James McBride Dabbs Jr. (1937–2004) was a social psychologist and professor of psychology at Georgia State University. Born in 1937 in Sumter, South Carolina, he obtained his doctorate from Yale in 1962. In 2004, he died from cancer.

Early life and education
He was the son of James McBride Dabbs, well-known author and prominent southern liberal during the age of segregation.  The elder Dabbs served as president of the Southern Regional Council, chairman of the board of Penn Community Services, and was a member of the Committee of Southern Churchmen and the Southern Student Organizing Committee.

Career and research
His career touched on many of the classic areas of interest to Social Psychologists. With Bibb Latané, Dabbs investigated helpfulness, finding that a larger number of persons on an elevator reduced the likelihood that someone would help a person who dropped coins or pencils. He also worked with Irving Janis on persuasion, showing that the good feelings that come from eating snacks increased the persuasiveness of a message.

Dabbs may be best known for his behavioral endocrinology work on testosterone. While popularly thought to be connected to aggression, Dabbs re-framed the connection to be between testosterone and dominance behaviors. In his view, aggression was one of several possible mechanisms by which dominance could occur. In addition, Dabbs suggested that testosterone may manifest itself as a function of the individual's socioeconomic status (SES), stating that "Individuals low in SES often find the most exciting things to do are illegal, while high SES individuals can do things that are both exciting and socially acceptable--driving fast cars instead of stealing them, arguing instead of fighting, playing college football instead of assaulting." Psychological Science, 1(3), 209-211.

Dabbs looked beyond the simple and obvious connections to aggression and dominance. He went into the subtle aspects through which dominance might be exhibited.  He found that high testosterone males had less friendly smiles even though they are more socially outgoing and engaging. He also found high testosterone men and women often had high status occupations.

Not all of his research was about the effects of testosterone on behavior. He also examined how experiences and behavior affected testosterone. For instance, he found that testosterone rises for winners of chess matches and in fans of winning sports teams.

In 2000, he gathered these and other behavioral findings related to testosterone into a text, Heroes, Rogues, and Lovers: Testosterone and Behavior.

Dabbs was well described by his colleague Barry Ruback in an American Psychologist obituary, "Jim Dabbs's video Making Things Visible illustrates how social science advances when interesting questions are asked and creative methods are used to find answers. The video is a metaphor for his career, as these two aspects were hallmarks of his work and the basis for why many considered him the most creative person they had ever met."

Death
In 2004, he died from cancer two months after retiring from his position at Georgia State University.

His family home Rip Raps Plantation was added to the National Register of Historic Places in 1978.

References

External links
 Oral History Interview with Edith Mitchell Dabbs (James Dabbs' mother) from Oral Histories of the American South

20th-century American psychologists
American social psychologists
1937 births
2004 deaths
Georgia State University faculty
Yale University alumni
Testosterone
People from Sumter, South Carolina


Fiddle-Faddle is a musical composition in 2/2 time composed by Leroy Anderson. It is considered to be a "light" classical music composition, sometimes referred to as "classical pops" music.

Fiddle-Faddle was published on January 1, 1947. Arthur Fiedler gave the composition its premiere on March 30, 1947 during a concert radio broadcast from the old Boston Opera House. Leroy Anderson conducted Fiddle-Faddle in a monaural recording for Decca Records on June 29, 1951. Anderson made a stereo recording of Fiddle-Faddle for Decca Records on June 11, 1959.

Anderson wrote the piece as one of a number of pieces conducted over time by Arthur Fiedler and the Boston Pops Orchestra.
The finished piece instantly became a favorite of audiences and Arthur Fiedler alike.  Fiedler programmed it so frequently in Pops concerts that the Pops audiences began referring to it as "Fiedler-Faddle".  Written in classic "song-and-trio" form, it is based on the childhood nursery song "Three Blind Mice".  It was recorded many times in the late 1940s and early 1950s by a variety of musical ensembles.  As implied by the title the piece features the violins prominently with repeated semiquavers continued with pizzicato in what's seen as the Trio section.

The piece has been transcribed for concert or theater organ and as a duet for piano .

References

External links

Theater organ sample

Compositions by Leroy Anderson
1947 compositions


Milt Larkin (October 10, 1910, Navasota, Texas – August 31, 1996) was an American jazz trumpeter,  bandleader and singer.

Biography

Early career
Larkin was an autodidact on the trumpet, and got his start playing in Texas in the 1930s with Chester Boone and Giles Mitchell. Between 1936 and 1943 he led his own band, touring the southwest United States, with gigs in Kansas City, and at the Apollo Theater in New York City, as well as a 9-month residency at the Rhumboogie Café in Chicago, on occasions coinciding there with, and backing, T-Bone Walker.

Personnel in the band included Arnett Cobb and Illinois Jacquet (both of whom went on to join Lionel Hampton), Eddie Vinson (who left to join Cootie Williams), Tom Archia, Cedric Haywood, Wild Bill Davis, Alvin Burroughs, Joe Marshall and Roy Porter. Vinson and Cobb had been with the band since its creation at the Aragon Ballroom in Houston in 1936. This ensemble won high praise but never recorded, on the one hand, because of the "recording ban" imposed on August 1, 1942, just after the band arrived in Chicago, and on the other hand, because Larkin wouldn't accept the low wages that record companies offered to black musicians.

Having already lost several members to the draft board, Larkin disbanded the group when he himself entered the Army. From 1943 to 1946, he played in Sy Oliver's army band, also playing on trombone. Larkin first recorded after leaving the service, recording with a number of ensembles over the next decade. In 1956, he moved to New York and led a septet at the Celebrity Club. In the 1970s he returned to Houston and retired.

Later career
From 1979 to 1994, Milt Larkin was the leader of the Milt Larkin Allstars and the founder of Get Involved Now, a non-profit group that served inhouse audiences in Houston, Texas.  Members of his group included Jimmy Ford [alto sax], Arnett Cobb [tenor sax], Basirah Dean [piano/keyboard], Clayton Dyess [guitar], Terry T. Thomas [bass], and Richard Waters [drums] as well as. many other musicians who sat in his big band, including Buddy Tate. He did hundreds of performances for crippled and burned children, special needs children, mentally ill patients and elderly audiences. He was the recipient of the Jefferson Award for community service and performed regularly on the Annual Houston Jazz Festival and the Annual Juneteenth Blues Festival in Houston.  Milt Larkin was featured in a documentary which was produced and aired on PBS called The Bigfoot Swing.  Although he suffered from Alzheimer's disease in the last few years of his life, he performed flawlessly at the Milt Larkin birthday bash on October 10, 1994, for his 84th birthday.  He died on August 31, 1996, of pneumonia and his funeral was attended by many musicians, politicians and members of the press.

His son, Milton "Tippy" Larkin, is also a trumpet player and played with Larkin's various bands.

Discography

As leader
 Down Home Saturday Night (Copasetic, 1976)

As sideman
 Arnett Cobb, Arnett Blows for 1300 (Delmark, 1994)

References
Footnotes

General references
Scott Yanow, [ Milt Larkin] at Allmusic

External links
 Larkin, Milton and Louis Marchiafava and Charles Stephenson. Milton Larkin Oral History, Houston Oral History Project, January 5, 1988.

1910 births
1996 deaths
American jazz bandleaders
American jazz trumpeters
American male trumpeters
American jazz trombonists
Male trombonists
20th-century American musicians
20th-century trumpeters
20th-century trombonists
People from Navasota, Texas
Jazz musicians from Texas
20th-century American male musicians
American male jazz musicians


KDSN may refer to:

 KDSN (AM), a radio station (1530 AM) licensed to Denison, Iowa, United States
 KDSN-FM, a radio station (104.9 FM) licensed to Denison, Iowa, United States


I Love You, Beth Cooper is a 2009 American teen romantic comedy film directed by Chris Columbus and starring Hayden Panettiere and Paul Rust. It is based on the novel by Larry Doyle, with Doyle also writing the film's screenplay.

Plot
On graduation day at Buffalo Glenn High School, valedictorian Denis Cooverman confesses his love for head cheerleader and long time crush, beautiful Beth Cooper in his speech while also taunting vain rich girl Valli, ignorant bully Greg, and Beth's Army soldier boyfriend Kevin; and urging his best friend Rich to finally admit he's gay. Afterwards, Denis invites Beth and her friends, Cammy and Treece, to a party he has planned at his house.

At Denis's house, his parents leave but not before his father revealing that he has condoms upstairs if he needs them. The girls (Beth and her two best friends) arrive at Denis's house for the party. Kevin and his Hummer soon come barging in, with his Army buddies Dustin and Sean,  vowing revenge on Denis. They wreck the kitchen attempting to beat Denis up, but the five teenagers escape in Beth's Echo.

They drive to a gas station hoping to get beer, but the clerk will not accept Beth's drivers license, which states that she is 37. Beth successfully bribes the clerk with a kiss, which makes Denis realize that she is not who he thinks she is.

The group starts a bonfire in an isolated section of town where Rich, Cammy, and Treece are chased by a stampede of cows after trying to tip one over. When Denis puts on the KISS song "Beth", Beth tells him that she was named after the song. Denis thinks it's cool that Beth has two "headbangers" for parents. Beth slowly warms to Denis, becoming aware that he genuinely loves her, much to her amazement.

They all jump in the Echo and Beth, a crazy reckless driver, drives without lights. They stumble upon Denis' parents, having sex in their car, by almost crashing into them. Rather than facing Denis' father with his pants down, Beth drives them away unseen, going to a private party at Valli's house. Kevin and his friends track them there, and Kevin challenges Denis to a fight. Greg briefly overpowers the three, in defence of Denis, then Beth crashes Kevin's Hummer through the front of Valli's house and rescues her four friends.

Beth takes them to their vacant school, entering with her head cheerleader key. After showcasing their cheerleading routine, Beth decides that they should all shower in the girls' locker room. Just as Denis is undressing to join the others, Kevin and his buddies arrive in the Echo and jump Denis again. Rich attacks the thugs in a towel whipping 'duel', as he has been training for years after being towel whipped as a young kid. Rich towel-whips them unconscious down a flight of stairs, then the kids flee in the Echo, going to Treece's family cabin. Rich, Treece, and Cammy have a threesome, while Beth and Denis enjoy the sun rise and finally share their first kiss.

They return to Denis' house, where his father is delighted to see he has 'hooked up', but makes him aware he still needs to be punished for leaving the house a wreck. Beth says goodbye, gives Denis a kiss, and touchingly thanks him for loving her. Denis tells her "what's not to love" and that she mustn't forget that. They promise to reunite at their high school reunion and agree to marry if they are both still single.

After the girls leave, Rich proclaims to Denis that he might be gay after all, or perhaps bisexual, but jokes that after the threesome, he's still more heterosexual than Denis. Denis informs Rich that he will not wait until the reunion to talk to Beth again, and that he is going to ask her out on Facebook. Richard tells Denis that he should make a grand gesture by going to her house with a boom box (a reference to Say Anything...) and wait for her. They continue debating how Denis should go about asking Beth on a date.

Cast

Production
In early 2008, producers announced the novel I Love You, Beth Cooper would be made into a film, with actress Hayden Panettiere in the title role.<ref>{{cite web | last= Tyler | first= Josh | url= http://www.cinemablend.com/new/Heroes-Cheerleader-Makes-A-Juno-Knockoff-7735.html | title= Heroes Cheerleader Makes A Juno Knockoff | website= Cinemablend.com | access-date= 2008-02-07 | archive-date= 2015-09-24 | archive-url= https://web.archive.org/web/20150924001622/http://www.cinemablend.com/new/Heroes-Cheerleader-Makes-A-Juno-Knockoff-7735.html | url-status= dead }}</ref> Filming began in 2008, with a release slated for July 10, 2009. The film was directed by Chris Columbus, with the screenplay written by Doyle.

Filming took place in Vancouver, British Columbia, with scenes shot at Centennial Secondary School, Magee Secondary School and St. Patrick's Regional Secondary. Due to being filmed in a Canadian location during the winter despite its story set during the summertime, there were several difficulties when it came to the weather and the actors having to be in summer attire outside in cold temperatures; hoses occasionally had to be used to rid settings of snow.

The film's official website was launched on February 14, 2009, with a Valentine's Day themed "personalize your own trailer and e-card" widget that allowed for customization of the trailer and that could be sent to loved ones, friends and family.

The film was produced and originally to be released by Fox specialty subsidiary Fox Atomic, but theatrical distribution reverted to 20th Century Fox after Atomic folded in April 2009.

Soundtrack
The soundtrack album was released on June 23, 2009.

Reception

Box office
In its opening weekend (July 10–12), the film grossed $4,919,433 at 1,858 theaters, which was enough for seventh place. The film grossed $14,800,725 at the domestic box office and $1,581,813 in other territories, and it finished its worldwide theatrical run with a total of $16,382,538.

Critical response
On Rotten Tomatoes, 13% of 119 critics have given the film a positive review, and an average rating of 3.6/10. The site's consensus states: "Heavily reliant on stereotypes and shallow teen comedy clichés, I Love You, Beth Cooper is a humorless affair that fails to capture the charm of its source novel." On Metacritic, which calculated an average score of 32 out of 100 from 30 critics, the film received "generally unfavorable reviews". Audiences surveyed by CinemaScore gave the film a grade "B−" on scale of A to F. Critics described the film as "puerile and uninspiring nonsense," "lacking in charm, tempo and warmth of any kind," and "starved and lethally bland", while some critics, such as Peter Bradshaw and Roger Ebert, called it an average teen comedy.

Frequent criticisms were towards what were considered flat performances. Simon Foster bashed the film as a star vehicle for Panettiere; Cinematical.com found her unconvincing as a rebellious girl, while Kaleem Aftab of The National opined that she made the character look more like a "spoiled brat". "She's photogenic, granted, but dimensionless and has minimal screen presence – the final reel about-face that is synonymous with these types of films rings as false as a plastic bell", wrote Foster. According to Thomas Leupp of Hollywood.com, "Panettiere is appealing as a bright-eyed cheerleader whose perky exterior hides a bad-girl streak, but she doesn't quite project that unattainable quality the role seems to call for. She's more like the superhot girl-next-door who you think is attainable but probably isn't."Time Out London elaborated about the acting overall that "lines fall flat thanks to long pauses and hammy delivery." Leupp commented that Rust "attempts to compensate for the flat material he's given by overplaying virtually every joke — to the point at which you'll actually root for his antagonists to pummel him without mercy." The inclusion of a Ferris Bueller's Day Off lead as Denis' father also ticked off reviewers.

However, Carpenter and Rust's presences received some positive comments, particularly their chemistry together; in fact, The Independents Anthony Quinn wrote that Rust and Carpenter were the only reasons to watch the film. "One of the film's running gags – that Rich is gay but won't admit, even to himself, what everybody knows – is uncommonly heartfelt because of the way the actors handle the situation. In most movies you have to take for granted that the buddies really are buddies. Not here," wrote Peter Rainer of The Christian Science Monitor. Reiner additionally claimed that "in his first starring role, [Rust] shows off the crack timing of a seasoned pro."

When it came to characters, the stereotypical lead male (in Aftab's view) of Denis Cooverman was the most criticized. According to Foster, he's "game but drawn so broadly he never amounts to more than a comic foil, well below the romantic lead the film asks him to become." Time Out London called him "a truly ungainly specimen with little to offer [...] other than novelty value and infatuation." The character of Rich Munsch was criticized by Empire writer William Thomas, who wrote that his arc "is treated so simplistically that it might offend even Bruno" and has "a character tic (he constantly quotes movie dialogue, complete with the film name, director and year of release) thats so annoying you want to say, 'This has all been just a big mistake.'"

The film's humor was panned. Brought-up examples in reviews included the tampon nosebleed scene, Rich's referencing of movie quotes, an off-screen threesome, a Star Wars lightsaber fight, a moment where a character steps in cow poop, and "all comedy pratfalls followed by some excruciating silences where you're meant to be laughing." While Columbus' dip into edgier material was applauded by The Independents Anthony Quinn, it wasn't by Thomas, who unfavorably labeled it a "curiously chaste affair [...] that feels curiously unsure of itself, as if Columbus wants to take that extra step into slightly raunchier, Risky Business-style material, but just can't bring himself to." Rainer and Can Mag writer Fred Topel were turned off by the film's comic portrayal of life-endangering situations, such as sequences depicting Beth's poor driving skills.

Some reviewers negatively compared I Love You, Beth Cooper to other 1980s-teen-movie-styled products. Simon Foster strongly disliked its removal of the genre's traditional "all-important sweetness": "It is not a step forward in teen movie scriptwriting to expose a school bully's history as a sexual abuse victim for mirth, or to make a running gag out of one student's closeted homosexuality, nor pitch the felonious actions of the blonde teen queen as the height of coolness." In the mind of Allan Hunter of the Daily Express, "the mixture of obvious jokes and winsome sentiment pretty much robs the film of any guilty pleasure value it might have provided." Some reviewers thought the only good scene was its opening, Leupp reasoning that it "shows the potential to be something sly and clever." Stempel suggested the script had "some clever ideas," but they were ruined by Columbus' "telegraphed" directing style. The film's slow pacing was also criticized.

In more positive reviews, Rainer, while suggesting I Love You, Beth Cooper was derivative for a Doyle script, also opined it to be better than most other teen films for its "unnaturally lush and woodsy," setting, unique premise, and rejection of a "handy" moral promoting traditionalism: "it doesn't take us long to figure out that Beth is more than a bimbo. Or to put it another way, she's a bimbo with heart. She's drawn to Denis because he adores her for who she is rather than (or in addition to) how she looks." Lisa Schwarzbaum of Entertainment Weekly'' considered its story "pleasantly low-key" and essentially timeless.

References

External links

2009 films
2009 comedy films
2000s comedy road movies
2000s coming-of-age comedy films
2000s teen comedy films
2000s teen sex comedy films
American coming-of-age comedy films
American comedy road movies
American teen comedy films
20th Century Fox films
Films about threesomes
Films based on American novels
Films directed by Chris Columbus
Films set in Washington (state)
Films shot in Vancouver
Films scored by Christophe Beck
Dune Entertainment films
Films produced by Chris Columbus
Films produced by Michael Barnathan
Films with screenplays by Larry Doyle
1492 Pictures films
2000s English-language films
2000s American films


KFFF may refer to:

 KFFF (FM), a radio station (93.3 FM) licensed to serve Bennington, Nebraska, United States
 KVDI, a radio station (99.3 FM) licensed to serve Boone, Iowa, United States, which held the call sign KFFF-FM from 2005 to 2010
 KDLF, a radio station (1260 AM) licensed to serve Boone, which held the call sign KFFF from 2005 to 2010


Alkaline phosphatase, placental type also known as placental alkaline phosphatase (PLAP) is an allosteric enzyme that in humans is encoded by the ALPP gene.

Gene

There are at least four distinct but related alkaline phosphatases: intestinal (ALPI), placental (this enzyme), placental-like (ALPPL2), and liver/bone/kidney (ALPL) (tissue-nonspecific). The first three are located together on chromosome 2, whereas the tissue-nonspecific form is located on chromosome 1.  The coding sequence for this form of alkaline phosphatase is unique in that the 3' untranslated region contains multiple copies of an Alu family repeat. In addition, this gene is polymorphic and three common alleles (type 1, type 2, and type 3) for this form of alkaline phosphatase have been well-characterized.

Function

Alkaline phosphatase, placental type is a membrane-bound glycosylated dimeric enzyme, also referred to as the heat-stable form, that is expressed primarily in the placenta, although it is closely related to the intestinal form of the enzyme as well as to the placental-like form.

Clinical significance

PLAP is a tumor marker, especially in seminoma and ovarian cancer (e.g., dysgerminoma). PLAP is reliable only in non-smokers, as smoking interferes with measurement of PLAP, since serum concentrations of PLAP are increased up to 10-fold in smokers and its measurement is therefore of little value in this group.

References

Further reading


Perepiteia is claimed to be a new generator developed by the Canadian inventor Thane Heins. The device is named after the Greek word for peripety, a dramatic reversal of circumstances or turning point in a story. The device was quickly attributed the term "perpetual motion machine" by several media outlets. Due to the long history of hoaxes and failures of perpetual motion machines and the incompatibility of such a device with accepted principles of physics, Heins' claims about Perepiteia have been treated with considerable skepticism.

In 2003, Heins filed a patent application in Canada but no patent was granted. Heins also founded Potential Difference Inc, the website of which contains a series of videos of the inventor demonstrating the machine. US patent #9,230,730 issued in 2016 pertaining to another of Thane's inventions, a bi-toroidal topology transformer.

Heins has recently stated that he is unsure whether or not the machine really produces energy, but in communications with science writer David Bradley of ScienceBase, Heins made claims of up to 7000% efficiency for the bi-toroidal transformer. Heins, who reportedly works 8–12 hours a day on the Perepiteia, insists that it is viable and that "This technology should be mainstream."

Theory
Mechanically, the device appears to be an induction motor with a magnetic material placed inside the rotor core.  Heins believes that the device's potential may rest in its atypical manipulation of the back electromotive force (back EMF).  A more detailed description of the device may be found in the patent application, minus supporting figures.

The apparent unique quality of the Perepiteia machine is that instead of maintaining a certain state of motion, it appears to generate acceleration. According to Heins, the Perepiteia produces magnetic friction which somehow gets turned into a magnetic boost. Using an electric motor, the drive shaft is attached to a steel rotor with small round magnets lining its outer edges. In this set-up of a simple generator, the rotor spins so that the magnets pass by a wire coil just in front of them, generating electrical energy.

Operation
Perepiteia's process begins by overloading the generator to get a current, which typically causes the wire coil to build up a large electromagnetic field. Usually, this kind of electromagnetic field creates an effect called the back electromotive force (back EMF) due to Lenz's law. The effect should repel the spinning magnets on the rotor, and slow them down until the motor stops completely, in accordance with the law of conservation of energy. However, instead of stopping, the rotor accelerates (i.e., the magnetic friction did not repel the magnets and wire coil). Heins states that the steel rotor and driveshaft conducted the magnetic resistance away from the coil and back into the electric motor. In effect, the back EMF was boosting the magnetic fields used by the motor to generate electrical energy and cause acceleration. The faster the motor accelerated, the stronger the electromagnetic field it would create on the wire coil, which in turn would make the motor go even faster. Heins seemed to have created a positive feedback loop. To confirm the theory, Heins replaced part of the driveshaft with plastic pipe that wouldn't conduct the magnetic field. There was no acceleration.

Scientific examination
In early 2008, Heins was given access to equipment to demonstrate it by professor Riadh Habash of the  University of Ottawa, who says of it, "It accelerates, but when it comes to an explanation, there is no backing theory for it. That's why we're consulting MIT. But at this time we can't support any claim."

After examining the machine and witnessing a demonstration, Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) professor Markus Zahn admitted that he could not fully explain its operation. Although he refused to call it perpetual motion, he stated that it might be an extremely efficient motor. Regarding the device, Zahn stated that "It's an unusual phenomena I wouldn't have predicted in advance. But I saw it. It's real. Now I'm just trying to figure it out...To my mind this is unexpected and new, and it's worth exploring all the possible advantages once you're convinced it's a real effect." However, even if Perepiteia does not produce perpetual motion, Zahn still believes that the device could have considerable practical applications, noting that "There are an infinite number of induction machines in people's homes and everywhere around the world. If you could make them more efficient, cumulatively, it could make a big difference."

However, Zahn later stated in an interview that "I can't understand how [Heins] can even breathe the words 'perpetual motion.' He plugs it into the wall." In a subsequent e-mail to Heins, Zahn wrote that: "Any talk of perpetual motion, over unity efficiency, etc. discredits you, now me, and your ideas." Zahn further stated that he would not endorse Heins' device until "the foolishness is stopped of hinting that your motor violates fundamental laws of physics."

Criticism
Critics of the system have pointed out that the system described by Heins simply demonstrates a change in the motor's hysteresis drag, increasing the speed of the rotor but not producing any energy. In other words, when the rotor exhibits acceleration following a specific electrical short-out, the device is merely more efficiently converting the input electricity to mechanical energy than in the other test configurations.

On February 29, 2008, six members of Ottawa Skeptics met at the Colonel By building at the University of Ottawa to witness a demonstration of Perepiteia. Heins, who conducted the demonstration, later met with the members to discuss his device and answer questions. In a subsequent report released in May, Ottawa Skeptics expressed severe doubts about Heins' claims regarding Perepiteia. They noted that Perepiteia produces either observed acceleration or a slight increase in generator electrical output, but this alone does not automatically mean that "free energy" or perpetual motion is being produced, or that there is a "real and measurable effect." While acknowledging that the speed-up behaviour of the generator cannot be fully explained, they stated that there is no evidence that Perepiteia "represents any challenge to currently known laws of physics."

On May 21, 2009, a skeptic writing under the name Natan Weissman wrote an explanation of Perepiteia in relation to its motor, a Ryobi bench grinder. The author states that the acceleration behavior of the machine is due to the consumption of torque from the induction motor, rather than any unconventional manipulation of Electromagnetic fields or Counter-electromotive force.

On June 3, 2013, posting in response to questions Pure Energy Blog, Heins provided an explanation of his claims, stating that: "A generator that requires a 1 Watt increase in mechanical drive shaft power to deliver 1 Watt of electrical power to a load would be 100% efficient. A generator that delivers 0.95 Watts with a 1 Watt increase in mechanical drive shaft power from no-load to on-load would be 95% efficient."

References

External links

Videos by Thane C Heins Inventor posted on YouTube
 http://www.sciscoop.com/perepiteia.pdf
Out of Their Minds - Episode 5 - Thane Heins, CBC Radio,  July 26, 2011.

Perpetual motion
Discovery and invention controversies
Controversies in Canada


KICD may refer to:

 KICD (AM), a radio station (1240 AM) licensed to Spencer, Iowa, United States
 KICD-FM, a radio station (107.7 FM) licensed to Spencer, Iowa, United States


KIFG may refer to:

 KIFG (AM), a radio station (1510 AM) licensed to Iowa Falls, Iowa, United States
 KIFG-FM, a radio station (95.3 FM) licensed to Iowa Falls, Iowa, United States


From March to July 1968, Democratic Party voters elected delegates to the 1968 Democratic National Convention for the purpose of selecting the party's nominee for President in the upcoming election. After an inconclusive and tumultuous campaign marred by the assassination of Robert F. Kennedy, incumbent Vice President Hubert Humphrey was nominated at the 1968 Democratic National Convention held from August 26 to August 29, 1968, in Chicago, Illinois.

The primary season began with incumbent President Lyndon B. Johnson expected to win re-nomination for a second consecutive election, despite low approval ratings following the Tet Offensive in January 1968. His only significant challenger was Eugene McCarthy, an anti-war Senator from Minnesota. After McCarthy nearly won the New Hampshire primary, Senator Robert F. Kennedy, another critic of the war and the brother of the late President John F. Kennedy, entered the race. Johnson soon announced that he would not campaign for re-election. In April, Vice President Hubert H. Humphrey joined the race as the establishment candidate; he did not criticize the administration's conduct of the war and avoided the popular contests for delegates.

McCarthy and Kennedy traded primary victories while Humphrey collected delegates through the closed caucus and convention systems in place in most states. The race was upended on June 5, the night of the California and South Dakota primaries. Both races went for Kennedy, but he was assassinated after his victory speech at the Ambassador Hotel. At the moment of his assassination, Kennedy trailed Humphrey in the delegate count with McCarthy third. Without any obligation to vote for Kennedy, most delegates backed Humphrey over McCarthy or fell behind Kennedy supporter George McGovern.

At the convention, Humphrey secured the nomination easily despite anti-war protests outside the convention center; he went on to lose the presidential election narrowly to Richard Nixon. Partly in reaction to Humphrey's victory without entering most state primaries, George McGovern led the McGovern–Fraser Commission, dramatically reforming the nomination process to expand the use of primaries.

Background

1960 and 1964 presidential elections
In 1960, John F. Kennedy won the Democratic nomination over Lyndon B. Johnson. After he secured the nomination at the party convention, Kennedy offered Johnson the vice presidential nomination; the offer was a surprise, and some Kennedy supporters claimed that the nominee expected Johnson to decline. Robert F. Kennedy, the nominee's brother and campaign manager, reportedly went to Johnson's hotel suite to dissuade Johnson from accepting. Johnson accepted, and the Kennedy-Johnson ticket was narrowly elected, but the 1960 campaign intensified the personal enmity between Robert F. Kennedy and Lyndon B. Johnson, which dated to as early as 1953. President Kennedy named his brother to his cabinet as United States Attorney General.

President Kennedy was assassinated on November 22, 1963; Johnson succeeded him with tremendous national popularity amid a wave of mourning and sympathy. Robert Kennedy remained in the cabinet for several months amid what Johnson staffers began to refer to as "the Bobby problem": despite the personal hatred between the two, Democratic voters overwhelmingly favored Kennedy as Johnson's running mate in the 1964 election. Kennedy began to  plan for a nationwide campaign, and in the informal New Hampshire vice-presidential primary, Kennedy defeated Hubert H. Humphrey in a landslide. In July 1964, Johnson issued an official statement ruling out any cabinet member for the vice presidency. Instead, Kennedy ran for and won election to the United States Senate from New York. Johnson was elected in a landslide.

Vietnam War

United States involvement in the Vietnam War began as shortly after the end of World War II. In 1964, President Johnson began to dramatically escalate American military presence after the Gulf of Tonkin incident. General William C. Westmoreland, whom Johnson had appointed to command American troops in Vietnam, expanded U.S. manpower from 16,000 to more than 553,000 by 1969.

As U.S. involvement escalated throughout 1964 to 1966, protests against the war escalated in proportion. Several anti-war groups were founded or expanded during the period.

1966 midterms and "Dump Johnson" movement

Amid criticism of U.S. handling of the war from both parties, President Johnson's approval rating sank from a high above 70 percent to below 40 percent by the 1966 midterm elections. The Democratic Party had already begun to split between anti-war "doves" and pro-war "hawks," and the Republican Party gained dozens of seats in Congress.

As opposition grew in 1967, anti-war Democrats led by Allard Lowenstein and Curtis Gans formed the Dump Johnson movement, which sought to challenge the President's re-election. Their first choice was Robert Kennedy, who had sufficiently established himself as a critic of the war and an effective popular campaigner. He declined, as did a series of lesser-known candidates, including Senator George McGovern. Lowenstein finally found a candidate in October 1967, when Minnesota Senator Eugene McCarthy agreed to challenge the President. At first, McCarthy merely expressed his interest, telling Lowenstein, "Somebody has to raise the flag." On November 30, 1967, McCarthy publicly announced his campaign for the nomination.

Kennedy continued to demur, despite pressure from his aides to enter the race and worry that anti-war allies, like George McGovern, would begin to make commitments to McCarthy. On January 30, he again indicated to the press that he had no plans to campaign against Johnson.

In early February 1968, after the Tet Offensive in Vietnam, Kennedy received an anguished letter from writer Pete Hamill, noting that poor people in the Watts area of Los Angeles had hung pictures of Kennedy's brother, President John F. Kennedy, in their homes. Hamill's letter reminded Robert Kennedy that he had an "obligation of staying true to whatever it was that put those pictures on those walls." There were other factors that influenced Kennedy's decision to enter the presidential primary race. On February 29, 1968, the Kerner Commission issued a report on the racial unrest that had affected American cities during the previous summer. The Kerner Commission blamed "white racism" for the violence, but its findings were largely dismissed by the Johnson administration.

However, by early March, he had made up his mind to enter the race, albeit too late to contest the upcoming New Hampshire primary. He may have been influenced by the January Tet Offensive, a victorious Northern assault across South Vietnam, and the February 29 report of the Kerner Commission, which blamed "white racism" for the series of race riots in the summer of 1967 but was largely ignored by the Johnson administration.

On March 10, Kennedy told his aide, Peter Edelman, that he had decided to run and had to "figure out how to get McCarthy out of it." However, Kennedy hesitated to enter the race with McCarthy still in and agreed to McCarthy's request to delay an announcement of his intentions until after the New Hampshire primary.

Candidates

Nominee

Candidates

Favorite sons

The following candidates ran only in their home state or district's primary or caucuses for the purpose of controlling its delegate slate at the convention and did not appear to be considered national candidates by the media.

 Governor Roger D. Branigin of Indiana (endorsed Humphrey)
 Governor Richard J. Hughes of New Jersey (endorsed Humphrey)
 State Attorney General Thomas C. Lynch of California (endorsed Humphrey)
 Governor Robert Evander McNair of South Carolina
 Governor Dan Moore of North Carolina
 Senator Edmund Muskie of Maine
 Representative Joseph Resnick of Westchester County, New York
 Senator George Smathers of Florida (endorsed Humphrey)
 Senator Stephen M. Young of Ohio (endorsed Humphrey)

Declined to run
The following persons were listed in two or more major national polls or were the subject of media speculation surrounding their potential candidacy, but declined to actively seek the nomination.

 Senator Ted Kennedy of Massachusetts
 Former Governor George Wallace of Alabama (ran third-party campaign)

Polling

Nationwide polling

Campaign

March: New Hampshire, Kennedy enters, Johnson declines
Running as an antiwar candidate in the New Hampshire primary, McCarthy hoped to pressure the Democrats into publicly opposing the Vietnam War. Trailing badly in national polls and with little chance to influence delegate selection absent primary wins, McCarthy decided to pour most of his resources into New Hampshire, the first state to hold a primary election. He was boosted by thousands of young college students who volunteered throughout the state, who shaved their beards and cut their hair to "Get Clean for Gene."

On March 12, McCarthy was the only person on the ballot, as Johnson had not filed, and was only a write in candidate. McCarthy won 42% of the primary vote to Johnson's 50%, an extremely strong showing for such a challenger which gave McCarthy's campaign legitimacy and momentum. In addition, McCarthy's superior coordination led to a near sweep of the state's twenty-four pledged delegates; since Johnson had no formal campaign organization in the state, a number of competing pro-Johnson delegate candidates split his vote, allowing McCarthy to take twenty delegates.

Despite his desire to oppose Johnson directly and the fear that McCarthy would split the anti-war vote, Kennedy pushed forward with his planned campaign. On March 16, Kennedy declared, "I am today announcing my candidacy for the presidency of the United States. I do not run for the presidency merely to oppose any man, but to propose new policies. I run because I am convinced that this country is on a perilous course and because I have such strong feelings about what must be done, and I feel that I'm obliged to do all I can."

Johnson now had two strong challengers, sitting members of the Senate with demonstrated popularity. To make matters worse, polling in Wisconsin showed McCarthy beating Johnson badly, with the latter getting only 12% of the vote. Facing declining health and bleak political forecasts in the upcoming primaries, Johnson concluded that he could not win the nomination without a major political and personal struggle. On March 31, 1968, at the end of a televised address on Vietnam, he shocked the nation by announcing that he would not seek re-election. By withdrawing, he could avoid the stigma of defeat and could keep control of the party machinery to support Hubert Humphrey, his loyal vice president. As the year developed, it also became clear that Johnson believed he could secure his place in the history books by ending the war before the election in November, which would give Humphrey the boost he would need to win.

April: McCarthy triumphant, Humphrey enters
After Johnson's withdrawal, the Wisconsin primary on April 2 was effectively uncontested. McCarthy won 56–35%. Kennedy received 6%. Pennsylvania on April 23 was similarly a rout for McCarthy, who took 71% of the vote.

With Johnson's withdrawal, the New Deal Coalition effectively dissolved.

 Hubert Humphrey, who soon entered the race, gained the support of labor unions and big-city bosses, such as Chicago Mayor Richard J. Daley.
 McCarthy rallied students and intellectuals, who had been the early activists against the war in Vietnam.
 Kennedy gained support from the poor, Catholics, African Americans, Hispanic Americans, and other racial and ethnic minorities.
 Conservative "Dixiecrats" tended to support either Humphrey or former Alabama Governor George C. Wallace, who was running in a third-party campaign for the general election.

After Johnson's withdrawal, Vice President Hubert Humphrey announced his candidacy on April 27. Humphrey's campaign concentrated on winning the delegates in non-primary states, where party leaders controlled the delegate votes. Humphrey did not compete in the primaries, leaving favorite sons to win delegates as surrogates, notably United States Senator George A. Smathers from Florida, United States Senator Stephen M. Young from Ohio, and Governor Roger D. Branigin of Indiana.

The three candidates faced each other for the first time in Massachusetts (Kennedy's native state). However, neither Humphrey nor Kennedy were formally listed on the ballot. As a result, McCarthy won the popular vote easily, and by the rules in place at the time, all 72 of the commonwealth's delegates were pledged to him on the first ballot. Some analysts viewed Humphrey's unexpectedly strong showing (44,156 write-in votes, or 18% of the total) as a clear victory of Kennedy who polled a meager 28% write-in vote in his family's home state.

May: Kennedy momentum, McCarthy in Oregon
On March 27, 1968, Kennedy announced his intention to run against McCarthy in the Indiana primary, although aides told him that a race in Indiana would be extremely tight and advised him against it. Despite their concerns, Kennedy traveled to Indianapolis the following day and filed to run in the Indiana primary. At the Indiana Statehouse, Kennedy told a cheering crowd that the state was important to his campaign: "If we can win in Indiana, we can win in every other state, and win when we go to the convention in August." The Indiana primary thus marked the first open entry of Kennedy into the field and pitted him against McCarthy and Governor Roger Branigin, a favorite son who had backed Johnson and now impliedly supported Humphrey.

During his first campaign stop in Indiana, Kennedy delivered two of a trio notable speeches. First, on April 4, he spoke at Ball State University in Muncie. In this speech, Kennedy suggested the election would "determine the direction that the United States is going to move" and that the American people should "examine everything. Not take anything for granted. Kennedy expressed concerns about poverty and hunger, lawlessness and violence, jobs and economic development, and foreign policy. He emphasized that Americans had a "moral obligation" and should "make an honest effort to understand one another and move forward together." After leaving the stage at Ball State, Kennedy boarded a plane for Indianapolis. When he arrived, he was informed of the assassination of Martin Luther King Jr. Addressing a crowd gathered for a political rally on the black north side of the city, Kennedy made a brief extemporanous speech on the assassination to the crowd, calling for peace and compassion. The next day in Cleveland, he delivered prepared remarks entitled "On the Mindless Menace of Violence," elaborating the themes he had addressed in Indianapolis. After attending King's funeral in Atlanta, Georgia, Kennedy resumed campaigning in Indiana on April 10.

Branigan campaigned in nearly all of the state's 92 counties, while McCarthy's campaign strategy concentrated on Indiana's rural areas and small towns. According to Kennedy's campaign advisor, John Bartlow Martin, the campaign gained momentum with Kennedy's visits to central and southern Indiana on April 22 and 23, which included a memorable whistle-stop railroad trip aboard the Wabash Cannonball. Martin urged the candidate to speak out against violence and rioting, emphasize his "law enforcement experience" as former U.S. Attorney General, and promote coordination between the government and private sector to solve domestic issues. Kennedy continued to speak out against the war and in support of the cessation of hostilities and reallocating war funds to domestic programs. To appeal to conservative voters, Kennedy "toned down his rhetoric" as well. He delivered a speech before the Indianapolis real estate board on May 2 advocating for reliance on private enterprise instead of the federal government and arguing that the national economy would be "restored" by the Vietnam War's conclusion. McCarthy, meanwhile, contrasted his approach to conflict of "call[ing] upon everyone ... to be as fully responsible as [they] can be" against Humphrey's ("run[ning] things together indiscriminately") and Kennedy's (a "combination of separate interests ... or groups").

On May 7, Kennedy won with 42 percent of the vote; Branigan was second with 31 percent of the vote; and McCarthy, earning 27 percent, came in third. With this victory in Indiana, Kennedy's campaign gained momentum entering the Nebraska primary. In response to the defeat, McCarthy remarked, "We've tested the enemy now, and we know his techniques ... we know his weaknesses."

Campaigning vigorously in Nebraska, Kennedy hoped for a major win to give him momentum going into the crucial California primary. While McCarthy made only one visit to Nebraska, Kennedy made numerous appearances. Though Kennedy's advisors had been worried about his chances in Nebraska, given his lack of credibility on ranching and agriculture policy and the short amount of time to campaign in the state after the Indiana primary, Kennedy won on May 14 with 51.4 percent of the vote to McCarthy's 31 percent. Kennedy won 24 of the 25 counties that he visited ahead of the vote; of those, the sole county he lost by two votes was home to the University of Nebraska, where a plurality of students favored McCarthy. Kennedy declared that the results, where two anti-war candidates collectively earned over 80 percent of the vote, were "a smashing repudiation" of the Johnson-Humphrey administration.

In contrast to Nebraska, the Oregon primary was an uphill battle for Kennedy, and McCarthy ultimately triumphed.

In Oregon, the Kennedy campaign circulated material on McCarthy's record; McCarthy had voted against a minimum wage law and repeal of the poll tax in the Voting Rights Act of 1965. The McCarthy campaign responded with charges that Kennedy illegally taped Martin Luther King, Jr. as United States Attorney General. Ten days ahead of the vote, Kennedy admitted his message did not appeal well to Oregonians: "This state is like one giant suburb. I appeal best to people who have problems." During a speech he gave in California, Kennedy also admitted, "I think that if I get beaten in any primary, I am not a very viable candidate," further raising the stakes in Oregon. Following that comment, Kennedy campaigned for sixteen hours a day; in the weeks before the election, his campaign canvased 50,000 homes.

On May 28, McCarthy won the Oregon primary with 44.7 percent; Kennedy received 38.8 percent of votes. After Kennedy's loss was confirmed, he sent a terse congratulatory message to McCarthy but asserted that he would remain in the race. According to Kennedy biographer Larry Tye, the defeat in Oregon proved to Kennedy that he needed to take risks and convinced voters that Kennedy was vulnerable to electoral defeat. Observers remarked that McCarthy was "back in the race as a real contender."

Meanwhile, in Florida, a slate of Humphrey delegates led by favorite son George A. Smathers easily swept aside McCarthy, who managed only four delegates from two Miami congressional districts.

June 5: California, South Dakota, and New Jersey; Kennedy assassinated

Kennedy began campaigning in California before the Oregon primary; after his loss in Oregon, California's winner-take-all primary became crucial to both his and McCarthy's campaigns. In South Dakota, he also hoped to simultaneously pull off an upset victory over McCarthy and Humphrey, both from neighboring Minnesota.

McCarthy stumped the state's many colleges and universities, where he was treated as a hero for being the first presidential candidate to oppose the war. Kennedy campaigned in the ghettos and barrios of the state's larger cities, where he was mobbed by enthusiastic supporters.

On June 1, Kennedy and McCarthy met in a televised debate, which observers generally considered a draw. Though Kennedy considered the debate "indecisive and disappointing," subsequent polling showed that undecided voters favored his performance by a margin of two-to-one. On June 3, Kennedy made a final swing through the state's major urban centers, San Francisco, Los Angeles, and San Diego, along with suburban Long Beach, in a single day.

On primary day, Kennedy privately expressed his hope to Theodore H. White that victories in California and South Dakota could persuade party insiders that he was more electable than Humphrey and thus win him crucial support from unpledged delegates. As the results came in, it was clear that Kennedy had achieved his goal with popular victories in the two states. McCarthy, who won the popular vote in New Jersey, made it clear that he would contest the upcoming New York primary in Kennedy's adopted state.

Kennedy assassination

After giving his victory speech at the Ambassador Hotel in Los Angeles, California, Kennedy was assassinated in the kitchen service pantry in the early morning of June 5. A Palestinian immigrant with Jordanian citizenship, Sirhan Sirhan, was arrested. Kennedy died 26 hours later at Good Samaritan Hospital.

At the moment of Kennedy's death, the delegate totals were estimated to be:

Hubert Humphrey 561
Robert F. Kennedy 393
Eugene McCarthy 258

Robert Kennedy's death threw the Democratic Party into disarray. While a large portion of his popular support transferred to McCarthy, his delegates, many of whom were party insiders obligated to Kennedy only by law, largely transferred to Humphrey. Even many of Kennedy's anti-war delegates, remembering their bitter primary battles with McCarthy, rallied around the late-starting candidacy of Senator George McGovern of South Dakota, a Kennedy supporter in the spring primaries. The struggle for Kennedy's delegates would remain a feature of the campaign through its final months, up to the convention vote itself, but Kennedy's assassination made Humphrey the prohibitive favorite for the nomination from that point forward.

Schedule and results

Statewide results by winner
Tablemaker's Note:

Total popular vote:
 Eugene McCarthy – 2,914,933 (38.73%)
 Robert F. Kennedy – 2,305,148 (30.63%)
 Lyndon B. Johnson – 383,590 (5.10%)
 Hubert Humphrey – 166,463 (2.21%)
 Unpledged – 161,143 (2.14%)
Johnson/Humphrey surrogates:
 Stephen M. Young – 549,140 (7.30%)
 Thomas C. Lynch – 380,286 (5.05%)
 Roger D. Branigin – 238,700 (3.17%)
 George Smathers – 236,242 (3.14%)
 Scott Kelly – 128,899 (1.71%)
Minor candidates and write-ins:
 George Wallace – 34,489 (0.46%)
 Richard Nixon – 13,610 (0.18%)
 Ronald Reagan – 5,309 (0.07%)
 Ted Kennedy – 4,052 (0.05%)
 Paul C. Fisher – 506 (0.01%)
 John G. Crommelin – 186 (0.00%)

Primary Map By County (Massachusetts not Included)
Hubert Humphrey – Red
Lyndon B. Johnson – Yellow (outside of Florida)
Robert F. Kennedy – Purple
Eugene McCarthy – Green
George Wallace – Lime Green
Roger D. Branigin – Orange
George Smathers – Yellow (Florida Only)
Stephen Young – Brown

Democratic Convention and antiwar protests
When the 1968 Democratic National Convention opened in Chicago, thousands of young antiwar activists from around the nation gathered in the city to protest the Vietnam War. In a clash covered on live television, Americans were shocked to see Chicago Police officers brutally beating antiwar protesters. While the protesters chanted "the whole world is watching," the police used clubs and tear gas to beat back the protesters, leaving many of them bloody and dazed. The tear gas even wafted into numerous hotel suites. In one of them, Humphrey was watching the proceedings on television. Meanwhile, the convention itself was marred by the strong-armed tactics of Chicago Mayor Richard J. Daley, who was seen on television angrily cursing Connecticut Senator Abraham Ribicoff, who had made a speech at the convention denouncing the excesses of the Chicago police in the riots.

In the end, the nomination itself was anticlimactic, with Humphrey handily beating McCarthy and McGovern on the first ballot. The convention then chose Senator Edmund Muskie of Maine as Humphrey's running mate. However, the tragedy of the antiwar riots crippled the Humphrey campaign from the start, and it never fully recovered. (White, pp. 377–378;)

Source: Keating Holland, "All the Votes... Really," CNN

Endorsements
Hubert Humphrey
 President Johnson
 Mayor Richard J. Daley of Chicago
 Former President Harry S. Truman of Missouri
 Entertainer Frank Sinatra

Robert F. Kennedy
 Senator Ralph Yarborough of Texas
 Senator Abraham Ribicoff of Connecticut
 Senator George McGovern of South Dakota
 Senator Ted Kennedy of Massachusetts, the candidate's brother
 Governor Harold E. Hughes of Iowa
 Senator Vance Hartke of Indiana
 Writer Norman Mailer
 Labor Leader Cesar Chavez
 Actress Shirley MacLaine
 Actress Angie Dickinson
 Actress Stefanie Powers
 Actor Peter Lawford, the candidate's brother-in-law
 Actor Bill Cosby
 Musician Sammy Davis Jr.
 Musician Andy Williams
 Musician and actress Claudine Longet
 Musicians Sonny & Cher
 Musicians The Byrds
 Musician Bobby Darin
 Artist Andy Warhol
 Astronaut John Glenn
 NFL football Lamar Lundy
 NFL football Rosey Grier
 NFL football Deacon Jones
 Film and television director John Frankenheimer
 Documentary film director Charles Guggenheim
 Actor Warren Beatty
 Actor Tony Curtis
 Actor Jack Lemmon
 Actor Gregory Peck
 Actor Robert Vaughn

Eugene McCarthy
 Representative Don Edwards of California
 Actor Paul Newman
 Actor Gene Wilder
 Actor Dustin Hoffman
 Musicians Simon & Garfunkel
George McGovern (during convention)
 Senator Abraham Ribicoff of Connecticut
 Senator Joseph S. Clark of Pennsylvania
 Governor Harold E. Hughes of Iowa

See also
Republican Party presidential primaries, 1968

References

Further reading
 Alterman, Eric. The Cause: The Fight for American Liberalism from Franklin Roosevelt to Barack Obama (Penguin, 2013).

 Chester, Lewis, Hodgson, Godfrey, Page, Bruce. An American Melodrama: The Presidential Campaign of 1968. (The Viking Press, 1969).

 Johns, Andrew L. The Price of Loyalty: Hubert Humphrey's Vietnam Conflict (Rowman & Littlefield, 2020).

 Nelson, Justin A. "Drafting Lyndon Johnson: The President's Secret Role in the 1968 Democratic Convention." Presidential Studies Quarterly 30.4 (2000): 688-713.
 Nelson, Michael. "The Historical Presidency: Lost Confidence: The Democratic Party, the Vietnam War, and the 1968 Election." Presidential Studies Quarterly 48.3 (2018): 570-585.

 Small, Melvin. "The Doves Ascendant: The American Antiwar Movement in 1968." South Central Review 16 (1999): 43-52 online.
 Solberg, Carl. Hubert Humphrey: A Biography. (Norton, 1984).

 White, Theodore H. The Making of the President 1968. (1969)

1968 Democratic Party (United States) presidential campaigns


George Henry Sharpe (February 26, 1828 – January 13, 1900) was an American lawyer, soldier, Secret Service officer, diplomat, politician, and Member of the Board of General Appraisers.

Sharpe was born in 1828, in Kingston, New York, into a prominent Ulster County family.  He earned his bachelor's degree at Rutgers University and studied law at Yale University.  He practiced law in New York City from 1847 to 1851.  He served as Secretary of the United States Legation in Vienna, Austrian Empire from 1851 to 1852 and then resumed his law practice in New York from 1854 to 1861.

At the outbreak of the Civil War, Sharpe served as a captain in a New York regiment for three months and then returned to civilian life.  In 1862, at the request of the Governor of New York, he raised a new regiment and went back into service as a colonel with the Army of the Potomac.  In 1863, Maj. Gen. Joseph Hooker selected Sharpe to command the Bureau of Military Information (BMI), the Army of the Potomac's intelligence operation.  He served in that role until the end of the war.  By the war's end, Sharpe was promoted to brevet major general.

After the war, Sharpe mixed his law practice and the pursuit of his interests in New York state Republican Party politics with several stints in Federal government service.  He went to Europe to investigate the Lincoln assassination conspiracy for the State Department.  He served as a U.S. Marshal in New York City and as Surveyor of the Port of New York.  In 1878, he was elected to the New York State Assembly and served for four years, for two of which he was selected as Speaker.  In 1884 he was appointed head of the U.S. Commission to Central and South America and then he ended his career with an appointment to the U.S. Board of General Appraisers in 1890.

Education and early career
Born February 26, 1828, in Kingston, New York, Sharpe earned his bachelor's degree at Rutgers University in 1847 and then studied law at Yale University. He entered private practice in New York City, New York from 1848 to 1851, with the firm of Bidwell & Strong (now known as Cadwalader, Wickersham & Taft). He was Secretary of the United States Legation in Vienna, Austrian Empire for the U.S. State Department from 1851 to 1852. He resumed private practice in Kingston from 1854 to 1861.

Civil War military career

Sharpe had joined the 20th New York State Militia Regiment, based in Kingston, after returning to the United States from his service abroad. By 1861, he had been commissioned to the rank of captain and had been elected to the command of Company B. After the Confederate attack on Fort Sumter in April, the regiment served on guard duty at Annapolis and Baltimore until July.  His company was dissolved back in New York for lack of troops at the end of August and Sharpe returned to civilian life.

Sharpe took up his practice of law again and pursued his interest in local Republican politics.  But in July 1862, when President Lincoln issued a call for volunteers, the governor asked Sharpe to help raise a new regiment.  He did so and was appointed colonel of volunteers of the 120th New York Infantry. Sharpe and the regiment served in the defenses of Washington and from October onward with the Army of the Potomac. They participated in the Battle of Fredericksburg and the infamous Mud March in December but did not see heavy action.

In January 1863, Maj. Gen. Joseph Hooker was appointed to command the Army of the Potomac and he sought to rebuild the army’s intelligence operation. In February, he selected Sharpe to command what became the Bureau of Military Information (BMI) and ultimately appointed him deputy provost marshal general of the Army of the Potomac, under Provost Marshal Brig. Gen. Marsena R. Patrick. Sharpe then built up the BMI staff of analysts, scouts and guides, and civilian support. By the time of the Army of the Potomac’s next major operation at Chancellorsville, in late April, Sharpe had obtained the service of three additional analysts and 24 scouts and guides.

The BMI was the U.S. military’s first “all source” intelligence organization.  As the bureau’s commander, Sharpe deployed scouts and enlisted civilian agents to report on activities behind enemy lines.  He and his assistant analysts interrogated prisoners, deserters, and refugees, and analyzed documents (mostly letters and newspapers).  Sharpe also obtained reports from cavalry reconnaissance, Balloon Corps observation, and Signal Corps observation and flag signal intercepts for his analysis.  He and his assistants wrote the BMI’s reports.

Sharpe served as the head of the BMI for the remainder of the war.  His service and the BMI's work was essential to the Union success in the Eastern Theater because of their ability to determine the whereabouts and activities of Robert E. Lee's Army of Northern Virginia, even when the two armies were out of contact and other Union arms like the cavalry were not operating effectively. On July 4, 1864, to better support all of the Union forces operating in the Richmond-Petersburg area, Lt. Gen. Ulysses S. Grant redesignated the provost marshal of the Army of the Potomac as the provost marshal of the Armies Operating Against Richmond, transferring Sharpe and the BMI to his headquarters. On February 7, 1865, Sharpe was promoted brevet brigadier general of volunteers (backdated to December 20, 1864).

In April 1865, after Lee’s surrender at Appomattox Court House, as deputy provost marshal general, Sharpe paroled 28,000 Confederate Army soldiers, among them General Lee. At that point, the BMI’s mission ended and it went out of existence.  In June, Grant promoted Sharpe to brevet major general of volunteers (effective March 13, 1865) and Sharpe returned to Kingston with his regiment and soon mustered out with them.

Postbellum career

Federal service and New York Republican Party politics
After the war, Sharpe returned to his career in the law in New York and the pursuit of his interests in politics. In 1867, however, based on his knowledge of Sharpe's service as an intelligence officer, Secretary of State William H. Seward, asked Sharpe to become a special agent of the U.S. State Department and go to Europe to locate and investigate Americans who might have been involved in the assassination of President Abraham Lincoln. Seward was particularly interested in finding John Surratt, whose mother Mary Surratt had been hanged as one of the assassination conspirators, as well as former Confederate Secretary of State Judah P. Benjamin.  Sharpe found no evidence of either's participation in the conspiracy.  Surratt was brought back to the United States and put on trial in a civilian court. The trial ended with a hung jury and Surratt was freed and not tried again.

In 1868, with his growing involvement in New York Republican politics and his relationship with Ulysses Grant from the war, Sharpe became a delegate to the 1868 Republican national convention and campaigned for Grant's nomination for the presidency and then for his election in November.  In September 1869, Sharpe was appointed to the Central Committee of the Republican Party of New York and in 1873 he was appointed to the party executive committee.  In 1870, President Grant appointed Sharpe United States Marshal for the Southern District of New York as part of Grant's plan to break the Tweed Ring’s hold on the government of New York City.  Sharpe oversaw the census that demonstrated that the Democratic victories in the 1868 elections had been due to fraud—a form of ballot box stuffing. He and his marshals also oversaw voter registration and the conduct of elections until Sharpe left the post in 1873.

In 1873, Grant appointed Sharpe Surveyor of the Port of New York, under Collector of Customs Chester A. Arthur. At the time, the New York Custom House was the single largest source of revenue for the federal government.  It was the practice of the day for the party in power to appoint the officers and employees of the Custom House and for them in turn to make contributions to the party.  Sharpe conducted his duties accordingly, although he and Arthur did not dismiss any employees for failure to contribute and Sharpe ran the Surveyor's Office efficiently.  By 1877, however, attitudes toward the civil service and political patronage had shifted and President Rutherford Hayes asked Arthur and his principal subordinates, Surveyor Sharpe and Naval Officer Alonzo B. Cornell to resign.  They refused and Hayes removed them from office the next year.

Service in the New York State Assembly
After returning from Washington, Sharpe immersed himself in state politics.  He won election to the New York State Assembly (Ulster Co., 1st D.) in November 1878.  He was given chairmanship of the insurance committee of the Assembly.  A year later he was reelected to the Assembly and won the Speakership. His performance as Speaker was praised for its fairness by the press and even by his opponents.

In the fall of 1880, Sharpe again served as a delegate at the Republican national convention.  The New York delegation was led by Senator Roscoe Conkling, who was a leader of the Stalwarts faction of the party, which supported nominating President Grant for a third term and opposed the civil service reforms advocated by Republicans like President Hayes.  Sharpe was the convention floor leader supporting Grant’s nomination.  Nevertheless, the Stalwarts could not muster sufficient votes to nominate Grant.  The party nominated James A. Garfield for president and, after Sharpe’s initial suggestion, to promote party unity and balance the ticket geographically (albeit over Conkling’s objections), nominated Stalwart Chester Arthur for vice president.

After the convention, Sharpe campaigned hard for the Garfield ticket and they prevailed in November. Sharpe was also reelected to the Assembly. He was reappointed as Speaker in January 1881 but only after a surprising challenge from a Garfield-supported candidate.  A conflict between Conkling and Garfield over New York Customs House patronage led to Conkling's resignation from the Senate.  Conkling tried to force the Republicans in the Assembly to re-elect him to affirm his status as leader of the party but they declined.  Sharpe, who had long been a loyal Conkling supporter, opposed his move on the grounds that it was an affront to the American system of government and that it would likely weaken support for the Republican Party.  Conkling's supporters saw Sharpe's opposition as a betrayal and that would damage him for the rest of his political career.

Nevertheless, Sharpe retained the support of his constituents and he was nominated and re-elected to the Assembly in November.  He lost the party's nomination for Speaker to Thomas G. Alvord in January 1882 (the Speakership was won by the Democrats, who held the majority in the Assembly) and he continued to be vilified by Conkling supporters.  Sharpe's fortunes rose again in Washington, however, with Chester Arthur in the White House after Garfield's assassination the year before.  Sharpe and Arthur had served together in New York Republican politics since the war.  They had become friends and Sharpe served as one of Arthur's informal advisers, visiting him frequently in Washington.  At the Republican state convention in September, party leaders were fiercely divided over a challenge to Governor Alonzo B. Cornell and the Stalwarts' ultimate nomination of Charles J. Folger to replace him was obtained partly by fraud.  That intensified a strong public sentiment against machine candidates.  Sharpe was not renominated for his seat in the Assembly and Folger and the Republicans suffered at the polls.

State party politics and Federal service again
After their losses in 1882, the Republican Party reformed its candidate selection process, reducing the control of the Stalwart machine and allowing some greater participation by party members. Sharpe remained Chairman of the Executive Committee.  He represented Ulster County at the State Republican Convention in September 1883 (but was not nominated for the Assembly).

In April 1884, Sharpe's rival in Ulster County, Congressman Thomas Cornell, blocked his nomination to the state party convention, as Stalwart candidates fared badly across the state. Sharpe was not able to obtain a nomination to either the state or national party conventions. He did attend the national convention and supported President Arthur for a second term but the nomination went to James G. Blaine.

In July 1884, President Arthur appointed Sharpe head of the U.S. Commission to Central and South America, with the rank of Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary. The commission was to promote the commercial relations between the United States and Central/South American countries.  Sharpe performed his duties with enthusiasm but resigned after the election of President Grover Cleveland. He advocated unsuccessfully for the nomination of outgoing President Arthur for Senator from New York.

In 1885, Arthur sought to appoint Sharpe as the Judge Advocate General of the Army just before the end of his term but was opposed by the Army and Republican senators who believed that an appointment made by Arthur would not be confirmed.  Later in the year, Sharpe served on the first local board of the New Paltz Normal school. Remaining active in state politics, he was elected to the Republican state convention in September, chairing the Committee on Contested Seats. He supported the campaign of William M. Evarts against Levi P. Morton for the U.S. Senate.

The next year he led the Ulster County delegation to the state convention in September.  But in 1887, he was not able to attain election to the convention at all.  It had been alleged that Sharpe had not supported the Blaine ticket in 1884, which Sharpe denied, and he faced continuing opposition within the party from Thomas Cornell and former supporters of Roscoe Conkling.  The defeat essentially ended Sharpe's career in electoral politics, although he remained active with the party for some time. In November 1889, Sharpe and other Republicans allied unsuccessfully with Democrats in Ulster County in an attempt to defeat the Republican ticket there. In January 1889, Sharpe was appointed president of the National Bank of Rondout and he gave up his law practice to focus on those duties.

Connection with Civil War veterans

While focusing on his political career, former Maj. Gen. Sharpe also remained in touch with the Union Army veterans he served with during the war.  He held executive positions in several veterans organizations:  Corresponding Secretary for the Army of the Potomac Society, member of the Executive Committee of the One Hundred and Twentieth Regimental Union, director in the Third Army Corps union, Vice President of the 120th New York in the Second Brigade New Jersey Volunteers, and commander of the New York Commandery of the Military Order of the Loyal Legion of the United States.  He attended the reunion at the 25th anniversary of the Battle of Gettysburg in 1888 and the dedication of the monument to the 120th NY at Gettysburg in 1889. In 1896, Sharpe commissioned and paid for a monument to the 120th NY built in the churchyard of the Old First Reformed Dutch Church in Kingston.

Federal judicial service

Sharpe was nominated by President Benjamin Harrison on July 2, 1890, to the Board of General Appraisers, to a new seat created by Congress (26 Stat. 131, 136 (An act to simplify the laws in relation to the collection of the revenues)). He was confirmed by the United States Senate on July 16, 1890, and received his commission on November 16, 1890. The duty of the Board was to review decisions of United States Customs officials concerning the amount of duties to be paid on importations.  Sharpe's cases involved matters from carpet wools and Cuban tobacco leaf to oils, paints, and chemicals and the plumes in women's hats.  His service terminated on March 1, 1899, due to his resignation. He was succeeded by William Barberie Howell.

Death

Sharpe died after an illness on January 13, 1900, in New York City.

Personal
Sharpe's parents were Henry Sharpe (1782–1830) and Helen Hasbrouck Sharpe (1797–1886). His grandfather was Congressman Abraham J. Hasbrouck and his great-grandfather was Joseph Hasbrouck, a lieutenant colonel in the American Revolutionary War. He is also a descendant of Louis DuBois, Huguenot colonist of New Netherland and co-founder of New Paltz, New York.

Sharpe was married to Caroline Hone Hasbrouck, daughter of Congressman Abraham Bruyn Hasbrouck (and his second cousin once removed). Their children were Severyn Bruyn Sharpe, a county judge, Henry Granville Sharpe, a United States Army officer, and Katherine Lawrence Sharpe, who married Congressman Ira Davenport. His granddaughter, Katharine Davenport Sharpe (Severyn's daughter) married Albro Newton Dana, a grandson of geologist James Dwight Dana. He died while visiting the Davenport's residence at 31 East 39th Street in Manhattan. He was buried at Wiltwyck Cemetery in Kingston.

Sites and honors

Camp Sharpe Army psychological warfare training site at Gettysburg, Pennsylvania, 1944

Rutgers College Hall of Distinguished Alumni, Class of 2006

Military Intelligence Hall of Fame, Class of 2013

See also

 List of American Civil War brevet generals (Union)

References

External links
 Frank Leslie: Famous Leaders and Battle Scenes of the Civil War (New York, 1896)
 His lecture on The Last Hours of the Confederacy, in the New York Times, February 21, 1876

 Political Graveyard

 History of US Marshal, Southern District of NY
 Stephen Budiansky, "America's Unknown Intelligence Czar" in American Heritage, October 2004.

1828 births
1900 deaths
Members of the New York State Assembly
Speakers of the New York State Assembly
Rutgers University alumni
Yale University alumni
American Civil War spies
Union Army colonels
19th-century American diplomats
United States Marshals
Politicians from Kingston, New York
Members of the Board of General Appraisers
United States Article I federal judges appointed by Benjamin Harrison
19th-century American judges
19th-century American politicians
People associated with Cadwalader, Wickersham & Taft
Military personnel from New York (state)


KILJ may refer to:

 KILJ (AM), a radio station (1130 AM) licensed to Mount Pleasant, Iowa, United States
 KILJ-FM, a radio station (105.5 FM) licensed to Mount Pleasant, Iowa, United States


The Croatian Helsinki Committee for Human Rights (CHC; , HHO) is an organisation founded to protect and promote human rights in Croatia. It was founded on 31 March 1993, initially as a branch of the International Helsinki Federation and latterly as a member organisation of the Helsinki Committee for Human Rights. Since 14 April 2003, the organization has functioned as a local NGO under Croatian law and is supported by independent academics, journalists and professionals dedicated to protecting and promoting human rights in the country.

Goals
It has publicly declared itself dedicated to the following goals:
 Support, promote and implement the principles of the Final Act of Conference of Security and Co-operation in Europe, signed in Helsinki in August 1975, and all documents resulting from this Act: support, promote and implement principles of the UN relating to human issues, and implement in practice the documents of the Council of Europe;
 Support the development of democratic institutions, and promote the rule of law, human rights, and education for these values;
 Organise research and documentation regarding human rights in Croatia;
 Help victims of violations of human rights and those whose rights are threatened.

Members and employees
Croatian Helsinki Committee for Human Rights is an association of up to 30 members. Its professional office involves 10 employees. Membership in the organisation and paid work are strictly separated; the members (including the Chairman, lawyers, etc.) work on a strictly voluntary basis, and employees are not members of the association.

Field offices
Besides the central office in Zagreb CHC also keeps four field offices (Slavonia/Osijek; Vukovar/Karlovac; Knin, Split/ Dubrovnik), by which it ensures coverage of the most critical areas of the country, notably the areas that were directly affected by the war 1991-95. CHC is a member of the International Helsinki Federation, the Human Rights House Network, and the Balkan Human Rights Network; it cooperates with Croatian judiciary, public administration and other relevant institutions, both in dealing with cases of violations of human rights and in developing new systemic solutions.

Work
 Dealing with Human rights violations cases, based on interventions at responsible instances of the system through lobbying, actions in public, and cooperation with relevant authorities
 Education for human rights for youth, thereby compensating for the absence of the topics of human rights in Croatian curricula;  education on human rights for young professionals/future decision makers in South-Eastern Europe – in cooperation with the Balkan Human Rights Network (seven schools, involving 30 participants each, from 2001–07); the Summer Schools of Human Rights: education on particular issues of human rights for activists of civil society, journalists, MPs and civil servants in Croatia and other post-Yugoslav countries
 Advanced education for judiciary (judges, public attorneys etc.), subsequently taken over by Judicial Academy; human rights manuals for the police and citizens, in cooperation with the Police Academy (owing to which the subject of human rights was included in the curricula of the Academy)
 Advocating legislation relevant to human rights. The Freedom of Information Act was adopted as a result of advocacy of an NGO coalition coordinated by CHC; the Act makes it possible to demand transparency and accountability much more efficiently.  The draft Act on Political Parties was proposed to the Parliament, but was rejected; although formally unsuccessful, this campaign was well recognised in media, and effectively disclosed the resistance of the entire political elite (regardless of party affiliation) to transparency with regard to internal democracy, finances, distribution of electoral candidacies or influential positions etc. Recently,  CHC has been involved in preparations of draft laws against discrimination and on free legal aid
 Monitoring freedom of information and expression, defence of rights of journalists, as well as of persons whose rights have been violated by media (privacy, personal dignity, etc.)
 Documentation of civilian victims of the military operations "Bljesak" ("Flash") and "Oluja" ("Storm") in May and August 1995
 Monitoring trials of war crimes in Croatia

Presidents
 1993–1998 - Ivan Zvonimir Čičak
 2000–2007 - Žarko Puhovski
 2007 - Danijel Ivin
 2007–2009 - Ivo Banac
 2009–present - Ivan Zvonimir Čičak

Footnotes

External links
 Croatian Helsinki Committee

Human rights organizations based in Croatia
Organizations established in 1993
1993 establishments in Croatia


KILR may refer to:

 KILR (AM), a radio station (1070 AM) licensed to Estherville, Iowa, United States
 KILR-FM, a radio station (95.9 FM) licensed to Estherville, Iowa, United States


English National Ballet School is a specialist classical ballet school based in London in the United Kingdom.  The School was founded in 1988 by Peter Schaufuss as the official school of English National Ballet. The School's current artistic director is Viviana Durante.

Overview
English National Ballet School is a specialist training centre for young ballet dancers aged 16 to 19. Many graduates become dancers with English National Ballet as well as with other international ballet companies.

History

The School was founded in 1988 by then director Peter Schaufuss of English National Ballet as a feeder school for the company. It began with just 12 students, sharing premises with the company. The School grew rapidly, and in 1995 Diana, Princess of Wales opened its new premises in Chelsea, enabling it to train many more dancers.

Today the School exists as a separate entity but maintains strong links with its parent company, around a third of whose dancers are graduates of the School. Students perform in ENB's touring productions of My First Ballet as well as in the company's main stage productions and those of other leading UK companies. The School's own performances are widely noted, with Dance Europe describing the Winter 2019 performance as 'a terrific show...both entertaining and thoughtful.'

English National Ballet School has an associate programme, ENBS Juniors, for girls and boys aged 3 and up. In 2020, the School initiated a Graduate Trainee Programme as a response to the global pandemic.

Notable alumni
Ruth Brill, choreographer and first artist with Birmingham Royal Ballet
Constance Devernay, principal dancer with Scottish Ballet
Hope Muir, artistic director of National Ballet of Canada, Former artistic director of Charlotte Ballet
Nancy Osbaldeston, principal dancer with Royal Ballet of Flanders
Laurretta Summerscales, principal dancer with Bavarian State Ballet
Erina Takahashi, lead principal dancer with English National Ballet

Notable teachers
David Yow
Senri Kou
Michael Berkin
Juan Eymar
Şebnem Önal

References

English National Ballet
Ballet schools in the United Kingdom
Ballet in London
Educational institutions established in 1988
1988 establishments in England


The London Agreement on German External Debts, also known as the London Debt Agreement  (German: Londoner Schuldenabkommen), was a debt relief treaty between the Federal Republic of Germany and creditor nations. The Agreement was signed in London on 27 February 1953, and came into force on 16 September 1953.

Overview
On 24 May 1951, the US and UK Departments of Foreign Affairs respectively, informed the Allied Countries involved in the settlement, about a new arrangement regarding Germany's External Debts. The content of the dispatch made the main points of discussion clear from the start. The dispatch contained the following texts.

In response to the Allies, Adenauer informed them about Germany’s desire to repay its debts. The Conference on German External Debts (also known as the London Debt Conference) was held between 28 February and 28 August 1952. The Agreement reached at the Conference was signed in London on 27 February 1953. The Agreement was ratified by the United States, France, and United Kingdom on 16 September 1953, at which point the agreement came into force. The Agreement was firstly turned down by the Bundestag and then approved on a following vote.

Debts covered by the Agreement
The parties that were involved besides West Germany included Belgium, Canada, Ceylon, Denmark, France, Greece, Iran, the Republic of Ireland, Italy, Liechtenstein, Luxembourg, Norway, Pakistan, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, the Union of South Africa, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, the United States of America, and Yugoslavia.  The states of the Eastern Bloc were not involved.

Some amounts owed by Germany arose from its efforts to pay war reparations, and others were associated with large scale loans by the United States. In total, 80 percent of Germany’s external obligations were owed to the United States, the Netherlands, the United Kingdom, and Switzerland.

The Agreement covered loans arising from external investments due to the Dawes Plan, and loans from economic aid to Germany. The support was provided by two major programs, the GARIOA and the Marshall Plan.

Debts that would be settled by different arrangements were excluded from the London Agreement. Claims arising by countries damaged by Germany during World War II were not included. The debts to be settled by the London Agreement included;

The Agreement was based on three important conditions. Firstly, the total amount that Germany was obligated to pay would be greatly reduced. The repayments’ timeframe should be stretched long enough in order to help Germany’s economy grow. Last but not least, the total that was supposed to be paid per year was associated with Germany’s “ability to make transfers”. It can be described as a broad based Agreement as it settled just about every kind of German debt arising from the period before and after the Second World War.

The total under negotiation was 16 billion marks of debt resulting from the Treaty of Versailles after World War I which had not been paid in the 1930s, but which Germany decided to repay to restore its reputation. This money was owed to government and private banks in the U.S., France, and Britain. Another 16 billion marks represented postwar loans by the U.S. According to several commentators, the total of debts arising before World War II were 16.1 billion marks, while debts after the War were calculated to be 16.2 billion marks. Under the London Agreement, the repayable amount was reduced by 50% to about 15 billion marks and stretched out over 30 years, and compared to the fast-growing German economy were of minor impact. An important term of the agreement was that repayments were only due while West Germany ran a trade surplus, and that repayments were limited to 3% of export earnings. The amounts set by the Agreement were meant to be paid by the profit resulting from German exports, not from stockpile or new loaned amounts. This gave Germany's creditors a powerful incentive to import German goods, assisting reconstruction. After the settlement came into force, for the next five years, until 1958, Germany had to pay only debts arising from unpaid interest. This is another example of attempts made to help Germany’s economy grow before starting to pay the owed amounts. This way, the Allies also acknowledged the willingness of Germany to compensate Israel.

After the five-year mark, Germany was under obligation to pay a fixed amount of 765 million Marks per year. As time went by Germany’s exports increased significantly, making fulfilment of payments a lot easier and reducing their negative effects on the economy. Debts covered by the Agreement were almost paid off during the 1970s. Germany continued to pay the fixed amount until the last payment was settled in 1983.

Part of the agreement concerned debts to be paid after the reunification of Germany. For many decades this seemed unlikely to transpire, but in 1990 Deutsche Mark 239.4 million in deferred interest became due. These claims were repaid by means of "Fundierungsschuldverschreibungen" (Funding Debt Securities) with a maturity of 20 years. On 3 October 2010 the final payment of €69.9 million was made on these bonds, the last payment by Germany on known debts from both world wars.

Negotiations

The negotiations started with the Allies creating a Commission. The Commission's key role was to determine the types of debts that would be addressed by the London Agreement. During the process, the two sides negotiated the terms of the Agreement “as equals”. The first conference was held in Bonn, in June 1951. The next conference was held in London in July 1951.

In February 1952 another conference occurred. This was the most essential moment of the entire negotiation process. The total amounts of debts and the compensations’ deadlines were the main topic of conversation. Germany’s negotiating skills played a huge role in the settlements’ outcome.

In the last parts of negotiations, some “intergovernmental debts” were settled and “detailed technical reports” were produced that were included in the London Agreement.

Impact
The agreement significantly contributed to the growth of the post-war German economy and re-emergence of Germany as a world economic power. A 2018 study in the European Review of Economic History showed that the London Agreement "spurred economic growth in three main ways: creating fiscal space for public investment; lowering costs of borrowing; and stabilising inflation." It allowed Germany to enter international economic institutions such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund. Another study has shown that the London Agreement can be associated with a "rise in real per capita social expenditure in health, education, housing, and economic development". The stabilization of inflation was a major benefit for the German economy. West Germany's new currency, the Deutsche Mark, was highly unstable until 1953. After the signing of the agreement, it stabilized due to the debt relief. The transition of West Germany from a debtor to a creditor by the middle of the 1950s had an impact on Germany's economic growth as well. The agreement's outcome can be described as a German economic miracle. Germany achieved all of the above, despite being obligated to pay the total amount of war reparations (with interest) prior to the London Conference and despite the presence of an Arbitral tribunal.

See also
 German reparations for World War II
 Marshall Plan
 World War I reparations
 Dawes Plan, 1924–29
 Young Plan, 1930–32
 Hoover Moratorium stopped payments in 1931

References

Further reading

 Timothy W. Guinnane, "Financial Vergangenheitsbewältigung: The 1953 London Debt Agreement" (Economic Growth Center, Yale University, 2004) online

External links
Text of the treaty
 Éric Toussaint, The Marshall Plan and the Debt Agreement on German debt
 Timothy W. Guinnane, Financial Vergangenheitsbewältigung: The 1953 London Debt Agreement

1953 in Germany
Economy of West Germany
History of government debt
Reparations
Treaties concluded in 1953
Treaties of West Germany
Treaties of Australia
Treaties of Belgium
Treaties of Canada
Treaties of Sri Lanka
Treaties of Denmark
Treaties of France
Treaties of Greece
Treaties of Iran
Treaties of Ireland
Treaties of Italy
Treaties of Liechtenstein
Treaties of Luxembourg
Treaties of Norway
Treaties of Pakistan
Treaties of Spain
Treaties of Sweden
Treaties of Switzerland
Treaties of South Africa
Treaties of the United Kingdom
Treaties of the United States
Treaties of Yugoslavia
Debt


Operation Old Bridge is the code name for the February 7, 2008 arrests in Italy and the United States that targeted the Gambino crime family; among the indicted were the reputed acting bosses Jackie D'Amico, Nicholas Corozzo and Joseph Corozzo. The indictments included murder, drug trafficking, robbery, and extortion.

Operation
The Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) was able to collect the needed information through informant Joseph Vollaro, (owner of a truck company on Staten Island) who secretly recorded several conversations with members of the Gambino family. More than 80 people were indicted in the Eastern District of New York.  The case is now referred to as United States of America v. Agate et al.  It was initially assigned to Judge Nicholas Garaufis, but later reassigned to Judge Jack B. Weinstein.

Gambino crime family boss Nicholas Corozzo turned fugitive after he was tipped off by his daughter who witnessed her husband and fellow mobster being led away by the US authorities. On May 29, 2008, Corozzo finally couldn't take life on the run anymore and so he turned himself in to authorities with his lawyer by his side. Of the 62 American defendants, 60 pleaded guilty with at least 52 of them facing no more than three years in prison.

The operation broke up a growing alliance between the Gambinos and the Sicilian Mafia, who wanted to get  further into the drug trade. One of those arrested in the raids in the US was Frank Cali, a captain in the Gambino family. He was allegedly the "ambassador" in the US for the Inzerillo crime family.

The name of the police operation, "Old Bridge", refers to the historical ties of an exile group of Sicilian Mafiosi across the Atlantic Ocean. After the Second Mafia War in the beginning of the 1980s the surviving members of the Inzerillo mafia family had been "allowed" to migrate to New York to avoid extermination by the Corleonesi faction and then victorious Sicilian boss of bosses Salvatore Riina. The Inzerillo's American relatives and associates of New York's Gambino family intervened on their behalf. They were allowed to settle in the States in exchange for a pledge: neither they nor their offspring would ever again set foot on Sicilian soil. They became known as gli Scappati, the Runaways. Two decades later, the Runaways were returning to Palermo. The exiles had good reasons: Riina and his successor Bernardo Provenzano were both arrested and are serving life terms in Italy. The runaway Inzerillo clan was allegedly rebuilding the "Old Bridge" between America and Sicily, reestablishing the business and drug trafficking ties between the Sicilian and American mobs.

Convictions
The following list contains some of the most notable charged and does not include most of those convicted.

Other indicted Mafiosi

American Mafiosi indicted
Those without a release date listed either weren't sentenced to jail time or weren't imprisoned in a Federal Bureau of Prisons.

Joseph Agate
Vincent "Elmo" Amarante
Jerome "Jerry" Brancato (released September 3, 2010)
Nicholas Calvo (released January 12, 2010)
Joseph "Joe Rackets" Casiere
Mario "Lanza" Cassarino (released September 15, 2010)
John Cavallo
Gino Cracolici
Sarah Dauria
Vincent "Vinny Hot" Decongilio (released January 22, 2010)
Salvatore DeGrazia
Vincent Donnis
Robert Francis "Bobby the Jew" Epifania (released June 6, 2010)
Cody Farrell
Louis Faustino
Russell "One Eye" Ferrisi (released December 5, 2008)
Louis Filippelli (released December 9, 2008)
Ronald Flam
Joseph "Joe Gag" Gaggi
Abid "Han" Ghani (released February 14, 2008)
Anthony "Buckwheat" Giammarino
Ernest "Ernie" Grillo (released April 13, 2010)
Christopher Howard
Steven Francis "Stevie I" Iaria (released March 31, 2009)
Eddie James
John Kasgorgis (released April 4, 2008)
William Kilgannon
Michael King
Anthony Licata (released February 1, 2011)
Joseph Marsilio
De facto Morganelli
Anthony O'Donnell
James Outerie (released June 25, 2010)
Vincent "Vinny Basile" Pacelli (released May 5, 2010)
John "Johnny Red Rose" Pisano (released September 30, 2008)
Todd Polakoff
Giulio "Gino" Pomponio
John "Reeg" Regis (released October 3, 2008)
Jerry Romano
Angelo "Little Ang" Ruggiero, Jr. (release date: May 2, 2013)
Steven Sabella
Jimmy Scalzo
Anthony John Scibelli (released January 26, 2011)
Augustus "Gus" Sclafani
Joseph Scopo (released July 27, 2010)
William "Billy" Scotto
Edward "Eddie" Sobol
Joseph Spinnato (released January 30, 2009)
Michael "Mike the Electrician" Urciuoli (released June 24, 2008)
Frank "Frankie" Vassallo
Tara "Big Tara" Vega
Arthur Zagari

Sicilian mafiosi indicted
 Francesco Adelfio (66)
 Salvatore Adelfio (42)
 Giuseppe Brunettini (37)
 Filippo Casamento (82) (Bocadifalco clan member, Bonanno family associate, former Catalano-Ganci Consortium member and Pizza Connection defendant) (released May 7, 2010)
 Antonino Chiappara (42)
 Sergio Corallo (42)
 Giovanni De Simone (46)
 Maurizio Di Fede (40)
 Salvatore Emanuele Di Maggio (59) (Torretta clan member)
 Nicola Di Salvo (70)
 Melchiorre Guglielmini (49)
 Giovanni Inzerillo (36) (son of Salvatore Inzerillo)
 Tommaso Lo Presti (33)
 Giovanni Lo Verde (69)
 Stefano Marino (36)
 Gianni Nicchi (27) (Pagliarelli capo-mafia, successor to Rotolo, Sicilian emissary to New York)
 Pietro Pipitone (54)
 Gaetano Savoca (41) (Brancaccio)
 Vincenzo Savoca (77) (Brancaccio)

Sicilian mafiosi already in prison who were indicted
 Andrea Adamo (46) (Brancaccio capo-mafia, ally of Salvatore Lo Piccolo)
 Calogero Di Gioia (60)
 Lorenzo Di Fede (83)
 Benedetto Graviano (50)
 Tommaso Inzerillo (59)
 Cesare Carmelo Lupo (47)
 Antonio Rotolo (62) (Pagliarelli capo-mafia, Palermo Federation leader, rival of Salvatore Lo Piccolo)
 Giuseppe "Pino" Savoca (74) (Brancaccio capo-mafia)
 Salvatore Sorrentino (43)

Sicilian mafiosi on the run
 Salvatore Parisi (54)

Sicilian mafiosi indicted who turned pentito
 Giovanni Adelfio (70) (Villagrazia clan member)

References

Further reading
 De Risi, Giuliano. 79 Arresti Tra Sicilia e USA, Mafia, Stroncato L'Asse Palermo-New York, AGI News On. February 7, 2008.

Federal Bureau of Investigation operations
Gambino crime family
History of the Sicilian Mafia
American Mafia events
Operations against organized crime in the United States
Operations against organized crime in Italy