then controlled 12  stations – 2FC and 2BL in Sydney, 3AR and 3LO in Melbourne, 4QG in Brisbane, 5CL in Adelaide, 6WF in Perth, 7ZL in Hobart and the relay stations 2NC in Newcastle, New South Wales, 2CO at Corowa, New South Wales, 4RK in Rockhampton, Queensland and 5CK at Crystal Brook, South Australia.
1935:
The Sydney studios of the ABC installs a disc recorder, enabling the recording of programs to occur for the first time.
Many Australian radio stations change frequencies on 1 Sep 1935 to accord Australian 10 kHz frequency raster and to resolve interference problems.
1936: In March, the Bass Strait cable links Tasmania to mainland Australia and permits the ABC to relay national broadcasts to Hobart for the first time.
1939: Radio Australia was formally incorporated as part of the ABC.

1940–1949

1945:
Hector Crawford Productions, later called Crawford Productions, was founded by Hector Crawford and his sister Dorothy Crawford. They would also run the Crawford School of Broadcasting, which taught radio actors such as Noel Ferrier skills for a radio broadcasting career. Crawford Productions as one of the few companies that successfully made a transition from radio to television.
1948:
Experimental FM broadcasts commence
The regulatory body, the Australian Broadcasting Control Board, is created

1950–1959

1957: A Government inquiry into FM radio heralds little interest
1958: Top 40 format is adopted by Australian commercial radio

1960–1969

1961: The Government authorises the use of the international VHF FM band for television.
1967: Talkback radio began in early 1967 on 6PR in Perth it was later introduced on 2SM in Sydney and 3AW in Melbourne.
1968: 3AK Melbourne expands to 24-hour transmission

1970–1979

1970:
TUNE! FM launches as Australia's first university radio station.
1972:
The Labor government's Media Minister Doug McClelland abolishes radio and TV licence fees, making the ABC funded directly from the federal budget
5UV in Adelaide becomes the first public radio station on air in Australia
1974:
The McLean Inquiry into FM rejects the Broadcasting Control Board's views on FM radio and recommends that the VHF FM band be opened to FM radio stations, that a community radio sector be established, and that the ABC have an FM network
2MBS Sydney commences broadcasting as the first full-time FM station in Australia, playing classical music 24 hours a day.
1975:
2JJ (Double Jay) commences transmission on the AM band in Sydney.  Double Jay is the first non-commercial 24-hour rock station in Australia
3MBS-FM Melbourne commences broadcasting classical music 24 hours a day
Multi-cultural radio is launched with the formation of 2EA Sydney and 3EA Melbourne
Public access station 3ZZ is established in Melbourne
Twelve Australian community radio stations are licensed as an interim move by the federal media minister, Dr Moss Cass. Because the licences may have been technically illegal under the Act, they are dubbed Cass's "Dirty Dozen"
 Brisbane's 4ZZZ is established, the first community FM broadcaster in Australia
1976:
ABC FM begins broadcasting
3MP begins broadcasting, the first new commercial radio licence in Melbourne since 1935
 Community radio is launched in Canberra
2MCE begins broadcasting from the campus of Mitchell College of Advanced Education, now Charles Surt University, Bathurst NSW. The first non-metropolitan community radio station in Australia.
 1977:
 6UVS begins broadcasting from the campus of UWA, Perth. (6UVS later becomes 6RTR)
1978:
All AM radio station frequencies are changed from 10 kHz to 9 kHz spacing under the Geneva Frequency Plan of 1975 on 23 November.
2WS Sydney begins broadcasting
1979
PBS FM starts regular broadcasts on 21 December from the Prince of Wales Hotel studio.

1980–1989

1980:
The first commercial FM radio stations are launched: Eon FM and Fox FM in Melbourne, Triple M and 2Day FM in Sydney, FM104 in Brisbane, SAFM in Adelaide, 96FM in Perth
1982:
7RPH in Hobart becomes the first Radio for the Print Handicapped broadcast service. Other stations soon follow in Melbourne, Sydney, Brisbane, Canberra, Adelaide and Perth.
1984:
Stereo AM radio transmission is launched
1986:
2UE Sydney and 3AK Melbourne launch the experimental CBC Radio Network, a networked talk-back format
1988:
Commercial FM radio is launched in Canberra
1989:
Commercial FM radio launches on the Gold Coast
Sydney's Triple J begins expansion to other capital cities

1990–1999

1990:
3KZ Melbourne converts from AM to FM.  Other stations to convert include 3TT Melbourne, 4BK Brisbane, 6PM and 6KY Perth, 5KA and 5DN Adelaide.
May 19, 1990, Australia's first S39 supplementary FM Station goes to air in regional Australia as 2VM Moree Launch 2NOW (NOW FM) on 98.3 From Mt Dowe in North West NSW.
Commercial FM commences in Hobart
3AK becomes Australia's first Italian-language commercial radio station
1991:
Melbourne radio station 3XY signs off after 56 years of broadcasting
1992:
8DN Darwin has its licence revoked for breaching the ownership conditions of the Broadcasting Act
1994:
2UW and 2WS Sydney convert to FM
2WZD begins broadcasting in Wagga Wagga as FM93.
ABC Newsradio is launched
1998:
NetFM broadcasts Australia's first Internet radio transmission.
NetFM commence full commercial broadcasting in Sydney on 13 November.

2000s

2000–2009

2000: Triple J New England was first broadcast
2001: DMG Launches the Nova brand with Sydney's Nova 969 first hitting the airwaves.
2002: The Australian Broadcasting Corporation commences a digital radio service called DiG in November.
2004: 3AK Melbourne becomes an all-sports format as SEN
2005:
Australian Communications and Media Authority (ACMA) is formed on 1 July 2005 by the merger of the Australian Communications Authority (ACA) and the Australian Broadcasting Authority (ABA)
2006: Melbourne radio stations 3AW and Magic swap frequencies on the AM band
2009: Digital radio officially launches in Sydney, Melbourne, Brisbane, Adelaide and Perth.

2010–present
2011
Aussie.fm launches its free online radio portal dedicated to Australian radio.
2014
Macquarie Radio Network and Fairfax Radio Network merger is announced in December.
Fairfax Radio Network sells 96FM Perth to Australian Radio Network ahead of Macquarie merger.
2015
Macquarie Radio Network and Fairfax Radio Network merger is approved, with 2CH Sydney and 4LM Mount Isa to be sold.

See also

Timeline of radio
History of broadcasting
Media of Australia

References

Citations

Sources

History of ABC Radio
Australasian radio: A Chronology of the first 60 years (2004)
Langdon, Jeff (1995) ''The History of Radio in Australia: Excerpts from a Lecture given by Dr Jeff Langdon in 1995
 Johnson, Lesley. "Radio and everyday life The early years of broadcasting in Australia, 1922-1945." Media, Culture & Society 3.2 (1981): 167-178.
 Browne, Donald R. "Aboriginal Radio in Australia: From Dreamtime to Prime Time?." Journal of Communication 40.1 (1990): 111-121.

External links
The Home of the Old Time Radio Shows Group (Australia)
 Visit the National Film and Sound Archive of Australia's Women in Early Radio collection for more information about the history of women in radio in Australia, including Queenie Ashton, Ethel Lang, Amber Mae Cecil and Grace Gibson.
Aussie.fm - Listen to Australian radio online

Radio, Australia
Radio
Australia
Radio


Piano Sonata No. 17 may refer to:
Piano Sonata No. 17 (Beethoven)
Piano Sonata No. 17 (Mozart)


Piano Sonata No. 18 may refer to:
Piano Sonata No. 18 (Beethoven)
Piano Sonata No. 18 (Dussek)
Piano Sonata No. 18 (Mozart)
Piano Sonata in G major, D 894 (Schubert)


Ferario Spasov (Bulgarian: Ферарио Спасов; born 20 February 1962 in Dupnitsa) is a Bulgarian football coach.

Managerial career

He has been manager of Litex Lovech and CSKA Sofia.

From 1 April 2016 he became the manager of Etar Veliko Tarnovo after Boncho Genchev secured the position of chairman of the zonal council of BFU in Veliko Tarnovo.

On 26 October 2016, Spasov was appointed as manager of Beroe but his contract was terminated by mutual consent after the final game of the season.

On 28 August 2017, Spasov was appointed as manager of Montana.

On 8 October 2019, Spasov replaced Željko Petrović as a manager of Botev Plovdiv.

Honours

Managerial honours
Litex Lovech
 Bulgarian A Group: 1998–99
 Bulgarian Cup: 2000–01

References

1962 births
Living people
Bulgarian men's footballers
Bulgarian football managers
People from Dupnitsa
PFC CSKA Sofia managers
PFC Litex Lovech managers
FC Spartak Varna managers
Botev Plovdiv managers
FC Montana managers
PFC Beroe Stara Zagora managers
Men's association football forwards
Sportspeople from Kyustendil Province


Hardham is a small village and former civil parish, now in the parish of Coldwaltham, in the Horsham district of West Sussex, England. It is on the A29 road  southwest of Pulborough. In 1931 the parish had a population of 107.

Archaeology
The village is on the line of Stane Street Roman road, which changes direction here, leaving the modern A29 road which has followed it from Capel, to head southwest to Bignor and Chichester. The Sussex Greensand Way from Lewes joined Stane Street here and remains of a Roman way station or mansio have been found.

Parish church

The Church of England parish church of St Botolph has some of the oldest surviving wall paintings in the country, including an image of Saint George at the Siege of Antioch in AD 1097.

The paintings date from the early 12th century. They survived due to being covered by plaster until uncovered in 1866.

The painters used colours made from locally available materials — red and yellow ochre, lime white, carbon black, and a green from copper carbonate.

The paintings are in two tiers on each wall and originally had inscriptions describing the scenes above them. One of these can still be seen on the east wall of the nave.

The themes of the paintings are Adam and Eve, the life of Christ, the Last Judgment and Apocalypse, and the Labours of the Months.

Economic and social history
On higher ground on the south side of the village are the remains of Hardham Priory, the Priory of St Cross, which was an Augustinian monastery established in the middle of the 13th century.

In the late 18th century a canal tunnel was built on the Arun Navigation to avoid a large loop of the River Arun. The railway line from  to  passed over the tunnel, and when the canal closed the railway company broke into the tunnel and filled that part of it under the rails with chalk. On 18 October 2019 the tunnel was Grade II listed.

On 1 April 1933 the parish was abolished and merged with Coldwaltham.

References

External links

Villages in West Sussex
Former civil parishes in West Sussex
Horsham District


Piano Sonata No. 19 may refer to:
Piano Sonata No. 19 (Beethoven)
Piano Sonata No. 19 (Mozart)
Piano Sonata No. 19 (Schubert)


Piano Sonata No. 20 may refer to:
Piano Sonata No. 20 (Beethoven)
Piano Sonata in B-flat major, K. 498a, formerly considered Piano Sonata No. 20 by Mozart
Piano Sonata No. 20 (Schubert)


Pete Sampras defeated Boris Becker in the final, 6–1, 6–2, 6–2 to win the men's singles tennis title at the 1994 Italian Open.

Jim Courier was the two-time defending champion, but was defeated in the quarterfinals by Sláva Doseděl.

Seeds

Draw

Finals

Section 1

Section 2

Section 3

Section 4

External links
 ATP Singles draw

Italian Open - Mens Singles, 1994
1994 Italian Open (tennis)


Gary Bellamy (born 4 July 1962) is an English former professional footballer. He began his career at Chesterfield, making over 150 appearances for the club before joining Wolverhampton Wanderers in 1987. He helped the club to back-to-back promotions from Division Four to Division Two, as well as winning the Football League Trophy in 1988. He had a brief spell on loan at Cardiff City in 1982 before moving to Leyton Orient.

Bellamy later joined Chelmsford City as player-manager and also managed Dover Athletic and Braintree Town.

Career

Chesterfield
Bellamy had a spell at Nottinghamshire County Cricket Club as a teenager, but decided to pursue a career in football instead, joining Chesterfield as a trainee. He broke into the first team and played seven seasons at Saltergate. He won the (old) Fourth Division championship in 1984–85 with the club and made a total of 207 appearances in all competitions for the Spirites, despite missing 15 months through injury. Following his return from injury, Bellamy was set to move to Birmingham City but the transfer collapsed.

Wolverhampton Wanderers
He left the club in July 1987 after becoming embroiled in a contract dispute to join then-fourth tier Wolverhampton Wanderers for a £17,500 fee set at tribunal. After making his debut for the club on 12 September 1987 in a 2–2 draw with Crewe Alexandra, he won the Fourth Division championship for the second time in his career. The defender also got to experience a Wembley final as the club lifted the Football League Trophy at the end of the season too, defeating Burnley 2–0 in the final. His second season with Wolves saw him add another medal as the club immediately won the (old) Third Division. He remained a first choice player in his first season at the second flight level in 1989–90 but subsequently was used only sparingly in the following two seasons.

At the start of the 1991–92 season, Bellamy contracted Lyme disease on a pre-season tour of Scandinavia which kept him out for the opening weeks of the season and he was unable to force his way back into the side on his return. He joined Cardiff City on loan in a bid to regain fitness toward the end of the season, making nine league appearances for the Bluebirds.

Later career
The following season, Bellamy was sold to Third Division Leyton Orient for £30,000 in September 1992. Here, he played as a first choice player for four seasons, despite continued friction with then manager Peter Eustace, before leaving for non-league Chelmsford City in June 1996. Just five months later, he took up a joint manager role for the club and spent five years in this capacity, winning promotion to the Isthmian League Premier Division in 2001. He had earlier guided them to promotion in 1998, but their ground was deemed not to meet the requirements of the higher division at that time.

This promotion success alerted Conference side Dover Athletic to him and he took up the reins there following this in June 2001. However, he was sacked only months later in November as the club struggled. He became manager of Braintree Town, where he had had a loan spell as a player, but was later fired in November 2003.

Honours
Chesterfield

 Football League Fourth Division Champions: 1984–85

Wolverhampton Wanderers

 Football League Fourth Division Champions: 1987–88
 Football League Third Division Champions: 1988–89
 Football League Trophy Winners: 1988

References

External links

1962 births
Living people
Footballers from Worksop
English men's footballers
English football managers
Men's association football defenders
Chesterfield F.C. players
Wolverhampton Wanderers F.C. players
Leyton Orient F.C. players
Chelmsford City F.C. players
Cardiff City F.C. players
English Football League players
Chelmsford City F.C. managers
Dover Athletic F.C. managers
Braintree Town F.C. managers


Chris Conn (31 December 1937 – 12 February 2021) was a Grand Prix motorcycle road racer. He competed in the FIM motorcycle Grand Prix world championships from 1964 to 1967.

Motorcycle racing career
Conn was born in Portishead, Somerset. His best season was in 1966 when he finished the year in tenth place in the 500cc world championship. In 1966 he won the preseason invitational Mettet Grand Prix.

Conn died from a heart attack in Portishead on February 12, 2021.

References

1937 births
2021 deaths
People from Portishead, Somerset
English motorcycle racers
350cc World Championship riders
500cc World Championship riders
Isle of Man TT riders


The 2008 Formula V6 Asia season took place in four Asian countries. The season started on May 16–18 in Sepang and ended on November 21–23 in Shanghai.

Drivers and teams

Race calendar

Earl Bamber and Armaan Ebrahim did not participate to the last venue due to their commitment in the Malaysian round in A1 Grand Prix.

Full Series Results
Points are awarded in both races as following: 15, 12, 10, 8, 6, 5, 4, 3, 2 for 9th and 1 bonus points for pole position in the first of the two venue races but only awarded to drivers, not for teams. Only the drivers that achieve races are awarded by points. The team standing is obtained with the best two drivers of each team at each race

Drivers

Teams

References

External links
 Formula Asia V6 by Renault official website

Formula V6 Asia season 2008
Formula V6 Asia seasons
2008 in Asian sport
V6 Asia


Management is a 2008 American romantic comedy-drama directed by Stephen Belber and starring Jennifer Aniston and Steve Zahn. It premiered at the 2008 Toronto International Film Festival and received a limited theatrical release on May 15, 2009.

Plot
Mike Flux works at his parents' motel as the night manager. One day he sees Sue, who is staying at the motel for the weekend. Mike develops a crush on her and surprises her at her door with a bottle of wine. Sue doesn't quite know what to make of his approach, shares some wine to be polite, then asks him to leave. Mike returns the next day, trying the same trick with champagne, and this time she allows him to touch her butt momentarily. As Sue heads back home the next day she decides to go back and have sex with Mike in the laundry room.

Mike realizes his feelings for Sue and flies to her home in Baltimore. She's shocked to see him there, but out of courtesy allows him to stay with her until morning when he can go back home. After spending some time together they get to know each other better as friends, and soon after Mike returns home, Sue stays at the motel again. They decide to go out and have fun.

Mike's mother is very sick, and the two stop by her home to see her. She approves of Sue, and tells Mike that he needs to find happiness in his life. Soon after Sue leaves, Mike's mother passes away. He decides to make a change in his life and go after her once again.

Mike learns that Sue has gotten back together with her old boyfriend Jango, a former punk rocker turned successful businessman in Aberdeen, WA. Mike settles into the new town by taking a job at a Chinese restaurant. The son of the owners Al befriends him and allows him to stay in the restaurant's basement.

Mike skydives into Sue and Jango's pool to surprise her, but Jango responds by attacking him with an airsoft gun. Feeling bad about what he did, Jango invites Mike and Al over for dinner. Jango knows he has feelings towards Sue and threatens him. Regardless of the threat, Mike, with help from Al, serenades her with a song later that night.

Sue meets up with Mike the next day, informing him, that she and Jango are getting married. Sue is pregnant, and she wants to be with someone that's in control of his life. In anger after everything he worked for to be with her, Mike tells her to leave.

After spending four months in a Buddhist monastery, Mike returns to the motel, now being run solely by his father (Fred Ward). After talking about moving on with their lives, Mike's father hands him the deed to the motel. He decides to turn the motel into a homeless shelter, something Sue had mentioned always wanting to do. Mike calls her at home to tell her, but Jango answers the phone. He reveals that Sue has left him and is living with her mother.

Mike makes his way to Sue's in Maryland to ask her for help with the shelter. She's happy to see him and tells him that she had messed up their relationship. Mike tells her he loves her and only wants to take care of her and her baby. The story ends as they embrace.

Cast

 Jennifer Aniston as Sue Claussen
 Steve Zahn as Mike Flux
 Woody Harrelson as Jango
 Fred Ward as Jerry Flux
 Margo Martindale as Trish Flux
 James Hiroyuki Liao as Al
 Josh Lucas as Barry

Filming
While set in Kingman, Arizona, Maryland, and Washington, filming took place entirely in Oregon in 2007. Sonny’s Motel in Madras served as the Kingman Motor Inn, while Portland stepped in for Baltimore. Instead of Aberdeen, Washington, both Oregon City and West Linn were used to represent the hometown of Kurt Cobain. The restaurant scenes were filmed at the Aloha Mall in Aloha, Oregon  off TV highway.

Reception
Management received mixed reviews from critics. On Rotten Tomatoes the film has an approval rating of 47% based on reviews from 96 critics. The website's critical consensus concludes:
"Clever and often beguiling performances by Steve Zahn and Jennifer Aniston can't revive this sweetly misguided stalker romance." On Metacritic it has a score of 50/100 base on reviews from 26 critics.

In a positive review, Roger Ebert of the Chicago Sun-Times gave the film three out of four stars and attributed its success largely to the casting: "In the usual course of events, a high-powered company sales executive wouldn't have much to do with Mike ... But cast Steve Zahn as the loser, and it becomes thinkable."

Home media
The DVD was released on September 29, 2009. It has grossed $3,820,537 in US DVD sales.

References

External links

 Management on Youtube

2008 films
2008 romantic comedy-drama films
American romantic comedy-drama films
Films produced by Jennifer Aniston
Films set in Baltimore
Films set in Washington (state)
Films shot in Portland, Oregon
Films shot in Washington (state)
Temple Hill Entertainment films
Sidney Kimmel Entertainment films
Echo Films films
Films set in Arizona
Films scored by Mychael Danna
Films scored by Rob Simonsen
Films produced by Wyck Godfrey
2000s English-language films
2000s American films


Peter Marius Andersen (25 April 1885 – 20 March 1972) was a Danish amateur football (soccer) player in the striker position, who won a silver medal with the Danish national team in the 1908 Summer Olympics football tournament. He played one game at the tournament, his only game for the national team. He played his club football with BK Frem.

References

External links

1885 births
1972 deaths
Danish men's footballers
Footballers at the 1908 Summer Olympics
Olympic footballers for Denmark
Olympic silver medalists for Denmark
Denmark men's international footballers
Boldklubben Frem players
Olympic medalists in football
Medalists at the 1908 Summer Olympics
Men's association football forwards


August Ludvig Lindgren (1 August 1883 – 1 June 1945) was a Danish amateur football (soccer) player in the midfielder position, who won a silver medal with the Danish national team in the 1908 Summer Olympics football tournament. He scored two goals in three games at the tournament. In all, Lindgren played four games and scored three goals for the Danish national team. He played his club football with Boldklubben af 1893.

References

External links

1883 births
1945 deaths
Danish men's footballers
Denmark men's international footballers
Boldklubben af 1893 players
Footballers at the 1908 Summer Olympics
Olympic footballers for Denmark
Olympic silver medalists for Denmark
Olympic medalists in football
Men's association football forwards
Medalists at the 1908 Summer Olympics


Andrew Murray Scott (born 1955 in Aberdeen, Scotland) is a novelist, poet and non-fiction book writer. His first novel, Tumulus, appeared in 2000, as the winner of the inaugural Dundee International Book Prize for unpublished novels, against 82 other manuscripts, winning the author £6,000 plus a publishing deal. A second novel, Estuary Blue, appeared in 2001 from the same publisher, Polygon, of Edinburgh. In 2007, a third novel, The Mushroom Club , appeared and Scott's fourth novel, The Big J  published by Steve Savage Publishers Ltd, was published in April 2008 while a fifth novel In A Dead Man's Jacket, was published as an ebook in 2012.
In 2019, Andrew published the first of a series of Scottish political conspiracy thrillers featuring freelance journalist Willie Morton, https://www.amazon.co.uk/Andrew-Scott/e/B07MQCTK9K/ref=dp_byline_cont_ebooks_1. Deadly Secrecy appeared under a shortened version of his name: Andrew Scott, and this was followed by 'Scotched Nation', in 2020 by 'Oblivion's Ghost' and in 2021, 'Sovereign Cause'.

Scott is also the author of ten non-fiction books including a biography of the first Jacobite leader, John Grahame of Claverhouse, Bonnie Dundee which was reprinted in 2000 and will soon be available from the publisher in ebook and POD formats. Andrew has written several other books about the history and culture of the city of Dundee, including Dundee's Literary Lives. A collection of poems titled Dancing Underwater, was published by Cateran Press in September 2009.

He is so far perhaps best known for his biographical work on the writer Alexander Trocchi (1925–84). His biography of Trocchi, The Making of the Monster, first published by Polygon in 1991, was reprinted in paperback in 2012 by Kennedy & Boyd.  Scott also edited Invisible Insurrection: A Trocchi Reader, which appeared in tandem with the biography in 1991 and was reprinted in 1996. Both books proved influential in promoting reprints of Trocchi's work and led to a revaluation of his career and reputation, particularly amongst a new generation of Scottish writers such as Irvine Welsh, Alan Warner, Barry Graham and numerous others. The biography was widely-reviewed by critics and received acclaim from literary alumni such as Colin Wilson, Archie Hind, Edwin Morgan and Martin Seymour-Smith.

Andrew Murray Scott's archives are held by the Archive Service, University of Dundee. The collection includes manuscripts, books and correspondence by Scott from the 1970s to 2007 as well as photographs.

References

External links

1955 births
Living people
People educated at the High School of Dundee
Writers from Aberdeen
People associated with Dundee
Scottish male writers
Poets associated with Dundee


Kristian Middelboe (24 March 1881 in Brunnby, Sweden – 20 May 1965) was a Danish amateur football (soccer) player and leader. Playing in the defender position, he won a silver medal with the Danish national team in the 1908 Summer Olympics football tournament. He was head of the Danish Football Association 1935-1940 and again 1948-1950. He was the brother of fellow international Nils Middelboe.

Kristian Middelboe played his club football with Kjøbenhavns Boldklub (KB), making his debut in 1898. He made his debut in the first Danish national team ever, the 9-0 win against the French B-team at the 1908 Olympics. He played in the first four games of the Danish national team from 1908 to 1910. Kristian entered the KB board in 1910, was named KB chairman in 1919, and head of the Danish Football Association (DBU) in 1935. From 1940 to 1948, the DBU was chaired by Leo Frederiksen, but at his departure, Middelboe resumed the position until 1950. He chaired the Danish international team board until 1951, selecting the players for the national team. Here, he reluctantly oversaw the tactical change from his favorite Pyramid tactic to the modern WM formation. He did not leave his last administrative position in Danish sports, until he met the official age restriction in 1964.

References

External links

1881 births
1965 deaths
Danish men's footballers
Kjøbenhavns Boldklub players
Footballers at the 1908 Summer Olympics
Olympic footballers for Denmark
Olympic silver medalists for Denmark
Denmark men's international footballers
Naturalised citizens of Denmark
Olympic medalists in football
Medalists at the 1908 Summer Olympics
Men's association football defenders
Swedish emigrants to Denmark